Europe's Pivotal Players
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PES Report of Activities 2001-2004 (24 April 2004)
PES • PSE • SPE European Parliament rue Wiertz B 1047 Brussels PES report of activities 2001-2004 (24 April 2004) Introduction During the period between the 2001 Berlin Congress and 2004 Brussels Congress the Party of European Socialists has faced challenges both in political and organisational terms. After a period of extraordinary electoral success in the second half of the nineties, governmental participation of PES parties has gone down. Within the EU PES parties are in government in 6 out of 15 Member states, in the new Member States PES parties are in 5 out of 10 governments. There is however no reason to conclude that European Social Democracy is facing an electoral crisis. The vast majority of EU citizens from May 1 st onwards are governed at national level led by a PES party (Germany, United Kingdom, Sweden, Spain, Poland, Czech republic, Hungary and Lithuania) or by a government with PES party participation (Belgium, Finland and Slovenia.). Fact remains that during the period 2001-2004, President Robin Cook and the Presidency had to adapt the activities to the fact that less than before PES parties were governmental parties. The role of PES ministerial co-operation has decreased and more than before the PES has undertaken major policy co- ordination projects of its own. Two major policy co-ordination projects The co-ordination of the Social Democrat and Socialist members of the European Convention under the leadership of Giuliano Amato and later the globalisation project under the leadership of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen have been project of a magnitude and an impact the PES has never seen before. -
Global Agenda Council Reports 2010 Gl Global Agenda Council O
Global Agenda Council Reports 2010 Global Agenda Council 2010 Reports Global Agenda Council Reports 2010 .weforum.org) ofit; it is tied to no political, no to tied is it ofit; -pr national organization committed to improving the improving committed to organization national The World Economic Forum is an independent an is Forum Economic World The inter partnerships in leaders engaging by world the of state and industry agendas. to shape global, regional in based and 1971, in a foundation as Incorporated is Forum Economic World the Switzerland, Geneva, not-for and impartial partisan or national interests. (www partisan or national interests. Global_Agenda_SRO_Layout 1 13.01.10 10:29 Page3 Global Agenda Council Reports 2010 Summaries of Global Agenda Council Discussions from the Summit on the Global Agenda 2009 Global_Agenda_SRO_Layout 1 13.01.10 10:29 Page4 This publication is also available in electronic form on the World Economic Forum’s website at the following address: The Global Agenda 2010 Web version: www.weforum.org/globalagenda2010 (HTML) The book is also available as a PDF: www.weforum.org/pdf/globalagenda2010.pdf Other specific information on the Network of Global Agenda Councils can be found at the following links: www.weforum.org/globalagenda2010 www.weforum.org/globalagenda2009/interviews www.weforum.org/globalagenda2009/reports www.weforum.org/globalagenda2009/webcasts The opinions expressed and data communicated in this publication are those of Global Agenda Council Members and do not necessarily reflect the views of the World Economic Forum. World Economic Forum 91-93 route de la Capite CH-1223 Cologny/Geneva Switzerland Tel.: +41 (0)22 869 1212 Fax: +41 (0)22 786 2744 E-mail: [email protected] www.weforum.org © 2010 World Economic Forum All rights reserved. -
Flexicurity – an Open Method of Coordination at the National Level ? Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen
Flexicurity – an open method of coordination at the national level ? Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen To cite this version: Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen. Flexicurity – an open method of coor- dination at the national level ?. 2009. halshs-00407394 HAL Id: halshs-00407394 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00407394 Submitted on 28 Jul 2009 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Documents de Travail du Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne Flexicurity – an open method of coordination, at the national level ? Jean-Claude BARBIER, Fabrice COLOMB, Per KongshØj MADSEN 2009.46 Maison des Sciences Économiques, 106-112 boulevard de L'Hôpital, 75647 Paris Cedex 13 http://ces.univ-paris1.fr/cesdp/CES-docs.htm ISSN : 1955-611X Flexicurity – an open method of coordination, at the national level? Jean-Claude Barbier Fabrice Colomb CNRS Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne Centre d’économie de la Sorbonne (CES) 106/112 Bd de l’Hôpital 75647 Paris Cedex 13, France Per Kongshøj Madsen Centre for Labour Market Research (CARMA) Aalborg University Fibigerstræde 1, DK-9220 Aalborg Ø., Denmark Document de Travail du Centre d'Economie1 de la Sorbonne - 2009.46 Résumé La flexicurité (ou flexisécurité) est une notion qui s’est répandue depuis le début des années 2000, à la suite de l’usage du terme aux Pays-Bas et au Danemark. -
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Volume 60, Issue 5 Page 1345 Stanford Law Review SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUNDS AND CORPORATE GOVERNANCE: A MINIMALIST RESPONSE TO THE NEW MERCANTILISM Ronald J. Gilson & Curtis J. Milhaupt © 2008 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University, from the Stanford Law Review at 60 STAN. L. REV. 1345 (2008). For information visit http://lawreview.stanford.edu. SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUNDS AND CORPORATE GOVERNANCE: A MINIMALIST RESPONSE TO THE NEW MERCANTILISM Ronald J. Gilson* & Curtis J. Milhaupt** INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................1345 I. THE SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUND PHENOMENON................................................1354 II. TWO FACES OF SWF EQUITY INVESTMENTS....................................................1360 III. A MINIMALIST SOLUTION: VOTE SUSPENSION ...............................................1362 IV. THE LIMITS OF VOTE SUSPENSION .................................................................1365 A. The Problem of Underinclusion................................................................1365 B. The Problem of Overinclusion ..................................................................1367 CONCLUSION........................................................................................................1368 INTRODUCTION Keynes taught years ago that international cash flows are always political.1 Western response to the enormous increase in the number and the assets of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs), and other government-directed -
[email protected] Conference DRAFT Subject to Revision. Please
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON A NEW PARADIGM IN HOUSING POLICY December 12-13, 2001, Shilla Hotel Seoul, Republic of Korea REGULATING HOUSING MARKETS IN A NEW GLOBAL ERA: DO WE HAVE A FRAMEWORK? Bertrand RENAUD, Ph. D. [email protected] Conference DRAFT subject to revision. Please do not quote 8 December 2011 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON A NEW PARADIGM IN HOUSING POLICY December 12-13, 2001, Shilla Hotel Seoul, Republic of Korea REGULATING HOUSING MARKETS IN A NEW GLOBAL ERA: DO WE HAVE A FRAMEWORK? 1 Bertrand RENAUD, Ph. D. [email protected] [email protected] Conference DRAFT subject to revision. Please do not quote [Printed on: Thursday, December 08, 2011, 20:24. Version 7] “The challenge is to improve our understanding of the linkages between the financial sector and real activity” Donald Kohn, Vice-Chairman of the U.S. Federal Reserve, Speech, November 2008 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Challenge of regulating housing markets for stability and social access in a new era The global financial and economic crisis of 2007-09 (GFC) has ushered us into a new global economic, social, political and environmental era. Prior to the global financial crisis, in high income economies decades of financial liberalization and innovation had seen quickening waves of housing price cycles of increasing amplitude, especially in the U.S. that has been the dominant economy. (FIGURE 1). We expect that many national housing systems will now perform differently from the way they did during the Great Moderation and the great liquidity boom that fed the global housing boom.2 National policy makers are confronted collectively with the challenge of regulating housing markets to make them more robust and achieve two things simultaneously: on one hand prevent the recurrence of the large bubbles that triggered a systemic financial crisis in the US and several other Western economies, on the other hand insure that the housing system provides access to a socially acceptable level of housing services for all households across all forms of tenure: ownership, private rental and social rental. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
Day by Day Summary of the Election Campaign
Day by Day Summary of the Election Campaign Friday, 26 August It was Prime Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen’s plan to introduce a bonus to people purchasing a house. This bonus has been criticized for artificially inflating house prices and therefore for being a bad way to instigate growth. On Saturday 20 August the Social Democrats (S) somehow learned about the plan and decided to launch it themselves, despite Helle Thorning-Schmidt having said on Friday that she did not want to introduce measures to stimulate the housing market. This led to a chaotic Saturday where Løkke Rasmussen and the Liberal Party (V) tried to do damage control. Quickly the Danish People’s Party (DF) declared their opposition to the plan due to a lot of their voters not being house owners. Liberal Alliance (LA) is as a general rule opposed to state subsidies so they were opposed as well leaving V and the Conservative Party (K) alone with the plan on the blue wing. On the red wing the situation was similar. S and the Socialist People’s Party (SF) agreed on the idea while the Unity List (EL) represents the left wing and therefore does not believe in the state funding those with the means to buy a house – plus a lot of their voters rent their homes. The Social Liberal Party (R) is opposed with the argument that the plan is a shortsighted one which will probably not do much for the economy anyway. Thus S-SF and VK were alone and they did not want to cooperate to get a majority for the plan. -
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: an Early Assessment
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: An Early Assessment John Peterson University of Edinburgh Paper prepared for the 14th Biennial Conference of the EU Studies Association, Boston, 5-7th February 2015 DRAFT: Not for citation without permission Comments welcome [email protected] Abstract This paper offers an early evaluation of the European Commission under the Presidency of Jean-Claude Juncker, following his contested appointment as the so-called Spitzencandidat of the centre-right after the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It confronts questions including: What will effect will the manner of Juncker’s appointment have on the perceived legitimacy of the Commission? Will Juncker claim that the strength his mandate gives him license to run a highly Presidential, centralised Commission along the lines of his predecessor, José Manuel Barroso? Will Juncker continue to seek a modest and supportive role for the Commission (as Barroso did), or will his Commission embrace more ambitious new projects or seek to re-energise old ones? What effect will British opposition to Juncker’s appointment have on the United Kingdom’s efforts to renegotiate its status in the EU? The paper draws on a round of interviews with senior Commission officials conducted in early 2015 to try to identify patterns of both continuity and change in the Commission. Its central aim is to assess the meaning of answers to the questions posed above both for the Commission and EU as a whole in the remainder of the decade. What follows is the proverbial ‘thought piece’: an analysis that seeks to provoke debate and pose the right questions about its subject, as opposed to one that offers many answers. -
Post DIGITAL REVOLUTION for the Many, Not for the Few
10 # # The 10 WINTER 2018-2019 3.00 € Progressive Post DIGITAL REVOLUTION for the many, not for the few SPECIAL COVERAGE #EP2019 How could the Left recover? NEXT DEMOCRACY NEXT GLOBAL NEXT SOCIAL Baby-boomers vs Millennials Bolsonaro, the Left Social housing: back on and Europe the progressive agenda NEXT ECONOMY NEXT LEFT NEXT ENVIRONMENT FOLLOW UP End of Quantitative easing - Culture to rebuild Free public transport Global Compact for Safe, Scenarios for the real economy faith in democracy everywhere Orderly and Regular Migration Quarterly : December - January - February www.progressivepost.eu ProgressiveThe Post Europeans share a common history and future, but their ideas and ideals still need a public space. The Progressive Post The truly European progressive opinion magazine that gathers world-renowned experts, to offer a platform informing the public about the issues facing Europe today. The Progressive Post The magazine is published in two languages: English and French. We’ve got also partnerships with The Fabian Review (UK) and TEMAS (ES) Progressivepost.eu + @FEPS-Europe Daily analysis and opinion to supplement the print edition With the support of the European Parliament PUBLICATION DIRECTOR Ernst Stetter EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Alain Bloëdt EDITORS Karine Jehelmann, Olaf Bruns EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Ania Skrzypek, David Rinaldi, Vassilis Ntousas, Maria Freitas, Hedwig Giusto, Charlotte Billingham, Lisa Kastner, Laeticia Thissen, Justin Nogarède TRANSLATORS Ben O'Donovan, Amandine Gillet, Françoise Hoffelinck, Eurideas Language Experts PROOFREADING Louise Hanzlik, Stéphanie Bessalem COORDINATION & GRAPHIC DESIGN www.triptyque.be PHOTO CREDITS Shutterstock, The EU’s Audiovisual Media Services COVER ILLUSTRATION Peter Willems - Vec-Star COPYRIGHT © FEPS – Foundation for European Progressive Studies N°10 - Winter 2018 - 19 ISSN 2506-7362 EDITORIAL Digital: revolution without revolt by Maria Joao Rodrigues, FEPS President This edition focuses on the digital revolution. -
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE SHAPING CHANGE in TURBULENT TIMES on the Occasion of the Federal Party Conference of the SPD
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE SHAPING CHANGE IN TURBULENT TIMES on the occasion of the Federal Party Conference of the SPD Venue: Willy-Brandt-Haus, Wilhelmstr. 140, 10963 Berlin PROVISIONAL AGENDA 03.12. 13:30 ENTRANCE 14:30 OPENING Welcome remarks by SIGMAR GABRIEL, Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) MARTIN SCHULZ, Member of the Presidium of the SPD, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of the Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament PANEL ON A STRONG SOCIAL DEMOCRACY FOR A STRONG EUROPE Inter alia: MASSIMO D‘ALEMA, President of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies and former Prime Minister of Italy VICTOR PoNTA, Party Chairman of the Romanian Social Democrats (PSD) PoUL NYRUP RASMUSSEN, President of the Party of European Socialists and former Prime Minister of Denmark BoRIS TADIC, President of the Republic of Serbia and Party Chairman of the Democratic Party of Serbia (tbc) Moderation: DAGMAR RoTH-BeHRENDT MEP, Vicepresident of the European Parliament STATEMENT OUR ResPONSIBILITY FOR CHANGE HAMed ABDEL-SAMAD, Political Scientist and Author from Egypt PANEL ON PROGRESSIVE PoLITICS FOR THE 21ST CENTURY Inter alia: WALDEN BeLLO, Member of the Philippines’ House of Representatives ALFRed GUSENBAUER, Vicepresident of the Socialist International and former Chancellor of Austria KJELD JAkoBSEN, International Advisor to the Chairman of the Brazil Workers’ Party (PT) JoHN PodesTA, President of the Center for American Progress DR. GIRIJA VYAS, Member of the Indian Parliament Moderation: DR. H.C. GeRNOT ERLER MP, Deputy Chair of the SPD Parliamentary Group 17:30 END OF THE INTERNATIONAL CoNFERENCE 18:00 sHUTTLE SERVICE TO THE RECEPTION 18:30 RECEPTION FOR INTERNATIONAL GUESTS HosTed BY THE voRWÄRTS Umspannwerk Kreuzberg, Ohlauer Straße 43, 10999 Berlin. -
Kunsten at Lægge Historien Til Rette Anders Fogh Rasmussen Og Opgøret Med Den Danske Udenrigspolitiske Tradition
KUNSTEN AT LÆGGE HISTORIEN TIL RETTE ANDERS FOGH RASMUSSEN OG OPGØRET MED DEN DANSKE UDENRIGSPOLITISKE TRADITION ROSANNA FARBØL Hvis du tager det sidste århundredes udenrigspolitik, var den jo fyldt med dobbeltmoral og hykleri. Tiden var præget af en typisk småstatstankegang om at leve stille og ube- mærket, foregive at være neutral og ikke lægge sig ud med nogen. Den tankegang skal ændres.1 Således karakteriserede forhenværende statsminister Anders Fogh Rasmussen i 2006 den danske udenrigspolitiske tradition samt regeringens udenrigspolitiske mission. Det var et af Anders Fogh Rasmussens stærkest markerede ønsker, at hans regeringers udenrigspolitiske proil skulle bryde med dansk udenrigspoli- tisk tradition. Han karakteriserede denne tradition som ‘den passive tilpasnings- politik’, hvor Danmark alt for ofte opgav at kæmpe for værdier som demokrati og frihedsrettigheder, og i stedet ydmygende tilpassede sig stormagter i et naivt håb om neutralitet. Samarbejdspolitikken under Besættelsen og dansk koldkrigspoli- tik, særligt fodnotepolitikken, var omdrejningspunkterne i opgøret med for tiden. Disse to politikker repræsenterede i Anders Fogh Rasmussens tolkning højde- punkterne af tilpasning i den danske udenrigspolitiske tradition, og udgjorde et internationalt såvel som et nationalt svigt samt moralsk forræderi. Opgøret med fortiden var en central del af den værdidebat, i pressen hurtigt døbt ’kulturkampen’, Anders Fogh Rasmussen startede i begyndelsen af det nye årtusinde. Værdidebattens formål var at gennemføre en holdningsændring, der skulle danne baggrund for en ændring af det danske samfund i en mere liberal retning, hvor individet i højere grad tog ansvar for sig selv. Dette skulle også gøre sig gældende i udenrigspolitikken, hvor Danmark skulle tage medansvar i ver- den, og aktivt forsvare og udbrede den vestlige verdens værdier.2 I bredere for- 1 Ugebrevet Mandag Morgen: ”Fogh” 11.9.2006. -
The Return of Geo-Economics: Globalisation and National Security
perspectives The Return of Geo-economics: Globalisation and National Security Mark P. Thirlwell S e p t e m b e r 2 0 1 0 The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. The return of geoeconomics: Globalisation and national security 1 Mark Thirlwell Globalisation, international economics and national security Inevitably, thinking about our national security environment requires grappling with a wide range of issues. These include those found in the traditional security sphere as well as such nontraditional security challenges as natural disasters, climate change and pandemics. It also involves understanding the changing international economic environment, including the far reaching implications of globalisation. In particular, I think it’s extremely hard to argue with the proposition that the current international environment is one that is marked by an increasingly dense entanglement of issues related to international economics, national security and foreign policy.