;: TheNew--- INTERNATIONAL

In Mostow in lenin's DIIYs:

1920·1921 by Alfred Rosmer

The Crisis in Distribution

by T. N. VelIlC.

THE BRITISH ELECTIONS

THREE VITAL COURT DECISIONS

MAGAZINE CHRONICLE

BOOK REVIEWS: Part of Our Time Why Dictators? Faithful Are the Wounds

Summer 1955 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Now Availabl. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL A11.,..'" ley". BOUND VOLUMES A Marxist Review Yol. XXI. No.2 Whole No. 168 (Completely Indexed) SUMMER 1955 for 1951 Vol. XXI. No.2 SUMMER 1955 Whole No. 168 TAIU O' CONTINTS and 1952 Hotes of tie Mont.: 4 dollars per volume Notes 01 tile Montll Three Court Decisions: THE SHACHTMAN CASE ...... 71 Order from by A. G. Independ.nt Socialist Pr••• Three Vital Court Decisions THE NATHAN CASE ...... 72 114 west 14 Street, New York City by A lbert Gates The Shachtman Case (B) It found that the listing of the THE PETERS CASE ...... •....• 76 Attorney General, initially made to by Julius Falk The Court of Appeals on apply to government employment, June 23 handed down a unanimous THE BRITISH ELEGrIONS ...... 82 Build Your has no competency for passport pur­ by Gordon Haskell Marxist Libraryl decision in favor of Shachtman's ap­ poses. peal against the State Department's (C) It took note of the fact that the ArtIcles: We ca. ..pply a.y bon I. denial of his right to a passport that ISL was placed on the Attorney Gen­ prillf a.cI .a.y tIIat are o.t THE CRISIS IN DISTRIBUTION ...... 86 of prl.t. Write for ..... boo' is both momentous and historic in its eral's list without notice, hearing or by T. N. Vance 11.t-toclayl consequences. opportunity to rebut, and therefore Moscow IN LENIN's DAY: 1920-21.. 98 Labor Action Book Service The Court held that the "denial of denied Shachtman his rights under by A. Rosmer 114 W. 14t11 St•• New Tor' 11. II. T. a passport accordingly causes a depri­ the due process clause of the Consti­ vation of liberty that a citizen other­ tution. loob 'n Reyle.: wise would have. The right to travel, (D) It found that the denial of a P ART OF OUR TIME: SOME RUINS Published QUarterly by The New International Publlsb1nc to go from place to place as the means passport was on the basis of the list­ AND MONUMENTS OF THE '30s.. 120 Co., at 114 West 14th Street, New York 11, N. Y. Re­ of transportation permit, is a natural ing only, and not because of any inde­ Reviewed by Max Martin entered u second-class matter March 8, 1950, at the post omee It New York, N. Y., under the Aet of March 3, 18'19. right subject to the rights of others pendent determination that Shacht­ WHY DICTATORS? ...... 128 Subseription rates: in the U. S., Canada and AustraHa and to reasonable regulation under man might commit acts of "miscon­ Reviewed by A be Stein $2.00 per year; bundles 35e each for nve copies and up. Britain, Ireland and Europe, 10/-BrItIsh or $1.40 U. 8. the law. A restraint imposed by the duct" abroad. FAITHFUL ARE THE WOUNDS ...... 129 per year; Asia 'II-British, or $1.00 per year. Government of the United States up­ (E) It took particular note that the Reviewed by Michael Harrington Address all editorial and business communications to Tbe New International, 114 West 14th Street. New York on this liberty, therefore, must con­ Attorney General has denied a hear­ 11. New Yor!t. MAGAZINE CHRONICLE ...... 131 form with the provision of the Fifth ing to the ISL. Reviews by Julius Falk and MAX SHACHTMAN, Editor Amendment that "No person shall be In his concurring opinion, Chief Abe Stein JULIUS FALIt, Managing Editor ... deprived of ... liberty ... with­ Judge Edgerton of the Court of Ap­ out due process of law." peals added, in part: The court found that due process "I. The League is 'an anti-Commu­ was denied to Shachtman and that nist educational organization: Subseti. Now to the Secretary of State acted "arbitrar­ "2. The Passport Division knew ily," relying only upon the fact that plaintiff has tried and failed to get THE NEW INTERNATIONAL the Independent Socialist League was the Attorney General to give the 114 We.t 14... 5t.. New York 11. N. Y. on the Attorney General's list. League a hearing. Five main points in Attorney Jo­ "3. The premise that a man is not Rates: 52.00 per year seph L. Rauh's brief were accepted by fit to work for the Government, does the court: not support the conclusion that he is

Nam...... r ...... ~ ...... (A) It found that the Secretary of not fit to go to Europe. The Attorney State did not use his discretionary General's list was prepared for screen­ Add...... powers in relying solely on the Attor­ ing Government employees, not pass­ ney General's listing, but acted arbi­ port applicants. City...... %0 ...... State...... trarily. "4. Even in connection with screen- ing Government employees, member­ prior to that, however, the State De­ Rather than grant a real hearing to Shachtman would be able to get a shi p in a listed organization was in­ partment just stalled on this impor­ Nathan or to test the Circuit Court passport. tended to be only an inconclusive tant administrative detail and no ap­ of Appeal's action, it issued a pass­ Under the rules, that meant that item of evidence. peal was available to Nathan. port. Shachtman could not get a hearing "5. In other connections, the list Only when the case came close to a In the Shachtman case, the State from the Board of Passport Appeals has not even any 'competency to court hearing, did the Department Department pursued another course. because he was not denied a passport prove the subversive character of the hasten to correct its administrative ir­ Shachtman made application for a outright, or, to put it another way, it listed associations ....'" (Emphasis responsibilities. By then, however, the passport more than two years ago. was not a complete denial, but a tem­ mine-A. G.) case had already appeared on the cal­ The application was ignored for porary situation I The decision is not only notable for endar. And now, Dr. Nathan achieved months. Only the strongest pressure Mrs. Shipley failed to explain her what it set down as law in passport some prominence by being appointed and the employment of legal counsel decision in light of the fact that the cases, but even more, for the manner a trustee of the Einstein estate. He de­ brought forth the first answer, some Attorney General did list the ISL un­ in which it has pointed up the prob­ manded a passport to travel to Eu­ six months after the application, de­ der the general designation "Commu­ lems created by the insupportable rope in order that he might execute nying a passport, on the ground that nist." We are led to conclude that uses of the Attorney General's list and his duties as such trustee. it would be against the best interests either the lady paid no attention the failure of the Attorney General to Judge Schweinhaut, after hearing of the country. No further detail to the actual manner of the listing, or grant hearings of any kind for seven the case and listening to the argu­ could be obtained from the Depart­ that she did not accept, on the basis yearsl men ts of opposing counsel, became ment. of the transcript of the meeting with The next issue of the New Interna­ enraged with the State Department Further pressure produced a meet­ Nicholas, the Attorney General's des­ tional will carry a full review of the and simply ordered it to issue a pass­ ing between Shachtman and his coun­ ignation. case and analysis in detail of this great port to Nathan. He was especially sel, Joseph L. Rauh, of Washington, In any case, the decision of Mrs. decision by the Court of Appeals. angered because the Government at­ and Mr. Ashley G. Nicholas of the Shipley left the matter where it had A. G. torney, one of Mr. Brownell's depart­ Passport Division of the State Depart­ been for some years. She knew, as did mental disciples, knew none of the ment, representing the then head of Mr. Nicholas, that for seven years the The Nathan Case reasons why a passport had been de­ the Division, Mrs. Shipley. The only ISL had been trying to get a hearing When the State Depart­ nied. It was upon the Court's instruc­ result of that meeting was a plea from the successive Attorneys Gener­ ment decided to grant Dr. Otto tion that an affidavit was produced made by Mr. Nicholas that the ISL al without avail. Unless such a hear­ Nathan a passport rather than meet within twenty-four hours containing settle its case w~th the Attorney Gen­ ing was held and the ISL had an op­ the constitutional issues involved in a the State Department's reasons for de­ eral's office. portunity to challenge its listing Court of Appeals decision directing it nying the passport. Shachtman would have to wait an in­ Shortly thereafter, Mrs. Shipley to accord Dr. Nathan a hearing, it In any event, the Government ap­ definite number of years before a deci­ wrote denying a passport to Shacht­ forestalled a judicial reckoning with pealed to the Circuit Court of Appeals sion on his right to have a passport man on the ground that the ISL, of the question. which, in avoiding a decision on would be decided definitively I which he is chairman, is on the Attor­ The Nathan case is somewhat old, Judge Schweinhaut's order, instructed That is the background to the ney General's list. Here we come to in the same way that all similar cases the State Department to grant an im­ Shachtman passport case. The case an important difference in Shacht­ before the State Department become mediate hearing under procedures was taken to court in Washington. man's case from that of Nathan. "old" before "decisions," provisional similar to a court of law; thereupon, The lower court upheld the State De­ or final, are reached. Originally, Na­ to report its decision to the court for Mrs. Shipley, in denying the pass­ partment and the case went to the than was denied a passport on the review in the event of a continued de­ port to Shachtman, stated that it was Circuit Court of Appeals where a ground of either alleged membership nial of the passport. a temporary denial. In her letter of hearing was held in mid-February. No in the Communist Party, or associa­ Such a hearing would involve the denial, she stated that although it decision has as yet been handed down, tion with it and its organizations. Un­ presentation of evidence and witness­ was known to the Department that although four months have passed der departmental rules, having been es, both subject to examination and neither Shachtman nor the ISL were since the case was heard. It is obvious denied a passport absolutely, Nathan cross examination by Nathan's law­ in any way connected with the "In­ that the case, while not fundamental­ had the right to appeal to the Board yers. This the State Department, in ternational Communist Movement," ly different from the Nathan case, in­ of Passport Appeals. It was pointed keeping with administration policy, still, the organization was on the At­ volves some special legal questions, out that Nathan had refused to avail refused to do. Neither did it desire at torney General's list. When and if SInce obviously, the Shipley decision, himself of that appeal when it was of­ this time to take the case higher in a that situation was changed, i.e., the points a finger directly at the Attor­ fered on April 18, 1955. For two years test of the Circuit Court's decision. ISL was removed from the list, then ney General. It does not seem possible 72 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 73 that the Circuit Court of Appeals can Times. He is a noted defender of ~d­ for that of the State Department. They it Fascist Spain, because Shachtman come to any favorable decision with­ ministrative prerogatives against the seemed to consider that it is the function might talk to members of the POUM "popular clamor." As such, he is a of the courts to correct the errors of the out taking into account the Attorney Executive, and the fault of Congress for or other anti-fascist exiles in France. General's list, constructed without no­ sort of barometer of the interchang­ failing to enact a statute granting a Of course, Krock is either kidding tice or hearings of any kind. ing euphoria and dyspepsia of the ad­ "due process" judicial hearing-an ad­ or else nobody has told him what has The two cases involve an attack on ministration. versary proceeding-for passport appli­ been going on for almost a decade the whole security program of the ad­ Mr. Krock is quite alarmed over cations. now. Actually, not one of the impor­ ministration from a rather surprising the Nathan case because he feels that Horrendous, isn't it? Of course, it tant cases involves anything that angle. Ordinarily, it would have ap­ it marks the interference of the Ju­ was entirely all right for the Supreme Krock is talking about. peared that the best challenge to the diciary in the affairs of the Executive. Court to find Roosevelt's court plan The real problem in the country government program on security, He deplores the fact that in the N a­ unconstitutional. That, obviously, has been, not the interference of the based as it is on administrative decree, than case, "the courts directly substi­ was no interference with the rights of Judiciary in the affairs of the Execu­ the information of stool-pigeons, of tuted their judgment for that of the the Executive. But for the courts to tive but the cruel, inhuman, anti­ unevaluated FBI reports, was a direct Executive." But, if the Executive intervene in behalf of the basic con­ libertarian, unconstitutional so-called case of government employment. But plays fast and loose with an employee stitutional rights of citizens in a State security programs and procedures. in the matter of Dr. J. P. Peters v. or a passport applicant? What then? Department passport case-that is an Krock's own descriptions of the con­ The United States Government, an What recourse does such a person unconstitutional intervention in the duct of the State Department in the employee case, the Supreme Court have against the bureaucratic ma­ rights of the Executivel Nathan case, does not recommend its evaded the fundamental consitutional chine? What if, as Krock himself ad­ How would it interfere with the judgments. Its role in the Shachtman questions, in favor of an administra­ mits, "the State Department [had] ... rights of the Executive? Listen to Mr. case is even worse. tive one in which it found the posi­ a bad record of evasion and delay on Krock, for he is truly a big mind in The real problem remains: what tion of the government wanting. Nathan's passport application ..."? Washingtonl are the rights of citizens presumably Wasn't the Executive's judgment Thus the question of the rights of If the courts should follow the logical protected by the Constitution? Do accused persons to confront their ac­ rather wanting in this case? And if a line of the Nathan case, and order the they lose these rights when they be­ cusers remains legally undetermined. person cannot call upon the Judiciary State Department to disclose for the rec­ come employees of the government? Furthermore, the rights of persons un­ to assist him in fighting a "bad record ord all its reasons for refusing to grant Have they no protection against the der the First and Fifth Amendments, of evasion" or "unconscionable stall­ passports, a constitutional crisis would maliciousness, mendaciousness and be inevitable (no less). Executive judg­ even though employed by the govern­ ing by the department," what then be­ ment of national security is often in­ simple cupidity of the government ment, likewise remains undetermined. comes of the rights of the citizen? volved. There are many factors in for­ bureaucrats and their false accusers? Under the "doctrine" that working This is an issue which Krock deftly eign affairs not present in domestic ad­ Recent experience illustrates many for the government is a "right" and avoids as he usually does when the ministration. A friendly foreign power, abuses, but they have almost all been issue involves individual rights and for instance, might prefer not to have not a "privilege" has developed the any American making speeches on sub­ committed by the "judgment" of the companion "doctrine" that a govern­ liberties against the governmental bu­ jects that are controversial in its area Executive branch. ment employee has no legal and con­ reaucracy. He can compose splendid (you see, Americans just go running Can a citizen leave the country to stitutional rights and/or privileges. essays on the democratic rights of cor­ around making unfriendly speeches all travel or to pursue his work? Does he porative business against government over the world-we don't mean admirals Government bureaucracy is free to and generals and senators, etc.-and have a right to judicially appeal to de­ deal with government employees as it bureaucracy-it is within his line of some friendly government like Spain partmental denial of a passport when wills. vision. That is his horizon. No, more. might object). It might also prefer not no good and sufficient reasons have If as a result of recent cases the no He sees in the action of court a return to have its position known, and the Sec­ been adduced to deny him that "privi­ to the Roosevelt era, which to a cer­ retary of State, in his Executive judg­ lege"? right and no privilege doctrine is up­ ment and by virtue of the plain statu­ set what becomes of the historic sepa­ tain type of conservatism, is equiva­ tory power granted him, might honor The State Department did not chal­ ration of the powers of the executive, lent to socialism, or something like this request and decide also that it was lenge the court in the Nathan case the legislative and judiciary branches socialism .. And so, he quotes an un­ against the public interest to disclose because it was afraid to test its case of the government? This is what wor­ named political scientist, who is a law­ his reasons. against him in open court. That is ries such a conservative journalistic yer, yet, when he says of the three Which government objected to what is important. It is another rea­ pundit like Arthur Krock of the New judges of the Circuit Court of Ap­ Shachtman's passport? Was it the Stal­ son why the Shachtman passport case York Ti.mes. Krock, of course, is the peals: inist government in Russia, because must be given the fullest support to conservative counter-balance to the They were calm and judicious in th~ir Shachtman might talk to some anti­ see it through to the finish. Here, too, sometime liberalism of the New York calculated substitution of their judgment Stalinist Ukrainian refugees? Or was the State Department is afraid to test

74 THE NEW 'NTERNAT'ON~L Summer 1955 75 ' :" ~. f/:Y its case legally. It is hiding behind a "reasonable doubt" of an employee's his accusers or even to learn who they formers" who "must be guaranteed filthy screen held up by the Attorney loyalty. Following this revision, the were and precisely what they al­ anonymity." General. central Loyalty Review Board ordered leged, he had been deprived of "lib­ The government brief further made ALBERT GATES the loyalty board of the Federal Se­ erty and property without due proc­ clear its position in the following pass­ curity Agency to hold a second hear­ ess of law" clearly in violation of the age from its brief: "Evidence which The Peters Case ing. This second hearing was held and Fifth Amendment. Had the Supreme would be rejected under established On June 6, the Supreme Dr. Peters, again, was absolved of any Court ruled in Peters favor on this legal doctrine in a criminal proceed­ court by a vote of 7-2 determined that "reasonable doubt" of loyalty. constitutional ground the security­ ing could well be the compelling rea­ Dr. John Punnett Peters, Professor of Obviously dissatisfied, the Loyalty witchhunt would have been dealt a son for the dismissal of an employee Medicine at Yale University, had Review Board decided to hold its own mighty legal blow. The so-called se­ on loyalty grounds." been unjustifiably fired by the govern­ hearing and in May, 1953, a board curi ty program, vicious to begin ment from his position as part-time panel met in New Haven confronting with under Truman, has matured un­ IN THE LIGHT of the fundamental is­ Public Health Service consultant. The Peters with accusations but no ac­ der Eisenhower into a truly scabrous sues posed by Peters and the govern­ Court ordered the Civil Service Com­ cusers, with unsworn charges and al­ object continuously galvanized by the ment the actual Supreme Court deci­ mission to expunge from its records legations. Peters' counsel was denied venom of anonymous bigots, stool­ sion came as a whopping anti-climax. the finding of the now defunct Loyal­ the right to learn the accusers' identi­ pigeons, psychopaths, professional in­ It completely evaded the all-impor­ ty Review Board that there was a ties and question them. Peters denied formers, character assassins, all pro­ tant constitutional issue. Instead, it all the allegations under oath and a tected by the government woven cloak ruled in Peters favor, but on technical "reasonable doubt" of Peters' loyalty. , Dr. Peters had been twice tried and number of prominent individuals tes­ of secrecy and anonymi~y. The inter­ grounds that his counsel and the gov­ f; twice cleared by security boards of his tified to his unquestionable loyalty. est of "national security" is made ernment had properly shied away governmental agency. These hearings The evidence which Peters provided largely dependent on anonymous in­ from, and which, apparently, took were brought on by charges of dis­ his own agency's review board which formers and the rights of the accused both sides by surprise. The court de­ loyalty including membership in the had cleared him twice was produced have been largely supplanted by the cided that the Loyalty Review Board Communist Party made by unnamed at this third hearing. But as could government's self-assumed right to had no right to take it upon itself to informers whose identities were never have been expected of it, the Loyalty protect its sources of unevaluated and "post-audit" the Peters case after he disclosed to the accused. A consider­ Review Board found that on the basis uncontested testimony. had been cleared by his own agency's able portion of the "derogatory infor­ "of all the evidence, there is a reason­ By reaching the Supreme Court the loyalty board. The central Loyalty mation" was not even given under able doubt as to Dr. Peters loyalty to Peters case posed the problem directly Review Board could review cases of oath. Peters' first hearing was early in the Government'of the United States." before the nation and to the courts. those found disloyal but its self-made 1949, with Truman's Executive Order Peters was fired from his part-time The government was unquestionably "Regulation 14" assuming the right 9835 already in effect for two years_ job. His job, incidentally, consisted of alarmed, and even divided on how to to review all cases of local boards was, This Executive Order directed all de­ a four to ten day visit each year to handle the issue. It was a month late in the opinion of the court, in con­ partments and agencies of the Execu­ Washington where he discussed Fed­ in filing its brief, which, when finally tradiction with the literal meaning of tive Branch to form one or more loy­ eral grants to medical research insti­ submitted, was signed by Attorney the Executive Order which estab­ alty boards which would hear loyalty tutions with the Surgeon General or General Brownell rather than by lished it. cases and make recommendations for members of his staff. It was not even Simon Soboleff, the Solicitor General, The Supreme Court did not ignore dismissal or clearance. Truman's Or­ disputed that Peters' job was not of a who invariably signs such documents, the question of constitutionality. On der also provided for the organization confidential nature and offered no ac­ thus indicating publicly for the first the contrary it acknowledged the con­ of a central Loyalty Review Board in cess to classified information. Peters time a division of opinion within the stitutional problem but deliberately the Civil Service Commission which attempted to get a re-hearing and, Department of Justice. refused to vote on it on the ground would, among other functions, review failing this, he immediately went to Both the Peters Counsel and the that "this court has declined to anti­ cases of individuals recommended for the courts. government fought for a decision on cipate a question of constitutional law dismissal by departmental or agency As the Peters case neared the Su­ the fundamental issues. The govern­ in advance of the necessity of deciding loyalty boards. preme Court hearing stage it achieved ment brief denied the right of a fired it." As the court found a procedural In May, 1951, Truman's Executive national prominence for it involved federal employee to enjoy the privi­ question on which to base its decision Order was amended, making even the constitutionality of some of the leges of judicial review and stated it felt relieved of the responsibility to more nebulous the basis for dismissal: ugliest aspects of the security-witch­ that the government security program vote on the real issue. from finding "reasonable grounds" of hunt program. Peters claimed that be­ had to rely largely on "undercover That the constitutional question disloyalty the revised criteria became ca use he was denied the right to face agents, paid informers and casual in- weighed heavily on the minds-and 76 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 77 Thus, as a precedent for future cases backbones-of the Supreme Court jus­ him. Some of these informers were not I have grave doubt as to whether ~he Presidential Order has been authorized the court's decision does not have tices was made quite clear in the fol­ even under 'Oath. N'One 'Of them had to by any act of Congress. That order and much practical meaning. lowing paragraph from the majority submit to cross-examination. None had to face Dr. Peters. So far as we 'Or the others associated with it embody a broad, Though the court decision viewed decision written by Chief Justice far-reaching espionage program over board know, they may he psychopaths or in context was a setback for democ­ Warren: "This [constitutional] issue, venal people, like Titus Oates, who revel Government employees. These orders racy, in its narrower, immediate sense if reached by the court, would obvi­ in being informers. They may bear old look more like legislation to me than properly auth'Orized regulations to carry it was also a setback for the govern­ ously present serious and far-reaching grudges. Under cross-examination their stories might disappear like bubbles. out a clear and explicit command of Con­ ment. The self-assumed right of the problems in reconciling fundamental Their whispeTed confidences might turn gress. I alS'O d'Oubt that the Congress Loyalty Review Board to audit cases constitutional problems with the pro­ could delegate power to d'O what the out to he yarns c'Onceived by twisted of cleared government personnel on cedures used to determine the loyalty minds or by people who, though sincere, President has attempted to do in the its own initiative, a form of double of government personnel." This amaz­ have po'Or faculties 'Of 'Observation and Executive Order under consideration here. And 'Of c'Ourse the Oonstitution does jeopardy, was one of the more per­ ing passage can only be interpreted as memory. Confr'Ontati'On and cross-examination not c'Onfer law-making power on the nicious details of the government pro­ an admission of the legal incompati­ under oath are essential, if the American President. gram. The court decision not only de­ bility of the security system with the ideal 'Of due process is to remain a vital The High Court's ruling on the nies this practice to any future cen­ constitution. Otherwise what would force in 'Our public life. We deal here Peters' case is patently a politically tral loyalty board but it now leaves be the need for "reconciling funda­ with the reputation 00: men and their right to w'Ork - things more precious motivated decision. It did not want to open to review other cases similar to mental constitutional problems with than property itself. We have here a sys­ vote on the constitutional issue so Peters where the Loyalty Review the procedures" of the loyalty pro­ tem where government with all its power clearly required by the case before it Board had reversed the decision of gram? Reconciliations are not as a and awthority condemns a man to a sus­ because it feared the political conse­ agency loyalty boards. One such case rule effected among compatible for­ pect class and the outer darkness, with­ quences. It could not make any intel­ is that of John Stewart Service who ces, particularly when fundamental out the rudiments 'Of a fair trial. The pr.actice 'Of using faceless informers has ligible "fundamental reconciliation" was fired from the State Department issues are at stake. apparently spread through a vast do­ between the constitution and the se­ by Dean Acheson. Service had been Two of the seven majori ty votes main. It is used not 'Only to get rid of curity system and it was obviously de­ cleared six times by his own loyalty were cast by Justices Douglas and employees in the G'Overnment, but also termined not to take too many bris­ board only to have these decisions re­ Black, each of whom wrote his own employees who w'Ork f'Or private firms tles out of the witchhunts widesweep­ versed by the Loyalty Review Board. concurring opinion which hit at the having contracts with the Government. ing broom. It preferred to compro­ Service has already presented a peti­ heart of the constitutional problem Justice Hugo Black also wrote a mise by evading the important ques­ tion to a Federal District Court ask­ and in no uncertain terms criticized separate concurring opinion, one tion and ruling against the govern­ ing for reinstatement on the basis of the rest of the majority for failure to which was even more to the peint ment on a relatively minor issue. the court decision and the Justice De­ than Douglas' . Unlike Douglas, he meet the issues squarely. Justice partment has already conceded that Douglas was of the opinion that the was of the opinion that the majority THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION can­ the Peters decision has knocked out Loyalty Review Board did exercise was correct to rule that the Loyalty not be evalulated in any abstract one half of its case against reinstating technically proper jurisdiction over Review Board exceeded its preroga­ fashion. It can only be viewed in the Service. Dr. Peters and its subordinate agency tives in holding a hearing for Peters context of the real issues involved and board. But he was even more firmly after he had been cleared by his agen­ the background of the case. Judged THE COURT'S DECISION, and its lang­ of the opinion that the Supreme cy loyalty board. At the same time this way, the Court's evasion was a uage, on the Peters case was more or Court majority had failed in its re­ Black makes the point very effectively setback for democracy. Insofar as this less in line with a generally more re­ sponsibility "to reach the constitu­ that there is no binding principle de­ particular ruling is concerned the laxed mood in the nation. In recent tional issue." Douglas wrote: manding that questions of procedure government still has the green light months there have been any number be decided first and constitutional The question of construction of the to fly the witchhunt's airlanes. For the of signs that the political temper of problems avoided whenever possible. Executive Order was so well settled that ruling in no way interferes with the the nation has been somewhat an­ neither the G'Overnment nor Dr. Peters Black writes on this point: " ... this government's practice of firing em­ nealed. suggested the absence of authority in generally' accepted practice should ployees on the basis of secret evidence • Two weeks before its decision on the review board to take jurisdiction of not be treated as though it were an this case 'On its 'Own motion. I agree that gi ven by secret witnesses. Peters, the Supreme Court squashed inflexible rule to be inexorably fol­ it had such auth'Ority. It,theref'Ore, be­ In addition, the President's Loyalty contempt proceedings against three comes necesSiary f'Or me to reach the con­ lowed under all circumstances." Black Review Board was a special feature of witnesses before government commit­ stitutional issue. then proceeds to denounce the secur­ Truman's security program which has tees who used the Fifth Amendment. Dr. Peters was condemned by faceless ity system itself: inf'Ormers, some 'Of wh'Om were not heen dispensed with by Eisenhower. The court decision in this case did known even to the board that condemned But I wish it distinotly understood that '""mmer 1955 79 78 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL not establish any definition of law but ney General Brownell proposed a litical rebellion against the reaction paid consultant of Scott McCleod's notori­ it was, nonetheless, a rebuke to the number of "improvements" in pro­ itself. ous operation in the State Dep't.... government. tecting the rights of accused federal This relaxation has followed the The Democratic Party, itself, is too committed to the witchhunt to • The government acknowledged employees, which the President ac­ newest look to American foreign pol­ another defeat when it finally dropp­ cepted. Any analysis of these "im­ icy. With the accent now on achiev­ undertake any serious investigation of ed its oft-repeated attempts to jail provements" shows that they are pri­ ing a "modus vivendi" with the Krem­ it. And it feared the political conse­ Owen Lattimore. marily verbal, without any substan­ lin it is not possible for the quences in the elections of any large­ tial change to protect the rights of administration to permit the security­ scale exposee of the administration's • The excellent decision in the security program. Instead it proposed Shachtman case which is discussed accused government employees. But witchhunt system to operate without the government obviously felt the to Congress a bipartisan committee to elsewhere in this issue. some checks and balances. need to placate a more vocalized dis­ But the limits are on both sides of investigate the operation and proce­ • There is the case of Dr. Otto Na­ satisfaction with the security pro­ the witchhunt. Just as the administra­ dures of the security program-a pro­ than, an economist and executor of gram. A second concession is the deci­ tion and the Democratic Party can no posal which the administration ac­ the late Albert Einstein's estate. Na­ sion of the Subversive Activities Con­ longer tolerate a witchhunt whose cepted, with some misgivings. That than had been denied a passport by trol Board-of which Harry Cain is a vigilante character knows no bounds, the committee, nearly half of whose the State Department which refused member-that organizations on the neither can they suffer any wholesale members will be Republicans, and to divulge the exact nature and sour­ Attorneys General List of alleged sub­ dismantling of the whole system of which will have some of its members ces of its "derogatory information" versive organizations which are de­ repression and curtailment of civil appointed by vice-president Nixon, maintaining that issuance of pass­ funct do not fall within the restric­ Ii berties in the coming period. The will not make any proposals for a ports was "confined exclusively to the tions of the Internal Security Act. cold war has been relaxed but it has fundamental revision of the security judgment of the Secretary of State." Although there are signs of growing not been settled. Although some ac­ program is a foregone conclusion. But Nathan took immediate legal action dissatisfaction with the excesses of the commodations may be made between that it will attempt to modify the and when the State Department was security system and evidence that the Washington and Moscow there can be program somewhat is no less in­ ordered to hold a "quasi-judicial" courts and the government prepared no final, amicable resolution of the dicated. hearing the State Department, fearful to remove some of its brittleness, it differences between these two mutual­ Thus the move for a bi-partisan of the consequences, retreated and would be pure self-deception to read ly exclusive centers of world power. committee is unquestionably a prod­ issued Dr. Nathan his passport. into this any deep, wide and popular And with the continuation of the cold uct of the generally felt need to relax, • The vigorous speeches by ex-Sena­ rebellion against the witchhunt. The war we cannot look to either bour­ but the manner in which it was born tor Harry Cain denouncing the secur­ post-war reaction reached its peak geois party to become the inspiration­ and it's likely members serves as a ity program is significant in itself, when Senator :McCarthy seemed om­ al source or the focal point of a wide, reminder of the limited nature of any considering that Cain was one of thp. nipotent in all his madness. McCar­ popular counter movement to the such reform movement organized to­ country's most zealous witchhunters. thy's demise, however, merely acceler­ witchhunt system. day by the leaders of American bour­ But more significant is the wide­ ated a process that did not make One of the pledges of the Demo­ geois politics. spread and not unfriendly press he brave men out of timid souls and lib­ cratic Party during its Congressional JULIUS FALK has received. erals out of reactionaries. "\Vhat it did campaign was to carryon a thorough • The University of California's was to strengthen the feeling, less investigation of the security system (Berkeley) conservative faculty Stand­ muted now, that it was time to call a and to expose the administration's Now Available in English ing Committee on Academic Freedom halt to some of the vigilante madness "numbers racket" on security "risks." Rosa Luxemburg's felt free to attack the government's that was taking a firm hold on the Once it won control of Congress, how­ campus security program as a threat nation. The reactionary McCarthyite ever, the Democratic Party was con­ II Accumulation of to academic freedom. And at the re­ wave has receded to a more natural spicuous by its failure to meet this Capitalll cent annual confen!nce of the Nation­ water level-submerging McCarthy in commitment. It carried on but a few al Association of State Universities, the process. The incidents which we hearings supervised by a reactionary Introduction by Joan Robinson state legislatures and the government have mentioned-the recent Supreme Southern senator. In a blast by the Yale University Press, 475 pages, $5 were pilloried for encroaching on aca­ Court decisions, the Nathan case, the ADA, this Democratic controlled com­ demic freedom. changes in security procedures, etc.­ mittee was sharply attacked: Order from Part cause and part effect of this are reflections of a changing mood­ Instead of an all-out investigation, the LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE changing mood are several recent re­ which we welcome-but they are not committee staff is riddled with defenders 114 W. 14th St., New York 11, N. Y. visions in the security program. Attor- symptomatic, unfortunately, of a po- of the existing system such as a former BO THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 81 Notes of tile Montll or revolutionary transformation. We today as they were in the past. But the do not advance the claim that the policies of the BLP on foreign affairs BLP would have been sure to win the have never transcended the bounds of The British Elections election if they had only presented the most narrow conception of British such a program. What is evident, how­ national interests. And in this election By all accounts, the par­ out by the Tories, as well as a reflec­ ever, is that the BLP cannot win an there was a gentleman's agreement liamentary election was precede--l by tion of the well-known fact that in a election by presenting itself to the that neither party would seek to tie one of the dullest, most listless politi­ light vote Labor tends to suffer rela­ voters as a "more efficient" or a "more the hands of the British representa­ cal campaigns in recent British his­ tively more than its opponents. humane" or even a "more liberal" tives at the forthcoming four-power tory. The result of such an issueless This weighting of the franchise version of conservatism. If the voters conference by making the British po­ contest was pretty much in the cards. against the working class even in the have to choose between two claimants sition at that conference an issue in With a light vote (76.8 per cent as most democratic countries is a stand­ to the Conservative mantle, they will the campaign. against 82.6 per cent in 1951 and 84 ard, built-in feature of bourgeois de­ generally prefer the genuine heir to After the votes had been counted, per cent in 1950) the Tories increased mocracy. It is one of those things his parvenue rival. Clement Attlee was asked to give rea­ their parliamentary majority from the which every labor party knows must As Aneurin Bevan pointed out dur­ sons for Labor's defeat. His answer feeble 26 seats of 1951 to the safe and be overcome if it is to succeed in win­ ing the campaign, the British people was to refer to "the dissension in the substantial figure of 67. Only an eCtl­ ning a parliamentary majority. If the have been exhausted politically by fif­ Labor ranks." nomic and/or political earthquake British Labor Party (or any other, for teen years of crises and forced Since the election campaign was will be able to overturn this Tory that matter) when in power were to marches. First there was the war, then fought on lines determined by the government before its five-year term re-draw the electoral districts so that the years of post-war austerity and re­ right wing of the BLP, it is quite nat­ is up. every citizen's vote would count for construction, accompanied by the ural that they should seek to blame Before we take up the more general just as much and no more than every alarms and crises of the cold war. The their defeat on the Bevanites. And .ii: significance of this resounding defeat other's, it would no doubt be de­ present prosperity has dripped down may very well be true that a substan­ for the British Labor Party just ten nounced by all the respectable organs to the masses sufficiently to make tial number of voters, when given no years after it won its smashing victory of public opinion for using its power them want to enjoy it for as long as it other basis for choice, will withold of 1945, a few facts about the British to rig future elections, for failure to will last. The Stalinist peace offensive their votes from a party which is di­ electoral system may be of interest, play the game according to the rules, has given rise to hopes that a number vided in favor of one which is politi­ especially to readers in America who and who knows what all else. of years may pass before another war cally and organizationally united. In perforce get most of their information The dullness of the campaign is ac­ crisis is reached. Since conditions of this respect, again, Labor's real diffi­ about British politics from the over­ counted for by the fact that the Labor life have eased under the Tories, and culty was that the basis of choice whelmingly pro-Tory press of this Party offered the voters a program they seem as likely as Labor to put the given the voters was so narrow that country. which was remarkably similar to that squeeze on the United States to reach the Tories could exploit the disunity As in the United States, the elec­ offered by the Conservatives. The lat­ some kind of a deal with the Stalin­ in Labor's ranks effectively. toral franchise in Britain is heavily ter have accepted, in the main, the ists, why rock the boat by turning The American press has noted, with weighted against the urban, industrial basic Labor reforms of 1945. Since them out of office now? glee, that the Bevanites came off no population, which in concrete terms Labor had no bold new changes to of­ True, there are momentous issues better in the election than their right­ means against Labor. In 1951, for in­ fer, what argument there was tended in foreign and domestic policy which wing opponents in the Labor Party stance, Labor polled 48.8 per cent of to be confined to relatively minor dis­ Britain must meet in the years ahead. (in fact, they tried to make it appear the vote, but got only 295 seats in Par­ putes over how the various programf. The rearmament of Germany, the that the Bevanites came off worse). liament, while the 48 per cent for the should be administered. Since tht continuation of the armament race in Actually, no serious conclusions can Tories won them 321 seats. In this British economy is riding high on the nuclear weapons, the shaky basis of be drawn from the failure of the election, Labor received 46.4 per cent world-wide capitalist boom, the voters the present prosperity for Europe and Bevanites to make a better showing of the vote, exactly the same percent­ can be excused for the tepid interest Britain which have not corrected the than the rest of the party. Since the age they got in 1950. In 1950 that won they showed in a dispute over admin­ deep structural defects which render policies in the campaign, and the poli­ them 315 seats in Parliament, while istrative minutae. them weak in themselves and keep cies of a possible Labor Government this year they received only 277. The A time of prosperity is not the most them at the continued mercy of the reflected or would have reflected the difference is a tribute to the clever re­ propitious for the presentation of economic policies and conditions in politics of the right wing, it is not drawing of electoral districts carried bold new programs of radical reform the United States ... all these are is­ surprising that the morale of the sues and problems which are as real Bevanites and their supporters failed 12 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 83 to reach heights of enthusiasm. This ments on the foundations of British various issues on which they have people much about how Britain can led to the fact, remarked on by most capitalism made by the 1945 govern­ taken a stand, it has remained as ob­ achieve a long-run position of eco­ observers, that the campaign organi­ ment were regarded by them not as scure to the ranks which have tried to nomic prosperity and security even in zation of the Labor Party functioned first steps in the reconstruction of follow them as to their opponents a world which has been carved up by poorly. Their failure to get out the British society, but as a slice of social­ who are convinced that all they want Russia and the United States in the Labor vote was not due to some kind ism fully realized. Additional slices is to make trouble and/or gain per­ most amicable fashion imaginable. of technical organizational laxity, but would be added to it in time, even if sonal power. As a mood in the Labor Party, Bev­ to the feeling on the part of the party they were not too sure just what these In recent months, Bevan and his anism has prevented this great British militants, a large number of whom additional slices might be. What they friends have tended to concentrate working class movement from becom­ are Bevanites in sympathy, that their did not, and do not understand, is their attention on foreign affairs. ing frozen in an outlived ideology re­ cause did not warrant an expenditure that unless a socialist movement aims Their strictures on West German re­ inforced by a bureaucratic party ad­ of their energies to the maximum. at a fundamental revolution in the so­ armament, on British production of ministration. It has kept alive the pos­ The current prosperity in Britain cial and economic relations of a so­ the H-bomb, and against the more sibility for the exchange and hence made Labor's task exceptionally diffi­ ciety, i.e., in its class relations, indi­ disastrous aspects of American for­ development of ideas inside a live po­ cult. But the defeat they suffered has vidual "socialistic" measures can as eign policy may well reflect the senti­ litical movement, rather than forcing far more profound causes than that of easily serve to prop and patch up the ments of broad sections of the Labor those who seek to work out a more the economic conjuncture. The fact old society as to transform it. Party and of British public opinion in consistent, fudamental and coherent of the matter is that the great reforms The Bevanite wing of the Labor general. But the fact remains that out policy for the British working class of their 1945 government exhausted Party has vague, almost instinctive of all their criticism no coherent pol­ into sectarian isolation from it. the ideological capital of the party. understanding of this truth. Hence icy has emerged as an alternative The defeat of the Labor Party at They have played out their string in their resistance to the idea that what around which to rally the Labor Par­ the polls, and the manner in which a historical sense. Either they must Labor must do is to "consolidate" its ty and the working class, or at least this defeat was invited by the party form a new conception of their goals, past gains, and their demand for more their most advanced elements. All one may well intensify the search for a and hence of their role in British so­ nationalization instead. Bevan has can gather is that Bevan and his new approach among a wider section ciety, or they must content themselves pointed out ("In Place of Fear") that friends are hot for co-existence and of the party militants. The inconclu­ with a perspective of being the junior the problem is not to set more theo­ negotiations with the Russian and sive and floundering manner in which (liberal) partner in the administration retical or arbitrary limit on nationali­ Chinese Stalinists. Their tendency is the Bevanite leadership has conduct­ of British capitalism for a long time zation, but to advance to the point at to seek to reduce the alternatives for ed its struggle may induce an effort to come. which the economic and political British foreign policy to a choice be­ on the part of many more of these It is apparent that the old, right­ power of the capitalist class has been tween war and "peaceful co-exist­ militants to think through the prob­ wing leadership of the party is utterly definitely and clearly subordinated to ence." When the latter term is sub­ lems of their movement in a more incapable of transcending the ideas that of the productive members of jected to closer scrutiny, it turns out thorough and systematic manner than which were realized by the 1945 gov­ society. to mean a deal to divide the world they have found necessary in the past. ernment. To them, socialism meant This insight, though vital to the peacefully among the rival imperial­ Unless such a development takes more and better and more humane historical rebirth of the BLP, is not isms. place, this defeat is not going to re­ government administration of a larger sufficient for it. One reason for the If these were indeed the only alter­ main an isolated event in the fortunes area of social and economic affairs. A floundering and uncertain progress of natives, there can be no doubt that of the British labor movement, but certain amount of nationalization was the Bevanite movement has been its the people of Britain (and of all the will tend to point the pattern for a a necessary means of attaining that failure to transform this insight from other imperialist powers, at the very whole period of its existence. goal. If conditions were to require it a generalization into a concrete pro­ least) would tend to choose "peaceful GORDON HASKELL (such conditions as more sick indus­ gram and series of policies designed to co-existence" to war, if the choice tries, or growing general unemploy­ achieve it. Bevanism has remained a were put up to them. The facts of the ment), they might nationalize another restless, dissatisfied mood in the BLP past five years demonstrate that they Subscribe now to industry or institute some other re­ loosely held together by a group of are not the only alternatives, and even LABOR ACTION form measure. If things go relatively prominent individuals who have tend­ a rudimentary insight into history 114 West 14th Street smoothly, they could tighten up on ed to gallop from one set of issues to convinces that they are really not al­ New York 11. N. Y. the efficiency of the programs already another. If there is some coherent ternatives at all. In any event, a policy adopted. plan in all this motion, or even some designed to bring about "peaceful co­ Rate: $2.00 per year In short, the very real encroach- guiding principle which connects the existence" does not tell the British

B4 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 85 /

• not be stating the case with excessive mass is concerned, although the rate of emphasis to say that your committee's accumulation falls with the rate of profit. The Crisis Distribution uneasiness of former years has turned to It may be objected that profits in­ While the economy keeps narrowly fluctuating fortunes of the g1'ave apprehension." (Italics mine­ larger and hardier units within the in­ T.N.V.) creased in 1954, but the increase did rolling on to new peaks of prosperity, dustrial complex. Countertrends are not not help the rate of profit. This, with high levels of production and only possible, but clearly discernible. The above findings, it should be moreover, is true of leading corpora­ profits, there are some clouds on the To a businessman, the proof of the emphasized, are those of the Senate tions. In the annual study of the N a­ horizon. These may be small, but they pudding must be in the profits. And it is Small Business Committee. Their tional City Bank, contained in the can grow. Moreover, they are discern­ precisely in the profit position of smaller concern over the growth of monopoly manufacturing enterprises that your April, 1955, Monthly Letter, the re­ ible to more or less orthodox support­ committee detects one of the basic as­ and the consequent weakening of turn on net assets declined (for 3,442 ers of the present system. Above all, pects of the current small-business situ­ small business is reinforced by the leading corporations) from 10.6 per they perturb the defenders of small ation which is most disturbing. Whether still more recent study of the Federal cent in 1953 to 10.3 per cent in 1954 business. -measured by percentage of stockholders' equity or by percentage of dollars of Trade Commission. As reported in despite a four per cent increase in re­ The Annual Report of the Select sales, the P1'Ojits of smaller manufactur­ T he New York Times of May 20, ported net income after taxes. Im­ Committee on Small Business (of the ing corporations, after taxes, have 1955: "Business mergers, while still agine what the results would have United States Senate, 84th Congress, shrunk since 1952, while, with few e~cep­ well below the pre-depression levels been if not for the tax swindle law of 1st Session, Report No. 129) in its re­ tions, the profits of the largest corpora­ of the late Nineteen Twenties, are 1954! States the National City Bank: tions have increased.. .. port of March, 1955, has this to say in running at three times the 1949 rate." Profits as a percentage of dollar sales In the manufacturing industries, which its introduction: present a similar picture for the first 6 The F.T.C. "gave two major reasons in number of companies and capital in­ A searching appraisal of the position months of 1952, compared with the first for the current merger wave: an urge vestment comprise over half of the totals of small business within our economy half of 1954. On this basis, the smallest to expand production and an inabil­ for all lines of business included in our during 1954 does not provide a basis for group's 'money-making ability declined ity of smaller companies to get ade­ tabulation, the 1,778 reporting companies 60.9 per cent, while the biggest corpora­ show combined net income up 4 per cent. viewing the future of small, independent quate financing for expansion." (Ital­ enterprises with complacence. In a sense, tions showed an increase of 10.5 per cent. Tax details given by the larger compa­ 1954 was a "normal" year. No war gal­ In addition, the small manufacturer's ics mine.-T.N.V.) nies indicate that in 1954, on an over-all share of total sales has drifted down­ volume of sales about 5 per cent lower vanized the industrial community. No The tremendous accumulation of depression swept large numbers of small ward from 19 per cent in 1947 to 14 per than in 1953, pre-ta~ earnings were enterprises out of existence. Indeed, the cent in 1953, a trend which, if unchecked, capital that has taken place in recent down 10 per cent. Liability for federal somewhat slower tempo of busines activ­ can easily as8ume alarming significance. years is beginning to be accompanied income and excess profits taxes declined ity which became apparent in 1953 and These and other factors strongly sug­ by a fall in the rate of profit-attack­ by 25 per cent, with the portion of pre­ tax earnings absorbed by such taxes in carried over into the first quarters of gest to your committee that there are ob­ ing first the smaller capitalists. The 1954, quickened perceptibly during the scure, comple~, and underlying force8 at the two years declining from an average closing months of 1954. It may be as­ work within our economy that are inimi­ process is not an unexpected one. In of 53 to 45 per cent." (Italics mine.­ sumed that a well-founded spirit of op­ cal to the future of small, independent discussing the relationships between T.N.V.) enterprise. To discover and correct these timism about the immediate business accumulation of capital and the rate The dependence of private capital­ outlook was responsible for the 11,981 causes of the mounting disadvantages of profit, Marx states (Capital, Vol. facing the small-business man should be ists on the capitalist state for mainte­ business incorporations in December, the III, p. 283): highest monthly total since January of a major concern of all who want to .see nance of the profits of the bourgeoisie preserved the vigor of our free-enter­ 1947, and for the full-year total of A fall in the rate of profit and a has­ as a class is thus shown in a relatively 117,164 incorporations which exceeded prise system.... tening of accumulation are in so far only those of each year since 1947. On the Your committee has long been deeply different expressions of the same process new and graphic form. Profits, of other hand, 10,300 fewer businesses of disturbed over the multiplying evidences as both of them indicate the development course, remain the end-purpose of eco­ all types started in the first 6 months of of concentration of economic power in of the productive power. Accumulation nomic activity ("the proof of the pud­ 1954, compared with the same period of the managements of a relatively few in its turn hastens the fall of the rate of 1953, and Dun & Bradstreet recorded huge corporations. Oligarchic control profit, inasmuch as it implies the concen­ ding") under capitalism. 2,224 more failures involving court pro­ over groups of vital industries, even tration of labor on a large scale and One of the main props of the pros­ ceedings or voluntary action likely to end though such control may be exercised thereby a higher composition of capital. perity in the first half of 1955 has been in loss to creditors in 1954 than in 1953. within the letter of the law, must inevit­ On the other hand, a fall in the rate of Your committee realizes, however, that ably exert a contracting influence on profit hastens the concentration of capi­ the automobile industry. Never be­ it is easy for selective indices to mislead freedom of endeavor. In each of its an­ tal and its centralization through the fore in history has American capital­ those who hold that what seems good for nual reports since 1951, your committee expropriation of the smaller capitalists, ism produced automobiles at such has stressed its belief that the threat of the economy as a whole must of necessity the expropriation of the last survivors fantastic rates. According to Dun's also be good for small business. The monopoly has not le8sened, not remained of the direct producers who still have fate of small,~· independent businesses is constant, but has, in fact, assumed more anything to give up. This accelerates on Review and Modern Industry for not chained by natural law to the more menacing proportions. It would, indeed, one hand the accumulation, so far as May, 1955, 16 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 87 More cars were produced in the first Senate Small Business Committee, in stores and post exchanges. The an- nual figures cited are as follows: quarter than in any other quarter in his­ the previously cited report, states in 199 commissary stores in the U. S ...... $185,000,000 tory. The record total of 781,000 cars the chapter on "Military Procure­ reached in March was almost matched in 239 commissary stores abroad ...... 121,000,000 April (a shorter month) as production ment" that "all business and Govern­ 450 post exchanges in the U. S ...... 470,000,000 continued at the starting rate of about ment agencies have experienced dis­ 2,700 post exchanges abroad ...... 540,000,000 30,000 cars per day, which means that locations due to the conversion from Thus, over $1.3 billion of sales are that 'running' is a more apt descrip­ cars have been rolling off the assembly the highly geared war economy of the "lost" by retailers. The Hoover Com- tion than 'creeping.' " lines at the rate of one each three sec­ Korean war period to a reduced de­ onds, night and day.... During the first mission observes that Not only is large-scale manufactur- half of 1955 more than 4 million cars fense-production economy. This tr~n­ The whole operation [of commissary ing prospering, but retail business is will probably be made. Before 1949 there sition period has been frau?,ht WIt? stores] is at least a vivid illustration of running about 8 per cent ahead of a had been only one year-1929-in which changes in Government bUyIng polI­ how bureaucracy can expand against the year ago. Perhaps there has been some more than 4 million cars were made dur­ cies, which have caused much concern intent of the Congress, accompanied by ing an entire year. slight decline in the rate of profit, and within the ranks of small business and a failure to include real costs. The real perhaps small manufacturers are hav­ justification of the continued operation Profits of the big three (G.M., Ford among Government officials charged ing their problems but, state the apol­ and Chrysler) have been huge. The of most of these stores is a "fringe bene­ with the responsibility of procure­ fit" to the military personnel and their ogists of the bourgeoisie, 1955 will be smaller automobile companies have ment functions." families. the best or second-best year on record. been forced to merge in an attempt to Later on, it becomes clear that the The question arises as to whether ... Not only will we have "two cars in remain alive. Meanwhile, what has concern is with "negotiated" con­ increased salary payments ... would not every garage" (who was it who said happened to the dealers? They are be more consonant with sustaining our tracts, as small business is suspicious "two chickens in every pot"?), but not doing so well; in fact, they are not economic system. of all contracts awarded by negotia­ eventually "every family will have sharing in the profits of the big auto­ tion. When to this attitude is added \Vhat hurts is not only the loss of three cars." This pious wish is sup­ mobile manufacturers at all. Nor is the fact that "Since 1950 approxi­ business, but the fact that millions of posed to solve the problem of main­ the outlook likely to improve, as deal­ mately 90 per cent of the dollar value servicemen, and through them their taining the present high rate of auto­ ers have been forced to take unprece­ of all purchasing has been awarded families, are able to purchase a va­ mobile sales in the latter part of the dented quantities of cars from the by negotiation, and the emergency ex­ riety of commodities at substantial re­ year. manufacturers. The same analysis in ception has been widely used to jus­ ductions from prevaili;lg retail prices. The first signs of trouble occur as a Dun's goes on to say: tify this sharp departure from the From the point of view of the military rule, not merely in the difficulties that The supplies of new cars with dealers basic method of advertising," it be­ budget, it would obviously be poor small businesses have in surviving, rose noticeably to 624,277 in the begin­ comes clear that despite all the dou­ economy to raise military salaries in but in wholesale distribution. Marx ning of April, to reach a postwar peak. ble-talk small business has not been order to provide military personnel puts it this way (Capital, Vol. III, p. However, at the present rate of sales with purchasing power comparable to which have been outrunning output, new doing so well in receiving military 359): car inventories are entirely reasonable. contracts. civilians. Hence we note the phenomenon that Notwithstanding the expansion in sales, Perhaps, if large-scale war outlays Such considerations do not intrude crises do not show themselves, nor break The National Automobile Dealers Asso­ do not mean increased business for upon the cerebrations of the Hoover ciation reports that operating profits for forth, first in the retail business, which new car and truck dealers are the worst small enterprises at the manufactur­ Commission, who conclude by asking: deals with direct consumption, but in the in fifteen years. (Italics mine.-T.N.V.) ing level, small retailers benefit from spheres of wholesale business and bank­ "Is this [government enterprises] ing, by which the money-capital of so­ the existence of the Permanent War 'creeping socialism'?" The answer is a ciety is placed at the disposal of whole­ IT IS NOT ONLY the small manufac­ Economy. Not very directly, accord­ model of its kind: "Most of these sale business. turer, but the small business man in ing to the Hoover Commission Re­ projects were started for what, at the The manufacturer may actually sell to general whose position is steadily port on Business Enterprises, for the time, appeared to be justifiable oper­ the exporter, and the exporter may in worsening, while monopoly capital is digest published by the Research De­ his turn sell to his foreign customer, the ating reasons. Therefore, we cannot importer may sell his raw materials to steadily strengthened. These funda­ partment of the Citizens Committee say that they were socialistic in intent. the manufacturer, and the manufacturer mental trends of a capitalism that has for the Hoover Report bemoans the However, their perpetuation beyond his products to the wholesale dealer, etc. outlived its historical usefulness more fa~t that government is allegedly tak­ the emergency period has led to the But at some particular and unseen point, than a generation ago are reinforced ing business away from private enter­ the goods may lie "unsold. On some other tremendous increase in the rate of occasion, again, the supplies of all pro­ and accelerated by the development prise by various forms of government growth of government wealth - as ducers and 1niddle men may become of the Permanent War Economy. War enterprise. The magnitude of the compared to private wealth-which gradually overstocked. Consumption is outlays are necessarily concentrated competition is indicated by the vol­ the Harden Subcommittee cited. This then generally at its best either because In large aggregations of capital. The ume of business done by commissary is certainly an alarming symptom. one industrial capitalist sets a succes­ sion of others in motion, or because the 88 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Further, the rate is such as to suggest laborers employed by them are fully em- Summer 1955 89 ployed and spend more than ordinarily economy, the traditional course of the of March-the latest month for which (about $20 billion) goes into increased , .. the production of constant capital captalist business cycle becomes con­ figures are available-business failures inventory that is presumably salable, never takes place for its own sake, but siderably modified. The possibilities rose 12 per cent over February 1955. it is clear that a sizable portion of the solely because more of this capital is needed in those spheres of production of the boom culminating in sudden, According to Dun's7 "Casualties were increase in commodity production whose products pass into individual con· abrupt crisis are remote so long as the higher only once, in March 1954, in (capital) has been immobilized by the swmption. However, this may proceed political preconditions, nationally and the entire postwar period." This is state principally in the form of mili­ undisturbed for a while, stimulated by internationally, of the Permanent the type of cloud on the horizon that tary stockpiles and government stor­ prospective demand, and in such lines the business of merchants and industrial War Economy obtain. Moreover, eco­ may only be a speck today, but to­ age of agricultural surpluses. capitalists prospers exceedingly. A crisis nomic fact-gathering and knowledge morrow can be very sizable. The use of state power, no matter occurs whenever the returns of those have progressed to the point where how haphazard or inefficient it may merchants, who sell at long range, or any unsold goods are fairly conspicu­ THE FUNCTION OF DISTRIBUTION the be, for such equilibrium purposes in­ whose supplies have accumulated also on 7 the home market, become so slow and ous. They are either agricultural sur­ turnover of capital in retailing and troduces an aspect of planning into meager, that the banks press for pay­ pluses bursting out of government wholesaling, is fundamentally to real­ the anarchic system of capitalism that ment, or the notes for the purchased warehouses or automobiles bulging in ize the values and surplus values em­ neither Marx, Lenin nor Trotsky commodities become due before they dealers' showrooms-to mention the bodied in capital employed in pro­ could have foreseen in detail, as fun­ have been resold. It is then that forced two major points where quasi-crisis duction. Only in this manner can the damentally the decisive aspects of sales take place, sales made in order. to be able to meet payments. And then we conditions are presently in the process capitalist cycle of M-C-M' be com­ state intervention and "planning" are have the crash, which brings the decep­ of developing. pleted and the capitalist achieve the products of the Permanent War Econ­ tive prosperity to a speedy end. (Italics Nevertheless, Marx remains emi­ profit that is his sole aim in business. omy. Eliminate the threat of Stalinist mine.-T.N.V.) nently con-ect in stating that crises When production increases faster imperialism, remove the social arcept­ To be sure, Marx was discussing tend to originate with the wholesale than consumption (unless military ex­ ability to all classes of the huge ex­ the turnover of merchants' capital in level of distribution. In this connec­ penditures consume the entire dispro­ penditures for war outlays, destroy the above passage, and describing the tion, it is most interesting to examine portionate excess of production), the political basis for state interven­ development of crisis in a fairly sim­ the latest figures on business failures there is another cloud on the horizon tion in the economy on such a huge ple, undifferentiated type of capital­ (as published by Dun's7 op. cit., p. 32). that is symptomatic of quasi-crisis if scale, and the pre-World War II vio­ ism that prevailed a century ago. He There were 2,854 failures during the it continues to grow. lent swings in the economy are imme­ could not have forseen the develop­ first quarter of 1955 compared with That all is not serene for the Amer­ diately restored. ment of the Permanent War Economy 2,895 during the first quarter of 1954 ican capitalists may be seen from a The "triumph" of American capi­ stage of capitalism in decline, where -a decline of almost two per cent in glance at the figures on retail and talism today lies not so much in its production of the means of destruc­ number of failures. The liabilities manufacturing sales. Retail sales in ability to maintain an historically tion becomes an integral "third" de­ represented by these failures declined 1946, the first postwar year, are re­ outmoded social system, but its ability partment of the economic scene. Con­ from $134.6 million to $121.1 million ported at $102,488,000,000; in 1954 to persuade the masses of the popula­ stant capital is currently not only pro­ during the year under comparison­ they were $170,664,000,000-an in­ tion that the Permanent War Econ­ duced when needed by industries a decline of ten per cent. Yet, against crease of 67 per cent. Manufacturing omy is really the Welfare State. This, "whose products pass into individual this favorable performance for the sales, on the other hand, rose from however, is a separate subject outside consumption," but also-and with economy as a whole, wholesale trade $151,402,000,000 in 1946 to $287,707,- the scope of this article. equal social acceptability-when need­ is the only sector of the economy 000,000 in 1954-an increase of 90 per Another way of expressing the fun­ ed by industries whose products enter where the number and dollar volume cent. As a matter of fact, if the com­ damental economic developments that into military consumption. In some of failures rises significantly from the parison is made with 1953, the post­ have taken place during the past dec­ cases, the individual product that en­ first quarter of 1954 to the first quar­ war peak, the increase in retail sales ade as a result of the huge accumula­ ters into military consumption is ter of 1955. The number of failures in remains the same, 67 per cent, while tion of capital is to refer to the in­ identical with that which enters into wholesale trade increased from 289 to the increase in manufacturing sales creasingly high organic composition individual consumption. The ability 337-a rise of 17 per cent; while the reaches 100 per cent, as manufactur­ of capital, with its consequent rapid of the state thus to subsidize whole in­ dollar volume of the liabilities in­ ing sales for 1953 are estimated to increase in productivity of . labor. dustries (mining, for example) mate­ volved in these failures rose from have reached over $303 billion. These tendencies we analyzed in Part rially helps to stabilize the entire $12.9 million to $13.7 million-a rise While a portion of the iJ;lcrease in III, "Increasing State Intervention," economy. in excess of 6 per cent. manufacturing must go to replace the of the original series on the Perma­ Depending on the character and By themselves, these figures could ~onsta.nt capital t~at has been used up nent War Economy (cf. The New In­ degree of state intervention in the be merely episodic. Yet for the month III pnor production, and a portion ternational, May-June, 1951, p. 150):

90 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 91 r

"Precisely where the breaking point the part of American capitalism. It is engaged in the production of con­ all, relatively unimportant to the is likely to be, no one can say, but it by no means excluded that the Stalin­ sumer goods sought legislation to en­ monopolist so long as his profit posi­ is clear that the composition of capi­ ists will achieve some degree of success able it to withstand the vicissitudes of tion is adequately maintained. tal is already dangerously high and in this part of their strategic aim. competition. The result was the pas­ The legislative history is important constitutes a sword of Damocles, Without speculating about substan­ sage of the Miller-Tydings Act of in only one respect-as the supplies of hanging over the unsuspecting head tial reductions in war outlays, how­ 1937, which exempted manufacturer­ civilian products on the market in­ of such a highly-geared capitalist ever, there are already evident signs retailer price fixing contracts from creased in the postwar period, advo­ economy that in a few years it is pos­ of stress and strain in the field of dis­ anti-trust prosecution. This was really cates of Fair Trade attempted to solve sible to produce all the automobiles, tribution. The size of the average cap­ the origin of the Fair Trade move­ the problem on a state by state basis, television sets, etc., that can be sold ital engaged in retail or wholesale ment, whereby monopoly capital at­ once the Supreme Court declared that under capitalist conditions of produc­ trade is smaller than in manufactur­ tempted direct control of the pricing the Miller-Tydings Act could not be tion." ing. Its return on sales is less, as it activities of merchants capital. used to support Fair Trade. They Labor productivity, according to an depends on a higher turnover of capi­ Under Fair Trade agreements, if a found, however, that this would not unpublished study of the Federal Re­ tal to maintain its share of the average manufacturer enters into a minimum work as there was an immediate and serve Research Department, may have rate of profit. By the same token, how­ pricing agreement (price fixing agree­ obvious conflict with the Federal anti­ reached the fantastic figure of be­ ever, capital engaged in distribution ment) with one retailer in one of the trust laws. Consequently, Congress tween four and eight per cent last is more vulnerable to minor changes 48 states (there are at present 42 states passed the McGuire Act in 1952 year in manufacturing, against a nor­ in the business cycle. From the point where this monopoly practice is le­ which exempts state Fair Trade laws mal current rate of increase of three of view of monopoly capital, the over­ gal), all other retailers in that state from the provisions of Federal anti­ per cent. The resulting rise in na­ whelming majority of the almost four who are selling the same commodity­ trust laws. The McGuire Act gives tional income has, in turn, given rise million enterprises engaged in retail whether they have signed a Fair permission to monopoly capital to es­ to significant increases in personal and wholesale distribution are at Trade agreement or not-are bound tablish price-fixing agreements at the savings. The forms of savings have re­ best necessary evils. If a substantial to the schedule of prices dictated by wholesale and retail level on a state cently been studied by Raymond percentage of merchants' capital were the manufacturer. The main argu­ by state basis without fear of prosecu­ Goldsmith. As reported by Will Liss­ to disappear, provided that the proc­ ment in favor of Fair Trade has al­ tion under Federal anti-monopoly ner in The New York Times of May ess did not rock the capitalist boat, ways been that the manufacturer laws. 29, 1955, "The information already monopoly capital would not be un­ needs protection against those retail­ developed has been credited with aid­ duly concerned. Except for propa­ ers (and wholesalers) who follow the THE GROWTH OF FAIR TRADE has been ing in the formulation of policies that ganda phrases, consequently, monop­ practice of loss leaders; i.e., the manu­ accompanied by an immediate and llloderated recent tendencies toward oly capital is not at all alarmed about facturer of a nationally branded and parallel rise in discount houses, much boom and slump. Economists in close the "mounting disadvantages facing advertised product claims that he has like the passage of the Prohibition touch with the research going on pre­ the small-business man," nor for that spent considerable sums to establish Act was accompanied by the growth dict that within five years enough will matter is monopoly capital the "vig­ consumer preference and desire for of bootlegging. Discount houses are be known about the business cycle to orous defender of the free-enterprise his product, and the "unscrupulous" no longer confined to New York and a banish major depression from the system" that it poses as. retailer sells this product at a loss in few large cities. They have spread American economy." As a matter of historical record, the order to lure customers into his store, across the entire country. Everyone is What these economists ought more decisive majority of commodities in­ on the theory that once they are in "discount-conscious." Every commod­ profitably to study is how to sustain tended for consumption by individu­ the store they will purchase other ity that has a list price, or suggested the economy once production of the als is produced by a relatively small merchandise on which he makes his list price, or whose retail price can be means of destruction declines appreci­ number of monopoly capitalists. normal profit or more. Certain retail­ established in the minds of the con­ ably below present levels. This is not These manufacturers, except in the ers, especially department stores, have sumer through advertising or any to be interpreted as a forecast that case of a few large aggregations of been the main supporters of such other device, is immediately sold at a such will happen. The basic decisions merchants' capital, are able to ignore price-fixing agreements, as they find discount. The havoc that this process are now political in nature. But the with impunity the desires and aspira­ it difficult to cope with the competi­ has caused among various types of dis­ Stalinist peace offensive has as one of tions of retailers and wholesalers. tion of specialty stores and discount tributive outlets has given rise to its objectives the promotion of a po­ During the Great Depression of the houses who slash prices on branded what may properly be termed a verit­ litical climate in western Europe and 1930's, when the capitalist structure merchandise. The fact that the con­ able crisis in distribution. the United States that will bring was rocked to its foundations by the sumer pays more under such monop­ Discount houses are not to be con­ about a reduction in war outlays on ravages of the crisis, monopoly capital oly practices as Fair Trade is, after fused with retail outlets that have pe- '2 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 93 , I

riodic sales. A proper definition not significant for purposes of this anal­ trade analysts of "off-list" selling, in TOTAL COSTS would have to confine the term to ysis.) Therefore, it would seem that the a comprehensive article in Advertis­ Dept.Store 32.6 33.3 Chamber of Commerce figure overstates Masters 12.2 11.3 those retailers that are selling as a the income of the discounter, but your ing Age for April 18, 1955, states: regular daily occurrence Fair-Traded committee is unable to find any mutually The president of Webster-Chicago had Excess 20.4 22.0 merchandise at less than the Fair­ agreed upon level between the $5 billion declared that "in the New York City Traded prices. How extensive is this and $25 billion estimates. Naturally, pre­ area, 85 per cent of all major appliances Thus, assuming that merchandise cise information is not available, since were sold by discount houses in 1954." practice? The surprising, or perhaps the discount houses do not file reports costs are identical (and many of the not so surprising, thing is that nobody That figure is correct as applied to the large discount houses receive larger with any agency of the Government or discount operation: not as applied to the knows. The estimates vary so widely with any private association regarding discount house. He also said that the dis­ quantity discounts from most manu­ as to be almost meaningless. Yet, un­ the extent of their sales. (Italics mine. count house is "tending to become more facturers than do department stores), less there are some quantitative meas­ -T.N.V.) like a conventional dealer every day"-a the discount house has definitely low­ ures, it is impossible to analyze the On the other hand, Housewares statement that is not quite factual. A er selling costs, lower overhead, and small handful of discount houses are Review~ a trade publication, in its current crisis in distribution. opening more luxurious outlets and giv­ above all lower payroll. With a mar­ The same Annual Report of the May, 1955, issue has an article by the ing more services. But the total di8count gin of 20 percentage points, or there­ Senate Small Business Committee, editor on the "Distribution Revolu­ operation is far from conventional. If abouts, there is little wonder that the previously cited, has an interesting tion." In it, he refers to 10,000 dis­ anything, the contrary would be a more average discount house can undersell count houses doing an annual volume accurate summation-in other words, the average department store by an chapter on the Distributive Trades, the conventional outlet is tending toward in which we find the following illumi­ of .$500 million. To be sure, there are the unconventionality of the di8count appreciable amount-enough to at­ nating discussion of the extent of dis­ other types of discount operations, in­ operation - witness the circusy ware­ tract the average consumer. count houses: cluding super-markets and mail order house sales of department stores. and catalog operations, but the figure Various estimates have been made of While, as Housewares Review puts THE DISCOUNT HOUSE, and the dis­ the extent to which these discount houses given by Housewares Review for gross it, "The factory list price, made into count method of operat,ion, have been have made inroads into more normal re­ volume of discount houses looks like a legalized point of reference for the growing. This is not to imply that all tail outlets. Spokesmen for the Toy Man­ they placed the decimal in the wrong discounter, became the discounter's discount houses are prospering and ufacturers' Association and the National place. An annual volume of .$500 mil­ all department stores suffering. Many Retail Dry Goods Association, both of chief asset," the fact remains that the which operate in areas especially vulner­ lion divided among 10,000 discount average discount house works on a department stores are doing quite able to the competition of discounters, stores (the figure seems to be extreme­ gross margin of 10-20 per cent, where­ well, and recently a number of dis­ have provided your committee with their ly conservative) would yield only as the average department store re­ count stores have gone into bank­ guess that the total sales volume of dis­ .$50,000 gross volume per store. A gen­ quires a mark-up at least twice that of ruptcy. Still, however, some old and count houses is about $5 billion. On the uine discount house could not exist other hand, the United States Chamber the discount house. How does the dis­ honored names in retailing have dis­ of Commerce has given a fifJ'Ure of $25 on such a small volume, as the key to count house do it? Masters, one of appeared from the scene: McCreery's, billion, or five times as great, as its best a successful discount operation is New York's largest discount houses, \tVanamaker's and Hearns in New guess of the extent of business being large volume on a small mark-up, re­ has made its figures publicly avail­ York, Loeser's in Brooklyn, O'Neill's done by these outlets, most of whose busi­ sulting in a much faster turnover of ness is done in fair-traded items. On this able. They are analyzed by H ouse­ in Baltimore, Famous of Los Angeles, point, incidentally, the American Fair capital than the average retailer. Sure­ wares Review~ as follows: and Alms & Doepke in Cincinnati. Trade Council feels that over 80 per cent ly, a $500,000 average annual volume There is no doubt that a squeeze is of the discount houses' revenue comes is more apt to be correct for the typi­ DISCOUNTER AND beginning to operate on retail distri­ DEPARTMENT STORE from prixe-fixed merchandise, and there cal discount house than .$50,000. On bution. This is the central aspect of seems to be no reason to doubt that the Costs as a Percentage of Sales this assumption, the annual volume the crisis in distribution. The frantic 80 per cent figure is close to the mark. PAYROLL Your committee, however, has no would be $5 billion, coinciding with seeking of other distributive outlets, 1952 1953 means and no data by which it could the estimate of the Toy and Dry the general chaos that prevails, are come to a decision on the relative relia­ % % Goods Associations cited by the Sen­ Dept. Store 17.8 18.5 merely symptoms of the falling aver­ bility of either the $5 billion or $25 bil­ ate Small Business Committee. Masters 6.1 lion annual revenue estimate. Since it is 5.8 age rate of profit in distribution at generally agreed that only 10 per cent of Whatever the actual figures, it is large. Excess 11.7 12.7 total retail sales in the Nation are in clear that a very substantial percent­ Fair Trade was supposed to have fair-traded goods, the total amount of age of the volume of many commodi­ ALL OTHER EXPENSES protected the profit margins of the such business would come to about $18.7 ties, especially certain types of con­ Dept. Store 14.8 14.8 billion with total sales of $187 billion. Masters 6.1 5.5 distributor and retailer. Properly po­ (Dun's figure for total retail sales is sumer durables, is sold at discount. In liced it was supposed to have elimi­ about $170 billion, but the difference is fact, E. B. Weiss, one of the main Excess 8.7 9.3 nated the discounter. At least, that THE NEW '4 INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 95 , .

ed: disregard the fixed price "and com­ ance) that they would be aided in was the theory on which the manu­ large scale is here to stay. It exists not only with the tacit support of manu­ pete on a price basis with the discount their fight against discount houses by facturer sold the concept to the retail­ house." facturers, but with their complete co­ The F.T.C. concluded, "It cannot seri­ repeal of Fair Trade. er. When the Supreme Court ruled in He suggested that the discounter prob­ 1951 that the Miller-Tydings Act of operation. It goes without sayi~g that ously be suggested that price competi­ discount houses could not surVIve for tion is morally reprehensible. A retailer ably owes more to fair trade than any­ 1937 applied only to those retailers one else since it gives him a fixed ceiling one day without the benevolent sup­ forced to cut prices to compete ... could who actually signed price agreements do so with impunity." and makes it a simple matter to under­ with manufacturers, large-scale price port of manufacturers. Many manu­ Hard on the heels of this F. T .C. letter sell those retailers bound by fair trade contracts .... wars broke out in most major cities, facturers supply discount house:; came Attorney General Brownell's long­ openly. l\;lany more use one or more heralded and long-delayed study. Formed "It may be that elimination of fair with the result that retailers took the trade would hamper the operations of indirect or surreptitious methods of in 1953 to review the whole structure of lead, assisted by manufacturers, in anti-trust legislation, the Brownell com­ discounters to a greater extent than it pushing through the McGuire Act of supplying discount houses, so that mittee was composed of 60 top lawyers would hurt those who have so earnestly sought the protection of fair trade!"... 1952. The vote was overwhelming in they can piously inform their more and economists. conventional distributive outlets that The Attorney General's declaration Congress, 196 to lOin the House and In strong words, the committee's re­ constituted his first detailed discussion "they" are not selling the disCOHllt port attacked the federal laws which ex­ of fair trade "price-fixing" as the Jus­ 64 to 16 in the Senate. Yet after three empt Fair Trade agreements from anti­ short years of operation, Fair Trade houses. tice Department sees it. Included in his trust action. reasoning were these fundamental would seem to be on its way out. The report said, "We regard the Fed­ points: States the Senate Small Business THE ENORMOUS INCREASE in the pro­ eral statutory exemption of Fair Trade Although fair trade legislation was pricing as an unwarranted compromise Committee, after reviewing the dis­ ductive capacity of American capital­ supposed to help small retailers compete ism has led to a frantic search for of the basic tenets of national anti-trust with chain stores and other large outlets, parity of statistical estimates on the policy. The throttling of price competi­ every type of market. It is this which "the anticipated benefits have been some­ size of discounting: tion in the process of distribution that what illusory." is fundamentally responsible for the attends F air Trade pricing is, in our Fair trade handicaps those small re­ Even with that degree of statistical chaotic condition in distribution. It opinion, a deplorable yet inevitable con­ tailers who cannot afford extensive ad­ uncertainty, though, it is apparent that should be clear that no legal device, commitant of Federal exemptive laws. vertising, or elaborate establishments or discounters do account for a sizable Fair Trade or its repeal, or any other "We therefore recommend Congres­ services and whose best hope of attract­ share of the retailing pie. Furthermore, sional repeal both of the Miller-Tydings ing customers is in charging lower any increase in their sales during the patented formula, can serve as a nos­ amendment to the Sherman Act and the prices.... coming year which even closely approxi­ trum to remedy the crisis in distribu­ McGuire amendment to the Federal The argument of some manufacturers mates the growth of the past 12 months tion. Meanwhile, however, the gov­ Trade Commission Act, thereby subject­ that fair trade is needed to protect the will undoubtedly provide a most definite ing resale-price maintenance as other ernment appears to be getting ready small merchant has "a somewhat false and pragmatic answer to the question of price-fixing practices, to those Federal ring" when they admit they have en­ what happens next in the fair-trade puz­ to sponsor repeal of Fair Trade. anti-trust controls which safeguard the gaged in manufacturing for sale under zle. In the opinion of your committee, a The Federal Trade Commission re­ public by keeping the channels of distri­ private brand an article identical, except more serious challenge to the fair-trade cently, according to Electrical Mer­ bution free." (Italics mine.-T.N.V.) for a different brand name, with the fair laws than was ever presented by any traded item. court decision arises in the shape of chandising (a McGraw-Hill publica­ The Administration is thus square­ One of his major conclusions was these ever-expanding operations of dis­ tion) for April, 1955, in an article en­ ly behind repeal of Fair Trade. when "He said it 'seems evident' that the count houses located in those States titled, "Is Fair Trade Dying?", \Vhether immediate legislation will absence of competitive pricing under fair which have resale-price-maintenance result is doubtful, but it makes little trade results in higher prices for the laws. released a letter to retailers refusing to difference so far as the over-all prob­ consumer and that consumers are de­ Based on current observations, your enforce state Fair Trade laws. And to prived of the opportunity of 'shopping committee concludes that favorable court add insult, the Commission advised re­ lem is concerned. While some manu­ around' for the same product priced com­ actions against individual price cutters tailers they could "with impunity" ig­ facturers will state that they favor petitively and advertised freely by dif­ have proved ineffective in halting such nore the state laws where they were not continuation of Fair Trade, more and ferent retailers." retail outlets. While protracted litiga­ being diligently enforced. tion was under way which was aimed at The F.T.C. said that if a manufac­ more retailers are moving in the direc­ It would thus seem fairly clear that forcing 1 operator to respect the fair­ turer persists in discriminatory or lax tion of advocating repeal of Fair despite the development of state mo­ trade price of 1 manufacturer's articles, enforcement of his Fair Trade contracts Trade. nopoly capitalism and the Permanent hundreds and thousands of discount "he has forfeited his rights to enforce­ In fact, Attorney General Brownell houses were cutting prices on hundreds ment and there is no longer any legal War Economy, with all the modifica­ and thousands of fair-traded articles. obligation-or at least any legally en­ in a speech before the Annual Confer­ tions that have taken place in the This air of hopelessness of the offi­ forceable obligation-upon a retailer to ence of the NRDGA (reported in Re­ structure of capitalism, some of the observe the manufacturer's fixed prices." cial watchdog over the health of small tailing Daily of April 4, 1955) tried to basic laws of capitalism still operate. The commission went on to advise re­ convince the department store owners The trends toward concentration of business merely reflects the economics tailers to "resort to various avenues of of the situation. Discounting on a self-help." Among the avenues suggest- (apparently, without too much resist- capital, and its increasing organic THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 97 cOmpOSItion, that Marx observed and the economy was certainly endan­ velopment of Leninism," as Norman of retailing, let alone inventing, mali­ analyzed are still at work. Competi­ gered at that point. But, fortunately Thomas asserts? In order to reply, you cious gossip about all sorts of trivialities, tion is still cannibalistic in its impact, for American capitalism, the Korean must first know the facts, the ideas, the which is the stock-in-trade of a whole especially on smaller aggregations of war was launched by Stalin at just the men, just as they were in the heroic days school of embittered turncoats and of the Revolution; a preliminary work capital. The crisis in distribution and right time. Unemployment which had cheapjack sensationalists, and which al­ of excavation is necessary, for they have ways warps and shreds the great canvas its continuation are both inevitable averaged 3.1 million in 1950, declined been systematically buried under succes­ of great events beyond recognition. The and incurable. They are a reflection to l.9 million in 1951, l.7 million in sive layers of varying falsehoods. My present work again justifies the excep­ of the fact that American capitalism, 1952, and 1.5 million in 1953, but in work is aimed at helping restore them tional reputation for intellectual integ­ despite its tremendous wealth, is in 1954 unemployment rose to an aver­ as they were in truth. I will simply say: rity and historical scrupUlosity which I was there; this is how it was. My in­ the author has had in the eyes of all who reality a sick economy. age of 3.2 million. tention is to facilitate the task of those have known him from his earliest days The fact that capitalist crisis does It is impossible to predict at what who are interested in the history of as a syndicalist militant in the French not appear in traditional form, as a level (four, five or six million) unem­ those times by placing every fact in its General Confederation of Labor which true light, by giving every text its full he served for years before the First sudden curtailing -of credit at the peak ployment will become such a dead sense." World War as editor of its then famous of a boom, with resultant forced liqui­ weight on the entire economy that the Alfred Rosmer comes to his task paper, La Vie Ouvriere, throughout his dations on an extensive scale, does not far-reaching nature of the present uniquely equipped. He is the only sur­ years in the Communist and then the vivor among the founders of the Com­ crisis will be apparent to all. The fate Trotskyist movements, to the present at all mean that capitalism has solved munist International who is in a posi­ the problem of the business cycle, or of small business may be of only pass­ day, where he continues an unflagging tion to write about the history of its dedication to the cause of socialist lib­ that capitalist prosperity is perma­ ing interest to monopoly capital, but early years out of intimate and direct knowledge, which he communicates with erty in his writings and his presidency nent. On the contrary, as we have re­ its decline tends to aggravate the un­ of the Cercle Zimmerwald, the associa­ peatedly observed, unless there is a employment problem, and of course sympathetic understanding, objectivity and critical independence of judgment. tion of the French left-wing militants constantly increasing ratio of war out­ its demise is hastened by rising unem­ The idea of justifying everything that who remain pledged to the principles of lays to total output, the equilibrium ployment. If 1955 becomes the most was said and everything that was done internationalism. becomes more and more precarious prosperous (profitable) or the second­ even in the "heroic days of the Revolu~ The present translation is the work of until it is finally upset. most prosperous (profitable) year in tion," is alien to him. So is the practise Max Shachtman.-EDITOR. The dead weight of mass unemploy­ the history of American capitalism, CHAPTER XI the proletariat, until that time con­ ment will become more and more a with unemployment remaining at Among the Delegates to the Second powerful social and political lever, de­ about the three million level, then fined to the theoretical domain, was Congress of the Communist Int'nll spite the fact that the increase in un­ what will happen to unemployment now posed concretely and even as the employment is uneven and gradual, when there is a 5-10 per cent decline In the pre-Congress dis­ most urgent practical problem. This and despite the fact that the labor in production? And the crisis in dis­ cussions, the feeling that was domi­ transitional period, however, this pas­ movement has lost much of its mili­ tribution is a sure sign that in the not­ nant among all the delegates was a sage from capitalism to socialism, had tancy. In 1949, unemployment reach­ too-distant future there will be a fall­ profound desire, a thought-out wish never been gone into deeply, it had ed a postwar peak averaging 3.4 mil­ off in production! for agreement; for all of them the Oc­ been shunted aside when it came up lion for the year. The equilibrium of T.N.VANCE tober Revolution and the Third In­ as an obstacle: you leaped from capi­ May 1955 ternational were a common posses­ talist society right into an ideal city sion. Nonetheless, there were but few erected at leisure. Even syndicalist who arrived all prepared to approve militants like Pataud and Pouget, in Moscow in Lenin's Days: 1920-21 every point in the theses submitted to a book they had entitled Comment them; their content escaped the usual With this issue we begin the publica­ of the book will, with the kind consent Nous Ferons la Revolution [How vVe tion of extensive extracts from a work of the author, be printed here in sub­ familiar classification, and the way Will Make the Revolution] had made of capital importance and interest. Al­ stantial installments. in which the problems were dealt no precise contribution to the transi­ though the original French edition of "The destiny of the Russian Revolu­ with were different, too. All the prob­ tional period even though they were Alfred Rosmer's book has already been tion," writes Rosmer in his preface, "the lems had to be taken up and exam­ committed to one by the very title of translated and published in Italy, an daily gymnastics of recent years which ined from top to bottom. English edition has yet to be issued. We are desi~nated as 'Marxism-Leninism,' their work: a brief general strike; the are all the happier to be able to provide pose impurtant questions: Is Stalin con­ For the syndicalists and the anar­ regime collapses . . . and after a few our readers with an English translation tinuing Lenin? Is the totalitarian regime chists [Lenin's] State and Revolution days of disturbance and a minimum and although it is not possible, to our only another form of what was called had greatly facilitated a synthesis of of violence, the syndicalists would great regret, to publish the entire work the dictatorship of the proletariat? Was theoretical conceptions in their essen­ in our pages for that would spread it the worm already in the fruit? Is Stalin­ proceed peacefully to building the over too long a period of time, the bulk ism "a logical and almost inevitable de- tial respects. But the dictatorship of new society. All that remained in the '8 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 99 T

realm of fairy tales. In Moscow, in advantages and the necessity of a par­ with the Bolsheviks on the question The soldiers knew why they were 1920, we were face to face with reality. ty; but in the party we aim to have of the party, but under no circum­ flghting! The bourgeoisie, even a bourgeoi­ there would be no place for a stances would they listen to a word on In our little troop that day there sie as weak as the Russian, does not Scheidemann." And Bukharin replied working in the reformist unions. was the Italian socialist Bombacci. He let itself be beaten so easily; it, too, animatedly to a young Spanish com­ \Vi jnkoop, delegate of the Dutch was a deputy and played at anti-par­ knew the practise of sabotage when it rade who, anxious to prove his com­ "Tribunists" (left-wing Social Demo­ liamentarism even though he was not was menaced; it found support munist orthodoxy, had exclaimed: crats who took their name from their a Bordigist; but by means of an ex­ "We are carrying on a pitiless strug­ abroad, for the bourgeoisie of the en­ paper, De Tribune)~ separated him­ treme leftist position that he never tire world sped to its aid. Far from be­ gle against the anarchists," "What self flatly from the "leftists," Panne­ made specific, he did his share in iso­ ing able to begin working peacefully, does that mean-fight the anarchists? koek and Corter; he found the mere lating Serrati who was left without the revolutionists were obliged to pre­ There are anarchists who have rallied presence in Moscow of "centrists," of support (on his left). He was very pare for war, a terrible war, for the to the dictatorship of the proletariat opportunistic socialists like Cachin handsome. A golden head. Beard and attack came from all sides. They had since October; others have come close and Frossard who had come for "in­ hair shone in the sun. On the tribune wanted peace. They had been gener­ to us and are working in the Soviets, formation" intolerable. On every oc­ he displayed an impressive mimicry ous and magnanimous toward their in economic institutions. It is not a casion he protested violently against with sweeping gestures and move­ enemies; they had freed rebel generals question of 'combating.' It is neces­ their presence: "There is no place for ments of the whole body, sometimes on their word of honor; all had been sary to discuss cordially and frankly, them here," he exclaimed. plunging above the railing as if he in vain. The bourgeoisie imposed war even to work together if possible, and These first contacts among dele­ were going to dive into space. He was upon them; the liberated generals vio­ not turn from that unless you run in­ gates were very precious. We all always a great success and it was un­ lated their oath. All the material and to insurmountable opposition." necessary to translate his words. We moral resources of a country already learned a lot from one another. Our conversations and discussions lasted did not take him too seriously bu t exhausted and gutted by the war, had IN Moscow I FOUND Jack Tanner would never have thought that he late into the night. They were cut off to be poured in to war for three years. again; up to 1914 he was the one who could end up on the side of Musso­ by expeditions to meetings, among To count upon things happening sent us "Letters from London" for La lini. Our long and serious discussions otherwise and easier elsewhere was an Vie Ouvriere; I had seen him in Paris workers and soldiers. One day Buk­ were not free of moments of relax­ unpardonable illusion. The fight during the war where he had come to harin came to take some of us to a ation. Then you could see a group of would be still fiercer, the bourgeoisie w~rk in a factory in the Paris sub­ military encampment in the environs delegates running after Bombacci in being stronger everywhere. urbs. * He represented, along with of the city. As we arrived near a high the hallways of the Dyelovoy Dvor Certain delegates who already im­ Ramsay, the Shop Stewards Commit­ tribune, Bukharin cried: "There is shouting, "A basso i I deputato!" agined themselves in full accord with ::ees that had developed and taken on our tallk!---Do you know what the the theses submitted to the Congress great importance in the course of the With another of the Italian dele­ point is?" He explained it to us. '''ere often among those who were war as a reaction against the attitude gates our relations were less cordial \Vhen Yudellitch, moving in from Es­ farthest removed from them. To Mac­ of the majority of the trade-union and included no pleasantries: that Laine, delegate of the British Socialist leaders who had rallied to the govern­ tonia, attacked in the direction of Pet­ was D' Aragona, secretary of the Con­ Party, who had boasted of being able ment's war policy. I was in full agree­ rograd, he advanced rapidly thanks federazione Cenerale del Lavoro. His to adhere to them unreservedly-he ment with them. The fight inside the to the tanks with which the English comrades of the trade-union organi­ was ill agreement on the role of the reformist unions was nothing new to had equipped his army. The young zations, Dugoni and Colombino, hard­ party, on participating in elections, them; they had always been support­ recruits of the Red Army had never ly showed up at our meetings; they in agreement on the struggle in the ers of it; and like myself they had up before seen this redoubtable engine; left soon enough. It is no exaggera­ reformist unions-Lenin had replied: to then always been impervious to they felt it was a monster against tion to say tha t they had come more "N 0, it is not that easy, or if you be­ parliamentarism and the political which they were defenseless. An in­ for the purpose of finding reasons for lieve it is, it is because you are still party. evitable disorder, sometimes down­ combating Bolshevism than for con­ imbued with that socialist jabbering An active sympathy brought us right panic, followed. In the face of firming the adherence that their party that "vas prevalent in the Second In­ dose to other delegates even though this powerful material weapon the had given to the Third International. ternational but which always halted certain differences persisted between Red Army could only resort to its spe­ To try to justify their attitude, they before revolutionary action." In con­ them and us. John Reed and his cial weapons. Among these, the most said in private that the Italian workers nection with the party, Trotsky said: American friends were in agreement important was the tribute from which would never endure he privations im­ "Of course it would not be necessary the Bolsheviks explained to the work­ posed upon the Russian workers by *He is today the president of the Amalgamated Engi­ ers and peasants the meaning of the to convince a Scheidemann of the neering Union. the October Revolution. But since war that had been forced upon them. D'Aragona had signed the appeal of 100 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 101 F. 7)

the Provisional International Council tive of the Communist International oncoming and essential character he was to have its solemn opening. Smol­ of the Red Trade Unions, he was not I had the opportunity of knowing had nevertheless forecast in his bro­ ny, that former college of young always able to duck out and he had him well. After our first meeting at chure La guerre qui vient [The Com­ ladies of the nobility had become the to submit to our questions. We posed the Executive Committee, he had ing War]. headquarters of the revolution in Oc­ them unsparingly because we were asked me to visit him in his office at Our task, in the commission, was tober. When Lenin walked down the convinced of his insincerity; all he did the International which was then in­ fairly easy; the delegates who turned large hall where we had gathered, the was swim with the stream, like Cachin stalled in the building of the former in their credentials to us were almost English and American delegates, rein­ in France. When he found himself German embassy, the house where all known; there were practically no forced by a few more units, for they too harassed by us, he invariably went ambassador von Mirbach had been as­ contests except for an incident of were not very numerous, surrounded to look up Serrati who would rescue sassinated by the Social-Revolution­ little importance in connection with him, forming a chain and singing, him from the corner into which we ary Blumkin. He claimed he knew the French delegation. Jacques Sa­ "For he's a jolly good fellow!"-the had driven him." French but he did not speak it and doul and Henri Guilbeaux had taken traditonal testimonial which, among our conversation took place in Eng­ part in the First Congress. Guilbeaux, Englishmen, adds affection to admira­ CHAPTER XII lish. During a recent imprisonment in regarded as the representative of the tion. Germany, he had, he believed, per­ After a few brief speeches, the dele­ Radek Speaks of Bakunin "French Zimmerwald left," with de­ fected his knowldege of English. Per­ liberative vote; Sadoul, credentialed gates, joined by militants from Petro­ IN THIS PRE-CONGRESS PERIOD, I had a haps he had learned to read it but his by the communist group in Moscow, grad, left in a cortege for the Field of supplementary assignment with the spoken language was frightful; yet he had been admitted wi th a cons ulta­ Mars where the victims of the revo­ credentials commission. I had been was the only one who didn't notice it tive vote. Should they both be in­ tion were buried, then for the Taur­ designated by the Executive Commit­ for he expressed himself with his cus­ cluded in the delegation? I was then ide Palace, seat of the Duma and then tee to be a member of it, along with tomary assurance. For this first meet­ the sole delegate with credentials of the Petrograd Soviet whose debates the Bulgarian Shablin, and Radek, ing he was extremely amiable and af­ from the Committee of the Third In­ from March to November we had fol­ then secretary of the Communist In­ ter having asked for some informa­ ternational. In my view Guilbeaux, lowed with such anxiety; few in num­ terna tional. tion on the French movement, he by virtue of the action he had con­ ber at the outset, the Bolsheviks had Radek occupied a unique position spoke of his recent works, notably a ducted in Switzerland, was qualified progressed rapidly to win the major­ in the International. He was a Pole, study on Bakunin. "In prison," he to receive a credential with delibera­ ity in it in September and to make had been a militant above all in Ger­ said, "I re-read the principal writings tive vote, whereas Sadoul, who be­ Trotsky its chairman. It was the sec­ many, and now was more or less Russ­ of Bakunin and I became convinced longed to the Socialist Party and had ond time, twelve years apart, that ified. He had the reputation of a that the evaluation that we social only been an accidental joiner, should Trotsky chaired the Petrograd Soviet; brilliant and informed journalist, but democrats made of him was in many only have a consultative vote. Radek the first, the precursor, was the Revo­ it was not rare to hear unkind re­ respects mistaken. It's a work that hardly liked this proposal-he detest­ lution of 1905. marks made about his behavior in must be taken up again." I had the ed Guilbeaux for personal reasons; he The meeting hall was similar to groups where he had worked. In the impression that an unforeseen conces­ notified Sadoul accordingly and Sa­ those in which the parliamentary as­ course of intimate meetings of the sion was to be made to syndicalism doul sent us a vigorous protest. Guil­ semblies of all countries meet (except commission, and later in the Execu- and anarchism which placed Bakunin beaux and Sadoul were finally put on in England which, as a sacrifice to tra­ *How D' Aragona and his friends behaved upon their re­ among their great forerunners. the same plane; delegates with con­ dition, allows itself the fancy of a turn to Italy is shown by the following lines: "Arter hav­ Returning to affairs in France, he ing announced the revolutionary apogee in the victorious sultative vote, which satisfied neither rectangular hall in which grandilo­ occupation of the factories, their deflation became suddenly asked my opinion about the leaders of one of them. quent declamation is necessarily ban­ and ineluctably manifest. It did not take them long to the French Socialist Party, in particu­ record that the Russian myth no longer warmed the heart. ished); a highly-perched tribune, an The members of the socialist mission who had gone to Mos­ lar about Cachin and Frossard and amphitheater where the delegates cow the foregOing July and who on their return to Italy had their information mission. He knew CHAPTER XIII been very careful not to report their deep disillusionment were seated, and a gallery for the out of fear of the Red extremists, now found their courage Francis Delaisi from his work on La Smolny-The Solemn Opening spectators. It is here that the inaugu­ again and spoke of and proclaimed the enormous mistake democratie et les financiers} asked me Session of the Second Congress made in applying the doctrines of Lenin in Russia. To the ral session of the Congres stook place. interviews granted the newspapers to this effect by Mr. about his present activity and about ON JULY 16, 1920, the whole Con­ The address was delivered by Lenin. D' Aragona, the general secretary of the General Confedera­ his position during the war, about the tion, were added the publication of a much more effective gress left for Petrograd and held its There can be no question, within the al'raignment, the documented report of the two heads of possibility of bringing him over to session there the next day. It was in framework of this work, of giving a the metal workers' organization, Messrs. Colombino and communism. I had to answer that I Pozzani, presented in a volume in which was described the Petrograd that the revolution had be­ report, even summarized, of the works destruction by the Bolsheviks of the whole vast machinery knew nothing about that. Delaisi had of production.-Domenico Russo, Mussolini et Ie fascime, gun; it was there that the Second Con­ and decisions of this Congress, which p. 45. remained silent during the war whose gress of the Communist International was in reality the first Congress of the

102 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 103 Communist International. The meet­ new Europe. Lenin started with this which the priest Gapon had led in have nothing to lose but your chains!" ing of l\1arch 1919, had had the aim, book but he speedily reached what, I supplication before Nicholas II only Light was furnished by powerful pro­ above all, of proclaiming the Third believe, was the essential thing to to have him meet it with a fusillade. jectors installed upon structures an­ International. Impatient to inscribe him. In this period, his mind was al­ Gorky appeared among us for a min­ chored in the Neva. The "three taps" its ideas in deeds as quickly as he ways dominated-as his book on ute. He was big, square-shouldered, were given by the cannon of the Fort­ deemed it possible and necessary, "leftism" had shown-by the fear that solidly built. Yet, it was obvious that ress. Then there came the Paris Com­ Lenin had resisted the objections, the young communist parties regard­ he was gravely ill and obliged to mune with dancing and songs from notably those of Rosa Luxemburg ed the revolution as something easy watch himself carefully; it was never­ the Carmagnole; the war of 1914; the and the German Communist Party, and even ineluctable, and the idea he theless pleasant to see his robust ap­ leaders of the Second International whose delegate, the only genuine one insisted on was that it would be false pearance. He had consistently fought prostrating themselves before their at the Congress-except for the Rus­ and dangerous to say on the morrow the Bolsheviks and the October Revo­ governments and before capitalism sians-had come with the formal in­ of the world war that there was no lution. Then, without completely re­ while Liebknecht took up the red struction to oppose the proclaiming longer a way out for the bourgeoisie. nouncing his criticisms and reserva­ banner that they had dropped and of a new International; it was too And following his usual method­ tions, he had rallied to the regime, de­ cried, "Down with the war!" The soon, proper preparations could not which gives his speeches and writings voting the greatest part of his activity overturn of Tsarism was the subject yet be made, said Rosa Luxemburg. a desultory appearance-after having to saving people unjustly persecuted, of a unique achievement: automo­ On the other hand, this Second Con­ formulated this warning, he returned intervening among the Soviet leaders biles filled with armed workers burst gress had a remarkable representa­ to it, picked it up again, developed it who had for so long been his friends. out of several places in the square tion. Delegates had come from all the in other words-variations on the It was said that he was one of the and threw down the imperial edifice corners of the earth and on its order same theme. authors of an original play whose pre­ of the Tsar and his clique. A brief of the day were inscribed all the prob­ The members of the Bureau of the miere we were to see in the evening. episode showed Kerensk y soon re­ lems of socialism and of the revolu­ Congress delivered brief speeches. In You could not have imagined a placed by Lenin and Trotsky, two tion. For this Congress as for the other Paul Levi's, there was an unpleasant finer site for this open air theater large portraits surrounded by a red two-those which met in the days of note. On two occasions, speaking of than the one that was chosen. It was flag and lighted up with the full Lenin-I will confine myself to ex­ the Polish aggression, he used the the peristyle and square of the Stock strength of the floodlights. The harsh tracting the essential points of the de­ word ((schlagen" [to beat]. All of us Exchange, and had great symbolic years of the civil war found their sym­ bates and the theses and I shall en­ were joyfully following the riposte value. The decor was grandiose. The bolic conclusion in a Budenny cavalry deavor to reconstitute the atmosphere the Red Army was giving Pilsudski's building, Greek in style as was, it charge annihilating the vestiges of the ill which they unfolded, to cast up aggression; Tukhachevsky's audacious seems, a universal custom, was sur­ armies of the counterrevolution. At the balance. march upon Warsaw filled us with rounded by a long colonnade. It occu­ the end, a tremendous "Internation­ Lenin's address was very significant hope but what we were expecting pied the peak of a triangle formed al" rose into the night. An act of faith of the man and his method. He from it was the uprising of the people here by Vassili-Ostrov between the fittingly terminating a day charged seemed to ignore the solemni ty of this -the revolution in Poland. But the two arms of the Neva. The view ran with emotion. meeting in this place. No grand tone of the speaker and the repeated from the quays of the river with their marble palace all the way to the sinis­ phrases, even though the circum­ "schlagen" revealed in Levi something CHAPTER XIV stances might well have justified of that chauvinism which is all too ter Peter and Paul Fortress. them. There was great surprise when frequent among Germans in their at­ The stage was the peristyle which The Debates at the we saw that his speech was based on titude toward Poles and it was certain was reached by a high stairway. The Second Congress the book of the Englishman, John that his words on this score were not vast crowd which had gathered to see BACK IN Moscow, the Congress l\1aynard Keynes, The Economic Con­ those of an internationalist. the spectacle stood at ease on the huge promptly began its work. The Rus­ sequences of the Peace. Not that it In the afternoon a meeting was square. In this exceptional framework sian delegation was important due to was not an important work; of all the held on the vast square of the Winter was unfolded a succession of scenes the number and the worthiness of its experts at the [Versailles] Peace Con­ Palace, so rich in memories. There depicting "the march of socialism members. It included: Lenin, Trot­ ference, Keynes had been the only one Kerensky's ministers had found their through struggles and defeats toward sky, Zinoviev, Bukharin, Radek, R y­ to see clearly, in any case, the only last refuge. A tribune had been erect­ victory." The story began with the kov, Riazanov, Dzherzhinsky, Tom­ one who dared show, while there was ed before the palace from which you Communist Manifesto. The well­ sky, Pokrovsky, Krupskaya. The first yet time to remedy them, the disas­ overlooked the crowd that had come known words of its appeal appeared point on the agenda was the role of trous consequences of the semi-Wil­ to hear the speakers; you could not at the top of the colonnade. "Prole­ the Communist Party. However, for a sonian peace to the economy of the help thinking of that other crowd, tarians of all countries, unite! You certain number of delegates it was the

104 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 105 ..

question of the political party itself which we must be capable of involv­ hardly the sort of thing to raise the war, that the first bold voices against that was posed first of all; they had ing and convincing if we want to win. prestige of the Communist Interna­ the war, at the moment when the Ger­ never until that time belonged to a But for that the minority must or­ tional. "Without a doubt," said Trot­ mans were at the gates of Paris, were political party; all their activity had ganize itself, form a solid organiza­ sky, "if you are thinking of a party raised by a small group of French syn­ developed inside workers' organiza­ tion, impose a discipline based upon like that of Scheidemann and Kaut­ dicalists. Those were the voices of my tions. Jack Tanner had just said that the principles of democratic central­ sky. But if what is in your mind is the friends Monatte, Rosmer and others. from the tribune. He explained how, ism; when you have that you have the proletarian party, then it must be There could be no question at the during the war, the Shop Stewards party." stated that in the various countries time of speaking of the formation of Committees had developed, the new A fairly similar dialogue on the this party is going through different a communist party: such elements importance they had taken on in op­ basic question occurred between Pes­ stages of its development. In Ger­ were much too few in number. But I posing the policy of the trade-union tana and Trotsky. Unlike Tanner, many, the classic country of the old felt myself a comrade among com­ leaders who were thoroughly commit­ who represented only groups that Social Democracy, we see a powerful rades in the company of Monatte, of ted to the war policy of the British were not yet numerous and were de­ working class, highly cultured, pro­ Rosmer and of their friends, most of government. The hard battle they veloping at the fringe of the central gressing ceaslessly, embodying sub­ whom had an anarchist past. But had conducted during the war, not trade-union organization, Pestana stantial remnants of old traditions. what could there be in common be­ free of risk, had led them quite nat­ could speak in the name of the Con­ We note, on the other hand, that it tween me and Renaudel who under­ urally to giving the factory commit­ federacion Nacional del Trabajo. It is precisely those parties that claim to stood very well the need of a party? tees a revolutionary program and to did not include all the Spanish trade speak in the name of the majority of "The French syndicalists are carry­ rallying to the October Revolution unions; there existed another trade­ the working class, the parties of the ing on their revolutionary work in the and the Third International from the union center dominated by the social­ Second International, that oblige us trade unions. When I discuss this very beginning. But their activity had ist tendency, but the C. N. T. could to pose the question: is the party nec­ question with Rosmer, we have a always developed outside the party boast of numbering a million mem­ essary or not? PreCisely because I common ground. The French syndi­ and in good measure against the par­ bers at the time; it was solidly im­ know that the party is indispensable calists, in defiance of the traditions of ty, some of whose leaders were the planted in the industrial areas of the and because I am persuaded of the democracy and its delusions, say: 'We very men they were confronted with country, above all in Catalonia; it value of the party, and precisely be­ do not want any political parties, we in the trade-union struggles. Their embodied exactly the anarcho-syndi­ cause I see Scheidemann, on the one are supporters of the workers' unions own experience of the past years calist tradition so deep-rooted in side and on the other the American, and of a conscious minority within could only strengthen their trade­ Spain. Also, Pestana spoke with more Spanish and French syndicalists who their ranks which advocates and ap­ union convictions: the most conscious assurance than Tanner and in a more not only want to fight against their plies the methods of direct action.' and capable minority of the working trenchant tone. Toward the party he bourgeoisie but who, contrary to What do the French syndicalists un­ class could orient and guide the mass had more than hostility-contempt. Scheidemann, want to decapitate it, I derstand by such a minority? That of the workers only in the daily strug­ "But it is possible," he conceded, see that for this reason it is very neces­ was not clear even to themselves; it gle for their demands as well as in the "that in certain countries the workers sary to discuss with the Spanish, was a forecast of the coming develop­ revolutionary battles. want to unite in political parties; in American and French comrades in ment which, in spite of the prejudices It was Lenin who answered Jack Spain we do not need them. And his­ order to prove to them that the party and illusions, has not prevented these Tanner, saying in substance: "Your tory shows that revolutions, from the is indispensable for the accomplish­ very syndicalists from playing a revo­ conscious minority of the working Great French Revolution onward, ment of the present historical task, lutionary role in France and from class, this active minority which take place without a party." Trotsky the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. I bringing together this small minority should guide its activity, why, that's could not refrain from interrupting shall try to prove to them, on the that has come to our international the party; that's what we call the par­ him: "You are forgetting the J aco­ basis of my own experience, and not Congress. ty. The working class is not homoge­ bins!" by telling them on the basis of the "Just what does this minority sig­ neous. Between the upper stratum, Taking up the question of the par­ experience of Scheidemann, that the nify for our friends? It is the elite that minority which has reached full ty again in his reply, Trotsky proceed­ question was settled a long time ago. segment of the French working class, consciousness, and the category to be ed first to answer Paul Levi who, with We see how great is the influence of a segment which has a clear program found at the very bottom, the one his customary haughtiness, had de­ the anti-parliamentary tendencies in and an organization of its own, an that has not the slightest notion of it, clared that that question had long ago the old countries of parliamentarism organization in which all the ques­ the one from whose midst the employ­ been settled by the big majority of and democracy, for example, in tions are discussed, where decisions the workers of Europe and even of ers recruit the scabs, the strikebreak­ France, I had the opportunity to see also are taken and where the members America and that a debate on it was ers, there is a large mass of workers for myself, at the beginning of the are bound together by a certain dis- 106 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 107 cipline. As a simple consequence of the Party, toward its Central Commit­ actiVIty in India had earned him im­ tain circumstances. Yf..t important dif­ the struggle against the bourgeoisie, tee. And it is the same thing for food prisonment and then expulsion. The ferences subsisted and, reporting on of its own experience and of the ex­ provisioning, for agricul tural prob­ October Revolution found him in his theses before the Congress, Lenin perience of other countries, French lems, for everything else. Who will de­ Mexico and he had come to Moscow added to it Roy's, forming a co-report. syndicalism will be led to create the cide these questions in Spain? The through Germany, stopping off and The trade-union question was less communist party. Spanish Communist Party-and I am getting information in the course of well treated by the Congress-without "Comrade Pestana, who is the sec­ confiden t that Comrade Pestana will his travels so that he arrived at the scope and without benefit. Not that it retary of the big Spanish syndicalist be one of the founders of the party."'*' Congress fairly well instructed in the was not discussed at length: the com­ organization, has come to Moscow be­ In Lenin's eyes, the national ques­ revolutionary world movement. On mission was still debating it at the cause there are among us people who, tion was scarcely less important than the struggle to be conducted against very moment when the plenary ses­ in different degrees, belong to the that of the party. The colonial and British imperialism, he had well-de­ sion was going to deal with it and syndicalist family; others are, so to semi-colonial countries had been fined ideas. According to him, it was preliminary meetings had alread y speak, 'parliamentarians'; others, fin­ aroused by the Russian revolution; the Indian Communist Party which taken place even before my arrival be­ ally, are neither parliamentarians nor their struggle for independence ap­ should take over its leadership. No tween Radek and the British syndi­ syndicalists but supporters of mass ac­ peared under favorable conditions, doubt the Indian bourgeoisie had its calists. Radek had been designated as tion, etc. But what do we offer him? their imperialist oppressors emerging program of national demands; but far the reporter and he was the one who We offer him an international Com­ from the war all exhausted; it could from uniting with it in the struggle drafted the theses even though he had munist Party, that is, the union of the be a decisive struggle, assuring their for indepenednce, it had to be fought no special competency in these mat­ advanced elements of the working emancipation and weakening all the in the same way as the British occu­ ters. He approached a difficult prob­ class who have brought their experi­ more the big imperialist powers. He pants because to the extent that it lem with the mentality of a German ences here, confronting them mutual­ was aware that on this point two dif­ exercized a power of its own-it al­ Social Democrat to whom the subor­ ly, criticizing each other and after ferent and sometimes opposite con­ ready possessed important plants in dinated role of the trade unions was discussion, adopting decisions. When ceptions were to conflict at the Con­ textiles and metallurgy-it was the something established and hardl y Comrade Pestana returns to Spain, gress. Before the war he had already enemy of the workers, an exploiter as worth while discussing. He would bearer of the decisions of the Con­ polemizecl on the subject with Rosa harsh as the capitalists of the inde­ have repeated readily here what his gress his comrades will ask him: Luxemburg for whom socialism tran­ pendent democratic nations. friend Paul Levi had said with regard '\Vhat do you bring us from Mos­ scended national demands which were Patiently Lenin replied to him ex­ to the party: such a discussion is hu­ cow?' He will present to them the always more or less tainted with chau­ plaining that for a longer or shorter miliating and hardly calculated to fruits of our labors and will submit vinism. And he had reason to believe period of time the Indian Communist raise the prestige of the Communist our resolutions to their vote, and that that point of view would be held Party would be a small party with but In terna ti onal. those of the Spanish syndicalists who by a certain number of delegates. He few members, having only weak re­ He found unreserved support unite on the basis of our theses will had also taken it upon himself to sources, incapable of reaching, on the among other Social Democratic mem­ be forming nothing but the Spanish draft the theses and was anxious to basis of its program and by means of bers of the commission, among whom Communist Party. report on them to the Congress after its own activity, a substantial number Walcher showed himself to be one of "We have received today a proposal the commission debates. Actually it of peasants and workers. On the other the least understanding, ignoring or for peace from the Polish government. was in the commission itself that the hand, on the basis of demands for na­ wishing to ignore the characteristics \'Vho can reply to such a question? real discussion took place. tional independence, it would become of the trade-union movement in a We have the Council of People's The Indian delegation was relative­ possible to mobilize large masses-ex­ country like England, for example, Commissars; but it must be submitted ly numerous; it was headed by a capa­ perience had already demonstrated where it had solid traditions and a to a certain control. The control of ble man, Manabendra Nath Roy. His that amply-and it was only in the long history. So that invariably Tan­ course of this struggle that the Indian ner, Murphy, Ramsay, John Reed whom? The control of the working *This optimistic forecast was not to be realized. Upon class as a shapeless, chaotic mass? No, his return to Spain, Pestana was one of the syndicalist Communist Party would forge and de­ were found on one side, not in agree­ leaders--the majority-who withdrew the decision of adher­ velop its organization to the point ment on all points but agreed to re­ the Central Committee of the Party ence which they had given to the Third International in will be convoked, will examine the 1919. But the story does not end there for Pestana. He where it would be in a position, once ject as inadequate texts which, at bot­ did not join the Spanish Communist Party but ten years the national demands were satisfied, tom, were confined to reiterating proposal and will decide. And when later he founded a "Syndicalist Party" which never counted it is necessary for us to conduct the more than a handful of members and more intellectuals to attack the Indian bourgeoisie. Roy those that were favored in the Second than workers, most of them former militants of the C.N. T. and his friends made some conces­ International. On the other side stood war, to organize new divisions, to as­ who had broken with the anarch a-syndicalist organization. semble the best elements-toward As for the anti-parliamentarian, elected to the Cortes in sions; they admitted that a common Radek and the Social Democrats, sure 1936 by the voters of Cadiz, he died, a deputy, two years action could be envisaged under cer- that they possessed the truth. The dis- whom do we turn? We turn toward later in Valencia. 108 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 109 cussions lasted for hours without ad­ which I was in agreement with Radek was Lenin who was missing. He ar­ An infinitely more important mat­ vancing a foot. Still, in spite of the -the struggle inside the reformist un­ rived a good quarter of an hour later, ter then took the attention of the new importance attributed to the role ions and opposition to all splitting­ made his excuses, and it was his turn commission. That was the Italian of the party, to the recognized neces­ was formulated so brutally, so sum­ to be abashed: he lived at that time question. The Italian Socialist Party sity of a central organism to conduct marily, that it could only wound and in Gorky, thirty versts from Moscow, was so profoundly divided that it is the revolutionary struggle after the certainly not convince. When the an automobile breakdown had held scarcely an exaggeration to say that example of the Russian Communist resolution was brought before the him up-and the discussion was re­ each one of its delegates represented Party, the role of the trade unions in Congress, John Reed looked me up. sumed at the point where it had been a tendency. Isolated in his delegation, the capitalist countries and their role He was greatly moved: "We cannot left off. Serrati alone made vain efforts to keep in the construction of the socialist go back to America with such a deci­ The theses, drafted by Lenin, of­ together all these divergent elements. society remained considerable. They sion," he said to me. "The Commu­ fered a convenient means of discus­ The right tendency included the best known and no doubt the most -edu­ could not be unaware of this in Mos­ nist International has no supporters sion. We took paragraph by para­ cated leaders, Turati and Treves; it cow, for it was not rare to hear re­ and sympathy in the trade-union graph, discussing, correcting, amend­ was absolutely hostile to the Third criminations and criticisms of the world except among the Industrial ing or simply ratifying the proposed International. On the extreme left Russian trade unions and of the way Workers of the World (I.W.W.) and text. The specter of "leftism" was were Bordigaand his friends, warm in which they acquitted themselves of you are sending us into the American present here too. We were asked to partisans of the C. I. but abstention­ their tasks, of their inadequacy, criti­ Federation of Labor where it has condemn by name the organs and or­ ists; Bombacci represented an incon­ cisms which the trade-union leaders nothing but hidebound adversaries." ganizations which were afflicted with sistent left; Graziadei took up abode did not let pass unanswered. New it, like the magazine Kommunismus on the peaceful terrain of theory; old problems were posed; in the course of BESIDES THE THESES on the national of Vienna and also the bulletin pub­ Lazzari, secretary of the party, was not the war factory councils had arisen in question, Lenin was charged with the lished in Holland by the West Euro­ there but I had met him during one several countries. What was to be theses dealing with "The Tasks of the pean Bureau of the Communist Inter­ of his trips to Paris and had heard their particular assignment? What Communist International." He at­ national in which "leftism" had been him speak of the New International was to be their relationship to the tached equal importance to them occasionally manifested. I pointed out without sympathy: "Adherence is not trade unions? since actually they again took up and that we could not put on the same yet won," he said. It appeared clear When I came to the commission, it concretized the conclusions and deci­ plane a magazine edited by Austro­ that if the Italian Socialist Party had had already held several sessions but sions of the Congress, placing them Balkan communists and the Bulletin voted adherence to the Third Inter­ I could just as well have believed that within the framework of the situation of the Communist International; if national it was because its leadership it was the first. The Social Democrats of each country. The commission des­ the latter was to be mentioned we had been unable to resist the strong were so convinced that they possessed i~nated to study them was so large would have to blame the leadership pressure coming from the ranks of the the truth that they confined them­ that its sessions already looked like a of the International since it bore the party, the workers and peasants. selves to formulating their view­ small congress; they were held from responsibility for it. That appeared to Abandoned on all sides, Serrati re­ points, decided in advance to pay no 10 to -4 without interruption. me to be so obvious that I did not im­ mained alone to receive all the blows. attention to the remarks of their an­ One morning, ten o'clock having agine that a discussion could develop But there was still another ten­ tagonists. Radek listened with a dis­ already passed, we were still at the on the point and after all it was only dency. It had no delegates to the Con­ tracted ear, reading the voluminous hotel when someone came to tell us a detail. But Zinoviev insisted, Paul gress and it was precisel y the one packages of newspapers brought him that Lenin reminded us that the Levi supported it: the Bulletin must about which it was said in the theses hy the couriers of the Communist In­ meeting was to begin at 10 o'clock in also be blamed. "All right," said Len­ we were discussing that it expressed ternational. When he was finished the the Kremlin. Needless to note, we in, "we will vote.-But where is Buk­ exactly, in its writings and its activi­ session was ended to start again at his were pretty abashed as we took our harin?" he cried. "He must be found." ties, the conceptions of the Commu­ fancy. In the course of a plenary ses­ places around the table. Zinoviev and Bukharin was brought back-he dis­ nist International. That was the sion of the Congress, we were notified Radek had given us bad habits; with appeared frequently. Lenin said to group of l'Ordino Nuevo of Turin, that the commission would meet as them there was always a certain dis­ him: "Sit down over here, next to me, whose best known militants were soon as the session ended. That was ruption of the timetable and we were and don't budge." The commission Gramsci and Tasca.... When we usually around midnight; the discus­ unaware that for Lenin and for Trot­ divided exactly in half: same number sion was started again up to two or sk y-who were like each other in this of votes for and against. Lenin had ·"Tbe Ordine Nuevo group constituted a veritable faction three in the morning, then we would respect too-the time was the time. in the Piedmont region. It carried on its activity among followed the operations without tak­ the masses, knowing how to establish a close connection go off to bed sure of having wasted The next day we were all in our ing sides; he reserved his vote; he between the internal problems of the party and the de­ time. Even that part of the theses on places at 10 o'clock. But this time it mands of the Piedmont proletariat." Gramsci, Correspon· threw the balance to our side. dence Internationale, July 18, 1925. 110 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 111 reached the paragraph concerning self against this particular point of they would quickly perceive. They and sentenced to a few months in Italy, we noted that there was no his theses, he asked me to take on the had, to be sure, a good knowledg~ of prison for an anti-militarist article. Italian delegate present. None of report of the commission to the plen­ the wopkers' movements of the coun­ Instead of going to prison, he had de­ them wanted to come. Precisely be­ ary session tries of Europe; they also knew their cided to escape, preferring residence cause of their divergences of view, no­ The debate was followed by the leaders, they had met them in the in Moscow to a prison cell of the body considered himself authorjzed to Congress with great attention and a Congresses of the Second Internation­ Sante. His political education was speak in the name of the party. We certain curiosity, because the English­ al. But what they did not know and fairly sketchy but in those days he had to ask Bordiga to expound and men had decided to have their stand­ could not know was how far the mao was reserved, modest and assiduous. concretize the position of l'Ordino point defended by Sylvia Pankhurst. neuvering skill of these men trained He lived two whole years in Moscow, N euvo-which he did very honestly She was one of the daughters of the in the practises of democratic parlia­ returned to France to take the secre· even though he started out, as always, famous feminist who had conducted mentarism could go. They had more taryship of the Communist Youth, by delineating his differences. The de­ a "revolutionary" agitation to obtain tricks in their bag than the suspicious was elected a deputy in 1924. His tails that he contributed confirmed the vote for women, but the only one Russians could imagine. For example, break with the Communist Interna­ the editor of the theses in his inten­ of her family to pass from feminism to the secretary of the French Commu­ tional, where the "good Communist tion to give the "investiture" to communism. She edited a weekly pa­ nist Party, Frossard, was able to teach Right" was on his side-he had reo l'Ordino lVuevo and the commission per, published brochures, and had them a lesson in the art of evasion for fused to follow Stalin in his "leftist" approved it unanimously. turned out to be an active and excel­ two years. Rosa Luxemburg who turn of the "Third Period" of the Finally came England and the La· lent propagandist. The speech she de­ knew these people thoroughly be­ Communist International - might bor Party. The Communists should livered was a speech for a mass meet­ cause she had spent her life as a mili­ ha ve allowed him to form and organ· join it, said Lenin; but there he ran ing and for a Congress, the speech of tant in the German Social Democracy ize a healthy opposition. But during into the general and absolute hostility an agitator. She spoke with fire, mov­ where she was easily able to follow the his brief and brilliant career he had of the British. Zinoviev supported ing about dangerously on the narrow life of the parties of the neighboring learned to maneuver; he had become Lenin; so did Paul Levi, in a tone tribune. \Ve did not have a good de­ countries, in 1904, had written an too quickly a perfect politician and that expressed a German's disdain fender in her. Even the sentimental article published by Iskra (in Rus­ he had been contaminated too heav­ both for retrograde and declining argument of refusing to enter into a sian) and by Die Neue Zeit (in Ger­ ily by Stalinism to be able to under­ England and for its minuscule com­ party discredited in the eyes of the man) which might have put the au­ take an unselfish task. He wanted to munist groups; Bukharin with cordi­ workers, of finding there leaders who thors of the theses on the 21 condi­ be a "leader," and it was easy for him ality and comprehension. But all had betrayed during the war-which tions on their guard if only their rec­ to move over, like so many others. these weighty assaults did not shake was after all not a negligible argument ollection of it were fresh. "In the first from Stalinism to Hitlerism. the British who, moreover, found reo -was drowned in abundant declalEa­ place," she wrote, "the idea that lies inforcemen t from the Americans, and tion. Lenin's theses won but the mi­ at the basis of extreme centralism­ CHAPTER XV the desire to close the road to oppor­ from the Hollander Wijnkoop. As nority remained impressive. Trotsky Delivers the Closing chairman of the commission, I was tunism by articles of the statutes-is Speech on the Manifesto supposed to speak last, but the same • • radically false .... The articles of the arguments, on both sides, had been re­ I HAVE SAID NOTHING yet about a ques­ by-laws can dominate the life of little THE CONGRESS CONCLUDED with the peated so often that there was noth­ tion on which, however, a good deal sects and private clubs, but an historic same solemnity that marked its open­ ing to add. Sure of accommodating was to be said later on, that of the current passes right through the mesh ing. This time the scene was Moscow; the desire of everybody, I said I "conditions for admission into the of the most subtle paragraphs." A for its final session the Congress met agreed to yield and that we could go Communist International." There criticism in anticipation-and all of in the Great Theater. The delegates on to the vote. "No, no," said Lenin, were twenty-one of them. The Rus­ the subsequent life of the Communist were there in mass. A long table went "you must never yield the floor." So I sian communists had drafted them International was to confirm its cor­ all across the hall and behind it sat summarized the arguments put for­ with meticulous care; in this way they rectness. Zinoviev and the members of the Ex­ ward by the British, which were also meant to reply in advance to the criti­ In the course of one of the Congress ecutive Committee. The vast hall was my own. Lenin had the clear majority cisms aimed at the method they fol­ sessions, a big lad of about twenty filled with a joyful and attentive of the commission on his side but as lowed in constituting the Communist approached me. He was French, had crowd: militants from the party, the he felt that the opposition to his International. These draconian con­ just arrived in Moscow, and wanted trar'.e unions and the Soviets. The views remained serious he wanted the ditions formed a barrier so solid that to talk with me. It was Doriot. He meeting after all was for them. At the question brought before the congress, the opportunists would never be able told me his story. It came down to a Kremlin, the discussions had all taken and even though I had expressed my- to cross it. That this was an illusion few words: he had been prosecuted place in German, in English, in Summer 1955 112 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 113 French; it was time to speak in Rus­ tary of a trade union, as deputy, as the Russian delegation asked for the calists and anarchists, but only the sian. The speech was delivered by agitator, cooperator, or as combattant removal of Radek. The first secretary delegates of parties, socialist or com­ Trotsky. It was the manifesto of the on the barricades, the communist al­ of the Communist International had munist, who are alone qualified to Congress, but a manifesto of a differ­ ways remains faithful to himself, a been Angelica Balabanov; Radek had designate delegates. Serrati and Paul ent character from what is usually disciplined member of his party, an replaced her at the beginning of 1920; Levi immediately supported him; the meant by the word. It was divided implacable enemy of capitalist so­ so that he had held this position for operation had undoubtedly been Ilre­ into five big parts. Trotsky first de­ ciety, of its economic regime, of its only a short time. Nevertheless, his pared in advance; the Italian Social­ scribed the general situation of the state, of its democratic falsehoods, of candidacy, which he maintained, was ist Party and the German Communist world, the international relations af­ its religion and of its morality. He is defended by several delegates, notably Party were, outside of the Russian ter the Versailles Treaty; it was a a devoted soldier of the proletarian by Serrati. A discussion began; it was Communist Party, the two important dark tableau but one that the count­ revolution and the tireless herald of fairly short because it only repeated parties of the International. Radek less victims of the war were beginning the new society . Workers and working a debate that had taken place in the might have thought that their inter­ to see. Then he passed over to the eco­ women! On this earth there is but one Executive Committee a few days be­ vention in his favor would be decisive. nomic situation. General impoverish­ banner under which it is worthwhile fore the meeting of the Congress. But he had made a poor calculation. ment and disorganization of produc­ living and dying, the banner of the It was an extremely important mat­ Bukharin reminded him of the posi­ tion which an effort was being made Communist International." ter, for the question that was unex­ tion taken by the Central Committee to remedy by resorting to state inter­ The man, his words, the crowd that pectedly posed was this: with whom is of the Russian Communist Party, of vention. But in point of fact, the in­ heard him, all contributed a moving the Communist International to be the text of the appeals launched by tervention of the state into the econ­ grandeur to this final session of the made? With what parties? What the Communist International to the omy could only compete with the per­ Congress. The speech had lasted a lit­ groups? What revolutionary tenden­ workers of all countries. With the nicious activity of the speculators by tle over an hour. Trotsky had deliv­ cies? Who is to be admitted and who opportunists, he said, we have noth­ accentuating the chaos of capitalist ered it without notes. It was marvel­ rejected? Only those socialist parties ing in common; with the sincere and economy in the epoch of its decline. ous to see how the speaker organized that voted to join while retaining in tested revolutionists who have voted In this period of decline, the bour­ this vast subject, enlivened it with the their ranks opponents of the Commu­ adherence to the Third International geoisie has completely abandoned the clarity and power of his mind, and to nist International? Or only the new we want to discuss amicably; we our­ idea of conciliating the proletariat observe on all faces the impassioned groupings that had been formed dur­ selves have made revisions in our pro­ wi th reforms. There is no longer a attentiveness with which his words ing the war on the very foundation of gram that became necessary; we have single great question that is being set­ were followed. Parijanine-a French­ adherence to the Third Internation­ thrown away, in Lenin's expression, tled by the popular vote. The whole man who had been living in Russia a al? The Russian Communist Party our dirty social-democratic linen in state machinery is turning more and dozen years-came to me, gripped had adopted an intermediate solu­ order to build communism on a new more clearly back to its primitive with a potent emotion: "Let's hope tion: its theses on admission to the foundation; we want to continue our form. detachments of armed men. It that it's properly translated!" he said Communist International, the 21 efforts to lead the syndicalists and an­ is necessary to defeat imperialism in to me, expressing in this way some­ points, were to be at once a guarantee archists to carry out in their own way order to let humanity live. thing more than the concern of a against the opportunists, a barrier the operation that will enable them to In contrast to this agonizing re­ faithful translator - the fear that prohibiting their entrance, and a join us in the new Communist Parties gime, Soviet Russia has shown how something of this grandeur might go means of facilitating the indispens­ that are now being formed. Bukharin the workers' state is capable of recon­ lost. able selection among the members of had concluded by saying that he could ciling national requirements and the the old socialist parties. not understand why Radek had requirements of economic life, by THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE met the To everybody'S surprise, Radek had brought up again the decisions taken eliminating chauvinism from the for­ day after the Congress. It was to ex­ raised a question that was believed by the Russian Communist Party and mer and liberating the latter from amine the practical consequences of settled and he had taken a position by the International. "What are the imperialism. the adopted decisions and resolutions, Hatly in opposition to the decision of English delegates from the Shop Stew­ On the basis of this broad exposi­ to take measures relating to their ap­ the Russian Communist Party. The ards and the Workers' Committees tion Trotsky then summed up the de­ plication. The first point of the order Congress is going to meet, he said. doing here? What is Pestana doing? bates and explained the decisions, of the day was the designation of the Who is allowed to participate in it? What is Rosmer doing? Why were with these words as his conclusion: chairman and the secretary. The re­ Certainl y not these new organizations they called if we were resolved to "In all his activity, be it as the leader election of Zinoviev to the chairman­ which, although constituted on the close the doors of the Congress to of a revolutionary struggle or as or­ ship went without saying but that was basis of adherence to the Third In­ them?" It was so obvious that Radek ganizer of clandestine groups, as secre- not the case with the secretaryship: ternational, include above all syndi- was unable to find any other recruits

114 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 115 for his maneuver at the last minute; tive of the Russian delegation, every the trade-union organization. Their and dissimulation. However, most of he remained with Levi and Serrati. I delegation was asked to appoint a tirades against "all dictatorships," the time nothing more was done than ha ve spoken of them elsewhere. What representative who would remain in and for democracy, were nothing but to fire insults at them, which they un­ I said about them explains their atti­ Moscow and would participate di­ words. In actual fact they were re­ doubtedly deserved but which were tude, especially in the case of Paul rectly in the work of the Communist solved to use all means to keep the ineffective. In connection with a Levi. He detested the anarchists and International. A permanent liaison positions they had been able to keep meeting in London of the General syndicalists as a bloc, "oppositional" would thus be achieved, assuring or get hold of thanks only to the war. Council of the Amsterdam Trade elements who did not cease to haunt good reciprocal information between I have already had occasion to show Union International, the Executive him. Serrati's motives were different. the Communist International and its the point to which Lenin showed Committee of the Communist Inter­ He found it inadmissable that the sections. For me, this decision was himself inflexible on the trade-union national had decided to launch an International should welcome cordial­ welcome. I had started on my trip not tactic: you had to fight and remain appeal, jointly with the Provisional ly the syndicalist and anarchist group­ in order to go to a Congress, but to where the workers were, which meant International Council, addressed to ings at a time when it continuously study on the spot the Bolshevik revo­ almost everywhere in the reformist the workers of all countries and to the formulated various demands with re­ lution and the Soviet regime it had trade unions, since the reformist lead­ British workers in particular. Zino­ gard to an impressive party like his installed-something that the Congress ers had succeded in keeping the lead­ viev and I were each assigned to pre­ own. had hardly permitted me to do. Now ership in spite of their attitude during pare a draft which would serve as the That is where we left it at that ses­ I would have the opportunity. In ad­ the world war. However, in the un­ basis for the final text. But our two sion of the Executive Committee but dition, I was anxious to follow the ions as in the Social Democratic par­ drafts were so dissimilar in form and naturally there was a conclusion that work of the Provisional International ties, more or less substantial minori­ foundation that there was nothing had to be drawn from the debate and Council of the Red Trade Unions. ties were fighting under the banner of left to do but adopt one or the other. the conclusion was, according to the There I felt more at ease and was sure the Third International to win the While I set myself to grouping to­ Russian delegation of the Communist of doing useful work. The tactic de­ organization by leading the majority gether all the grievances of the work­ International, the removal of Radek fended energeticall y by Lenin against of the members to rally to the concep­ ers in a way that might impress and from the secretaryship; the debates the "leftists" in his Infantile Sickness, tions they were openly defending. convince, reminding them of the past had onlyemphasizecl its inevitability. and approved by the majority of the If our activity did not always un­ activity of the Amsterdam leaders, The decision was not adopted right Congress might have seemed contra­ fold the way we wanted it to, the re­ emphasizing how little international­ away, however. To replace Radek, the dictory. The Communists, the revolu­ sponsibility for that was of two sorts. ist this Federation was-chauvinism Russian delegation proposed a Rus­ tionary workers, were asked to remain On the one hand, there were inside raged there to such a point that the sian communist, Kobietsky. We did in the reformist trade unions, and on the minorities impatient people and nations adhering to it remained classi­ not know him. John Reed, who did the other hand, the road toward a so-called "theoreticians" who wan ted fied as allies or enemies, as in the war not know him either, asked for a post­ Red Trade Union International was to have a trade-union organization of days-Zinoviev confined himself to ponement of the decision. He had re­ being openly laid down. The reform-' their own without further waiting; firing a volley of insults, sometimes in ceived, he said, information that had ist leaders of the Amsterdam Inter­ their blunder or their mistake could pretty bad taste, against "Messrs. Yel­ to be checked; in Kobietsky's political national Trade Union Federation did only facilitate the game of the reform­ low Leaders," etc. You had to be ig­ past there were compromises that not fail to say so and even to shout it, ists who rejoiced at finding such ad­ norant of the workers' movement and made him undesirable, above all in a and along with them the bourgeois versaries before them. On the other of the British workers to imagine for post of this importance. It was not presi. \Ve were denounced as splitters. hand, in the leadership of the Come a single moment that an appeal of hard to see where John Reed had ob­ But the contradiction was only ap­ munist International there was not this sort could win us any adherents tained his information. Radek was parent. The splitters did not come always an understanding of exactly or simply sympathy, or facilitate the hanging on grimly. But Zinoviev re­ from our side as the events were soon what our task consisted of; its impor­ task of the revolutionary minorities. marked that the nomination bv the to prove. There certainly was a split tance was not grasped; all attention Zinoviev proposed to try to combine Russian delegation was a guar'antee but it was provoked by the reformist was concentrated on the development the two texts but it was impossible. and the matter was settled. After the leaders the very moment they felt they of the young Communist parties. Yet, The appeal reproduced exactly his experience with Radek in the secre­ were losing the majority. They would if the reformist leaders in the trade authorship and I was greatly an­ tariat, the selection of a man who was not allow the masses of trade union­ unions were vulnerable, it was only noyed to have to put my signature to not so brilliant but more reliable was ists to express themselves at any cost, on the condition that the. blows were it. obvious. to decide freely and in conformity struck at the right place, for they were My work in the Communist Inter­ Another important decision was with democratic rules when they full of shrewdness and ruse. It was on national was less absorbing, even taken on the same day. On the initia- feared the loss of the leaderehip of their side that you found falsehood though I was assigned to represent

116 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 117 Belgium and Switzerland which had between the exterior and the interior. late at night you came home from a about the outcome during the long been unable to leave a permanent The interior furnishings were simple, meeting or at times from the theater, civil war?" I asked him one day. delegate in Moscow. I had established even poor. Everything had been taken you could always see light in their "What was the toughest moment?" con tact in the course of the Congress for the war; beds were nothing more window and be assured of getting a "Brest-Litovsk," he said right away, with their delegates the principal than a straw mattress spread over glass of tea from them-even if a weak replying first to the second question. ones among whom were, for Belgium, planks, and the menu as usual was of one-and sometimes a bonbon to "The party was deeply troubled, ex­ Van Overstrateten, serious, competent, extreme sobriety. But what a cordial sweeten it with, but always a harsh cited. Lenin was almost alone at the one of the founders of the party and pleasant atmosphere I Everything denunciation of the insufficiencies of beginning to accept the need of sign­ whom the Zinovievist "Bolsheviza­ contributed toward it: it was summer the regime. It was a home not to be ing the treaty without discussion. tion" of the Communist International and to save on light an hour of "day­ frequented by a vacillating commu­ There was fear of a split, of fierce in­ alienated from Communism in 1927; light saving" had been instituted, so nist, but the ones of those days were ternal struggles which might have had and for Switzerland Humbert-Droz that the pleasant evenings were pro­ well tempered. disastrous consequences for our Revo­ who abused the confidence that had longed. After dinner we all assembled lution in the state that Soviet Russia been placed in him. A pastor in Lon­ in the principal building. Imagina­ A TELEPHONE CALL from Trotsky in­ was in at that time.... The civil war don at the beginning of the world tion, fancy, the artistic gifts so com­ formed me that he had just received presented dangers of a different kind. war, he had been persecuted there for mon among the Russians enabled the French translation of the Mani­ When we found ourselves pressed si­ his opposition to the war; after· re­ them to improvize the most ingenious multaneously from the East and the festo of the Congress. It made up into turning to Switzerland he contributed entertainment. And above all else West and the South, when Denikin to bringing together the Zimmerwal­ there were the songs, those incom­ a sizable brochure that was to be pub­ threatened Tula, it is certain that we dians, organized propaganda work in parable popular Russian songs which, lished simultaneously in Petrograd could not help asking ourselves with favor of the Third International, coming from the nearby villages, rose and in Paris. The translation appear­ a feeling of anguish if our red Army edited an excellent review. Contrary into the night. ed to him to be faithful; nevertheless might not succumb under this triple assault. For my part, the feeling of to all expectation he approved not One morning, I met M. whom I had he would like to go over it with me. only the "Bolshevization" but Stalin­ not seen again since my arrival on confidence never left me. I was in par­ ism as a whole, including the "Mos­ Soviet. soil, since the trip from Yam­ The checking took several evenings. ticularly favorable circumstances fOJ cow Trial." It was only during the burg to Petrograd when he tried to On those days, instead of returning to judging the situation: I knew exactly second world war that he was to sepa­ persuade me that it was proper to use workto his secretariat after dinner, what you could ask of our army, and rate himself from a party that had be­ the parliamentary tribune for Com­ he remained at the Kremlin. For me thanks to my incessant trips to the come altogether different from the munist propaganda. His wife joined it was an opportunity to resume my front and throughout the country I one he had helped create. us shortly. She was Kollontay's assist­ questioning bearing now more pre­ also knew what the armies of the ant in the section devoted to work cisely on several subjects I wanted to counter-revolution amounted to. LIKE ALL THE SOVIET INSTITUTIONS, among the women, hence an impor­ go into more deeply, and naturally on They were better equipped than trade-union or political, the Third tant person in the Soviet "hierarchy" the Congress itself. I also questioned ours: Yudenitch even had tanks at his International had a rest home (nobody, of course, would have been him about persons. I knew some of disposal for the attack on Petrograd. for its workers. It was a pretty well advised in those days to use such them very well but many others I But I knew their fundamental weak­ vast estate-the former property of the a term; the Fascism of Mussolini was knew only by name. Of the latter he ness: the peasants could see standing Grand Duke Sergey, governor of Mos­ needed to implant it and Stalinism to gave me biographies that I always behind them the proprietors of the cow-situated at Ilinskoye, twenty welcome it). But she was not at all found to be flattering when I got the lands they had seized. Even those versts from the city on the road to disposed to find that all was for the chance to check on them; he knew among them who were not too sympa­ Klin. The main building was impres­ best in the Soviet Republic. Quite the very well all those with whom he thetic toward us then became allies sive in its dimensions but ordinary; contrary, she criticized a good deal worked in the Central Committee of on whom we could count." others, smaller in size, were scattered and unsparingly. It is only at a dis­ the Party and in the Soviet institu­ A. ROSMER throughout the park. The work of the tance away that such a thing should tions. If there were some he did not Congress and the long discussions had be surprising. In those days you could like and whom he judged severely, it exhausted the delegates; those who re­ speak freely: no embarrassment, per­ was never for personal reasons but be­ mained in Moscow went off to rest at fect comradeship. During my stay in cause they were inferior to their task SUBSCRIBE TO Ilinskoye. I made a short trip there Moscow I saw M. and his wife again or discharged it badly; there was LABOR ACTION which enabled me to take some inter­ and again. They had a room at the never anything petty in his remarks. Two Dollars a Year esting observations. First the contrast Metropole Hotel and no matter how "Were you ever seriously perturbed 118 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 119 Kempton writes in an exaggerated, that decade, but also of the "radical­

" I flamboyant fashion; the hyperbole ism" of the period and of their own, BOOKS IN REVIEW dominates every sentence. His "liter­ in the case of many, now-embarrassing aryness," in which the maudlin and radical pasts. Kempton's Ruins and Monumer.ts Prior to his civil liberties period the rococco march hand in hand, fre­ The book's dust-jacket bears as a quently results in clouding ideas and Part of Our Time: Some Ruins of Kempton rode the "corruption in the subtitle the following legend: "Con­ labor movement" wagon. And so, for exaggerating the trivial to unwarrant­ cerning some of the men and women the Thirties~ by Murray Kemp­ ed importance. ton. Simon and Schuster, New months and months he hammered who were active in the 'Red Decade' in the U. S. Some of them radicals, York City, 1955, 334 pp., $4.00. away at racketeering and gangsterism Kempton's literary style recently in the International Longshoreman's figured in a court decision. Victor most of them Communists; how they Readers of the New York Association, reporting ad nauseum Lasky had sued Kempton for libel. felt in their days and their gain or loss Post know Murray Kempton as one of the criminal histories and activities of The court, in finding for Kempton, from an experience intense and pas­ its leading institutions; the Post's ILA officials and organizers, hunting declared that it was impossible to say sionate, which changed their lives more acute readers know him as a puz­ down the last detail of their associa­ whether or not Laski had been libeled profoundly." From this, and from the zle. Having succeeded Victor Reisel, tions, connections and family relation­ since the article in question had been organization of the work, which in erstwhile radical, of whom it could ships with this or that underworld fig­ written in so hyperbolic a fashion that Kempton's words, consists of "a series accurately be said, "he is the fairest ure or gang, with this or that racket, its exact meaning could not be eluci­ of novellas which happen to be about labor columnist: one day he's for the race-track, questionable business, or dated. real persons" one might conclude workers and the next he's for the other unsavory group or institution. After all is said and done, however, Part of Our Time to be merely a col­ bosses," Kempton has for some years Kempton, then, appears to have a it must be recorded that a solely nega­ lection of disconnected portraits of now ostensibly been the Post's labor touch of the old-fashioned muckraker tive evaluation of Kempton as a news­ radical or Stalinist figures of that columnist. Ostensibly, because such in him, at least with regard to his paper columnist is both inaccurate period. items of interest to the labor move­ range of interest, if not with respect and unfair. For, every so often, Kemp­ Such a conclusion would be mis­ ment as automation, the guaranteed to his attitudes. And therein lies his ton produces a column which, given leading; Kempton himself makes clear annual wage, the recent UAW con­ first limitation. Muckraking without our time, is an outstanding and un­ the larger intent of his study. For vention, and the forthcoming merger social vision and poli tical theory may mincing expose of and attack on the Kempton the personality study is the of the CIO and AFL have barely, if have some value but in the long run witchhunt or against racketeering in vehicle for understanding history best at all, found their way into his col­ it is necessarily ineffective, and fre­ the trade unions; in these reside his and through this vehicle, he believes, umns. Indeed, until the past few days quently becomes a bore. value and justification. And of course, we shall come to understand a given when he began to cover the UAW­ the fact is that Kempton and the period. He writes: Ford negotiations, Kempton has virtu­ Moreover, Kempton betrays too newspaper for which he writes are al­ "It was the sense of the author of all y ignored the unions and their much concern with the "human inter­ most singular in American political this book that the anatomy of any problems during the past year. est" and "ironic" value of his subject and journalistic life for the degree of myth is the anatomy of the men who Instead, his articles have concen­ matter, and takes too much delight in resistance to the witchhunt which believed in it and suffered by it. To trated almost exclusively on questions turning a phrase, even at the expense they offer. understand the thirties it is, of course, of civil liberties. These, however, have of clarity and meaning, to bear close necessary to understand what the thir­ not been in the main the larger ques­ comparison with the exemplars of the Kempton has now devoted his tal­ ties themselves would have called tions relating to the witchhunt and liberal muckraking tradition. Indeed, ents to a larger stage. Part of Our their social forces. But it is far, far the anti-democratic trends in the na­ his popularity among liberals rests as Time, a study of that "Red Decade," more important to try to understand tion. Kempton, concerned more with much upon his literary style as upon the 1930s, may well turn out to be one the people who lived in that long­ personalities than with politics, gen­ his political views and knowledge, of the items in the biblical canon of gone time. Whatever is permanent in erally searches out the "dramatic" and many of his devotees being attracted contemporary liberalism, even though the lessons of the thirties is perma­ the "ironic" from among civil liber­ to the man on a basis similar to that its dissemination and reception so far nent from these people." ties incidents and focuses on them. which brought so many intellectuals in liberal circles has not been on a Hence the fact that column after col­ to the Stevenson banner during the grand scale. The reviews to date by This book attempts, then, a vision umn has in recent months starred 1952 elections. such liberals as Arthur Schlesinger Jr. of an entire period, a social portrait Harvey Matusow, wringing the last This reviewer, it should be said at indicate that they will by and large of the 1930's, and an explanation of drop of interest to be found in that the outset, is not one of those enam­ accept it as the definitive explanation that era. It is written from the stand­ informer through the wringer. oured of Kempton's literary style. of not only the growth of Stalinism in point of our day, a time to which all Summer 1955 120 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 121 of the momentous developments of America was in danger of falling be­ by way of contrast, is lovingly viewed they serve as comic relief, as objects those years seem utterly alien, and in fore the revolution, and therefore by Kempton, as a man with a happy of ridicule. which social struggles and impulses of wishes to bring the myth-makers and childhood, whose psyche presented a Kempton is a victim of McCarthy­ "long-gone" years seem to so many of myth-victims of those years "to jus­ picture of harmony, being at peace ism to the extent that he, like Mc­ those who participated in them to be tice." Thus Kempton identifies the both with itself and its environment, Carthy, treats communism as a con­ embarrassing gaucheries committed ideology of the witchhunt with the finding no need to indulge in the spiracy of dedicated fanatics worming by callow youngsters. position that the radicalism of twenty usual adolescent rebellion against pa­ their way into the government, trade The picture which Kempton paints years ago had some reality to it. Al­ rental authority and restrictions. unions, motion picture industry and of the 30's and his theories about that though he does not say this in so many To EVOKE THE ATMOSPHERE of the other institutions for the purpose of period are presented in a prefatory words, one can easily infer from this Thirties, Kempton writes rather pre­ spying and subverting. But while Mc­ chapter, which he characteristically idea the feeling that one of the de­ cious vignettes of those he considers Carthy plays up this "menace," Kemp­ calls "A Prelude," and is often repeat­ fenses of civil liberties which Kemp­ its representatives. Most of them, to ton plays it down. In effect, he is tell­ ed in other chapters of the book. ton makes is that the socialist and be sure, are Stalinists. We are fairly ing the witchhunters that their pic­ These cement Part of Our Time and Stalinist forces never amounted to certain that Kempton is politically ture of the Thirties as an era of mass give it cohesion; they explain Kemp­ anything anyway. sophisticated enough to know the dif­ radicalism is a distorted one, that ton's selection of characters, the inci­ Rather than being the exploder of ference between genuine radicals and radicals were few and far between but dents in their private and public lives myths, as he likes to think of himself, Stalinists, and to know, moreover, managed to publicize themselves well, which are examined, and the analysis Kempton has fallen victim to a num­ that while the Stalinists have reaction­ and that really it was an eminently which he offers. ber of myths, himself. The most obvi­ ary aims they are pursued in a pecu­ respectable period. One wonders liar manner. The Stalinists operate whether Kempton might feel the Every decade, says Kempton, has its ous myth of which he is captive is the primarily in the labor movement, and witchhunt justified if he believed that own myth: the myth of the 1930's hav­ myth of "American exceptionalism." in appealing to the workingdass they Stalinism had really represented a ing been a social myth. Its essence lay In its most recent form the myth holds frequently invoke legitimate de­ dangerous mass movement. in the idea of social struggle and so­ that the New Deal, and not World mands. They are not only partici­ cial revolution, in the notion that the War II, ended the depression. As seen For the most part, those presented pants in social struggles, but attempt problems of capitalism in the 1930's through the eyes of its votaries, a gal­ as representatives of the Thirties were to lead them. In this ~ense, and this axy of New Deal bureaucrats, labor not really of that era. Robeson, for ex­ could be solved only by the destruc­ sense alone, can Stalinists be regarded tion of the social system, only in the "statesmen," and enlightened capital­ ample, was in Europe during most of ists, through their "social engineer­ "radicals." There are few in Kemp­ replacement of capitalism by a new the period and therefore not an active ing," afford America an unlimited op­ ton's cast of characters who were such revolutionary social order. The new participants during the Thirties. Yet, participant in American political life. society, it was felt, would indeed come portunity, with the few, as yet, un­ solved social problems to be smoothly actually, had he dealt with the his­ Pressman did not really achieve prom­ to pass. If it did not, barbarism would toric reality he would have been of­ inence until the Forties. Hiss was a triumph. There would be some kind solved without social convulsions or fered a wide selection. minor New Deal bureaucrat and did of Armaggadon, of that, the "victims" intense class struggle. Kempton's representatives include of the myth had no doubt. Throughout the book Kempton not achieve any public status until contrasts the futile self-defeating ac­ Hiss, Chambers, Lee Pressman, Joe after the war, and then he was accused Kempton sets himself the task of tivities of his radicals and Stalinists Curran, J. B. Matthews, Elizabeth not of public association with the reaching through this myth and with the reality-oriented constructive Bentley, Ann Moos Remington, Paul Stalinist movement but of espionage. searching out reality, he sees himself work of those who gave up the Robeson, some Hollywood characters, Chambers was a minor figure in the the exploder of myths who can defi­ "myth." Reuther and Curran, for ex­ and a few of the less inhibited Pli)!f'­ CP during the late Twenties whose nitively disentangle the distorted ver­ ample, by giving up the myth were tarian literature cultists. A motley claim to that status rests on his au­ sions of the history of that era. This able to achieve without a revolu­ crew of espionage agents, New Deal thorship of a few short stories and the process involves two aspects for not tion that which the radicals thought bureaucrats, Hollywood hacks and editorship of the New Masses for a only must the myth be uncovered, but only radicalism and social revolution neurotic women. McCarthy and short period. He disappeared from the myth prevalent in our day about could deliver. He even ties this myth Kempton have hired the same cast to public life entering the Russian espi­ that myth must likewise be exposed. in with a psychological point. The act out the history of the Thirties, but onage apparatus in 1934, emerging The myth of our day is the McCarthy­ radicals, he tells us, were neurotics; whereas McCarthy bello~,\Ts about during the Forties to confess. The ite myth which holds that the myth they reacted not to social reality but their villainy, Kempton has them play­ motivation for including Chambers, of the '30's was real and not myth at to their inner conflicts and to their re­ ing bit parts or off stage entirely. Hiss, Bentley and Remington as fig­ all, which believes that capitalist bellion against their fathers. Reuther, When they do make an appearance, ures of the Thirties is to identify the 122 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 123 radicalism of that period with espion­ power and not the "myth" of radical­ Kempton pretends ignorance and of the whole radical movement. As age. ism brought Hiss and many others gleefully tells stories about a Stalinist proof for such a view, Kempton pro­ The various sketches present abun­ like him to Stalinism. actor whistling a few bars of the "In­ duces a letter his wife received in 1936 dant evidence of which Kempton Lee Pressman with an entirely dif­ ternationale" when asked to impro­ from a radical friend in which seems dimly aware that his "radicals" ferent tradition and background is vise during a blank spot in a scene Ghandi is spelled "Gandi" and Les­ lived their entire lives in a manner at essentially the same type. Kempton and of a Lester Cole movie in which bianism is spelled "Lesbienism"; plus variance with the "myth" and had as portrays him as a fellow-traveler, al­ the football coach paraphrases La the testimony of an ex-Stalinist in­ motive for their activities no discern­ ways balancing himself carefully be­ Passionaria. About such gestures he former before the House Committee able impulse that can be called radi­ tween the Stalinists and the official can perceptively say: on Un-American Activities in which cal. In a few of the essays he points leadership of the CIO. He had his big Rosa Luxemburg is converted into A few bars from the "Internationale," ironically to the discrepancy between moment during the war while an alli­ a slogan of La Passionaria: these, of "Rosie Luckenburg." the lives and activities of these Stalin­ ance existed between these forces. c()Urse, are only the rags and tags of Three examples of errors in spelling ist "radicals" and the "myth" they When the break occurred Pressman what these people are supposed to have and pronunciation on the part of un­ represent but mystifies his readers by carefully wrote resolutions straddling believed. It is hard to understand why known and unnamed Stalinists or failing to draw any conclusions. The the fence. As to Pressman's political gestures so empty of meaning seemed radicals and Kempton is ready to say: imp'ortant to men whose daily lives were individual studies are of an uneven ideas, his radicalism, Kempton offers spent consuming the comforts of com­ " ... this was a dismally ignorant radi­ character. Some, like the one on Mat­ two quotations, both defending the meTce. To say that they were vagrant cal generation.... " To be sure, there thews and another on the Hollywood use of terror by the Russian govern­ twinges of conscienee does not seem were ignorant people in the radical Stalinists contain nicely delineated in­ ment. quite adequate. They are more like and socialist movements in the Thir­ sights into the personalities of those The mockery of this group as repre­ gauges of culture. For most of the younger Hollywood Communists appear ties, and this was especially true for dealt with; but, for the most part, senting the Thirties is nowhere more to have been persons whose knowledge the Stalinists. But can there be any they are merely personal projections glaring than in the chapter dealing of the Communist Interntionale was doubt that on the whole the radical, and utterly pointless when they are with the Hollywood Stalinists. Kemp­ limited to a Isnatch of its anthem. Their socialist and Stalinist students stood not downright dishonest. ton ironically points out the lack of vision of the Spanish War was confined head and shoulders above their non­ to LaPasionaria's phrase about refusing In the chapter on Hiss and Cham­ connection between their lives and to die on her knees, which does not sit political fellows in regard to political hers, Kempton sets himself the task of "creative" work and the radicalism uncomfortably on the lips of a football knowledge? Where did the labor explaining the relationship between and social consciousness of the coach. "statesmen" who are Kempton's the two men. He sees them as drawn "myth." The script writers, actors, di­ "monuments" learn what they know, to each other precisely because of the rectors and producers who were S! al­ Kempton's recognition of the absurd­ and what distinguishes them from or­ difference of their backgrounds, with inists or fellow-travelers spent their ity of the Hollywood Stalinists as rep­ dinary business unionists? Surely, each longing for the other's environ­ Ii ves, for the most part, in a manner resentatives of revolution, his knowl­ they too received their training in ment. For Hiss, according to Kemp­ undistinguishable from the non-po­ edge of their political ignorance, his these movements. And we may well ton, Chambers represented a much to litical and politically conservative insight into the vacuous bourgeois ask: what of Kempton himself? be desired rootlessness, bohemianism members of the movie industry. The mediocrity of their lives poses the For Kempton, movements hardly and non-conformity, while for Cham­ films they wrote, directed and pro­ problem of his choice of them in the existed, if they existed at all, and the bers, Hiss' near Southern shabby gen­ duced were the typical Hollywood first place as people who lived by the radical sentiments which swept broad tility and traditionalism proved very product. Kempton runs down a list "myth." The answer to this question sections of the workers, students and attractive. Sometimes in the early of movies in which Stalinists were in­ can be found ·only in Kempton's vi­ lower middle class generally were the Thirties Hiss joined the CP and soon volved and quotes the favorable re­ sion and theory of the Thirties. It is opium dreams of the "myth" addicts. thereafter was brought into the un­ views accorded them by the Daugh­ hoth a symptom of his distorted per­ He tries to belittle and make ludi­ derground apparatus. What motivat­ ters of the American Revolution. spective and an index to it. To start crOllS the mass character of radicali- . ed Hiss to join the Communist Party? As Kempton knows, or should with a comparatively minor point, if zation. The student ferment existed Was the "myth" of social revolution know, the Hollywood Stalinists had Kern pton recognizes the vast ignor­ only in the perturbed imagination of and radicalism responsible? Kempton essentially two functions to perform ance of politics among the Hollywood the Hearst press and the periodicals maintains a discreet silence on this for the CP. Their primary task was Stalinists, and at the same time has no issued by the victims of the "myth." question. Only once does he quote fund raising for the party and its in­ doubt that they are authentic repre­ F or evidence he tells us that in 1937 Hiss on politics, a comment on the numerable front organizations, and sentatives of the "myth" of political 500,000 college students took the Ox­ Moscow Trials that "Joe Stalin cer­ secondarily they were used as public radicalism of that decade, it is because ford Pledge (although he doubts the tainly plays for keeps." The reality of figures and speakers for CP fronts. for him ignorance was the hallmark figure), but in 1940 when the draft 124 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 125 respect, but he too enjoys the status ment to the union constitution favor­ was instituted less than 100 refused to How then explain the radical social ; , register. Conclusion: the whole stu­ struggles which occurred in that up­ of a "monument." Not perhaps as ing the expulsion of all present and dent movement was, at most, a prank. surge, struggles which took the form stylized and refined as Reuther, gran­ future communists. Those who had What Kempton doesn't realize is of sit-down strikes and violated the ite hewn and a bit rough on the sur­ been the leaders of the Curran group that for most of the active partici­ sanctity of private property? face, but flexible, and therefore a in its fight against the Stalinists in pants in the movement refusing to be Kempton deprecates the radical na­ "monument." Curran, it turns out, 1946, among them a group of CP dis­ drafted was not considered a means of ture of the sit-down strike. Using his was unwilling to remain a victim of sidents, were the primary victims of fighting against war, that the Pledge own brand of logic, he points out that the "myth" when it dawned on him the attack, but before the fight was was not literal but a dramatization of the workers were very careful not to that seamen were not interested in over, thousands were involved and political opposition to imperialist war damage any of the machines in the radical social programs. He was suffi­ with Curran's victory many seamen and that only the pacifists regarded it occupied plants; that the Detroit ciently reality-oriented to break with lost their hard won union member­ as a weapon. Aside from that, between Woolworth strikers even fed the cana­ the Communist Party and struggle ship. ]937 and 1940 the Stalin-Hitler Pact ries faithfully. In order to have dem­ against the Stalinist domination of Wtih all of the hard-boiled senti­ the union. was made and the Stalinists wrecked onstrated their radical sentiments to mentality of a tenth rate novelist the student movement, causing hun­ Kempton the workers would have had There is no doubt that Curran had Kempton gives the following account dreds of thousands of students. to be to smash the machines and slaughter wide support when he initiated the of the 1949 fight: disillusioned with radicalism and all the canaries. Anything less was in the fight against the Stalinists in 1946. Restless in the face of the CP's bu­ In the end Keith and Lawrenson had politics for that matter, in the process. nature of conservative union action. to go too, because they were not comfort­ ] 940, then, was set in an entirely dif­ The socialists and such radical un­ reaucratic control of the NMU and able in 'peace and order. Curran, by now ferent scene than 1937. ion leaders as Reuther, Kempton tells the wretched gains that that adminis­ implaca;ble, put through an amendment us, felt that the working class strug­ tration had won for them during the to the uni'On constitution 'Ordering the "war unity" years, a majority of the expulsion of all present and future Com­ TN HIS CHAPTER. "Father and Sons" gles were much more than a bread seamen fought hard and long in the munists. Keith and Lawrens-on f'Ought which deals with the Reuthers, Kemp­ and butter proposition; Reuther "had against it and were never rec'Onciled. On ton discusses the mass unionization of thought of the union as an instru­ Curran caucus to oust the Stalinist Thanksgiving of 1949, they rallied their the millions of workers in the mass ment to reshape America sharp and leadership. Aside from the rank and followers f'Or 'One more hattle in the fast." But after the 1937 victories, the file, Curran had the support of a large streets and seized the union headquar­ production industries and the forma­ ters. For 'One more night, Joe Curran tion of the CIO, but does not relate workers had had enough, their con­ section of the secondary leadership of the union which had also broken with came back t'O stand unmoved 'On a plat­ this upsurge of the American work­ servatism reasserted itself; the "surge form while the sail'Ors roared him d-own ingclass to the general radicalization of that promise was over and he the CP. These men were more than too, smoking a cigarette and smiling a of the period and the growth of radi­ [Reuther] was left with the ebb." Like mere Curran supporters. They were C'Old smile with ibits and splinters of the the backbone of the anti-Stalinist cau­ woodwork flying about his head as they cal organizations. For Kempton, the so many other ex-radicals Kempton had flown around so many 'Others. unionization of millions simply in­ feels betrayed by the working clfl.ss. cus, its theoreticians, its leaders, its spokesmen. It may be romanitc to But Curran did n'Ot walk away and be­ volved another process taking place at Yet, in his view, this situation permit­ fore very IQng, he beat them too. Then the same time but having no real ted Reuther to exercize his great vir­ think of Curran in Kempton's terms: Keith went and Lawrenson was defeated point of contact with the radical and tue of adjustment. "His institution "Roaring, rasping, and unsleeping, and with them passed the last organized socialist movements or the growth of would not change for Walter Reu­ he fought them and beat them in un­ segment of the army 'Of the future. They -had been ,shipmates for a very long time, radical sentiments in general among ther, and so Walter Reuther changed ion metings month after month up and down the coast," but it isn't but there is n'O rec'Ord that any'One said the American people. Instead of rec­ for it," says Kempton approvingly. goodbye t'O any'One else. ognizing that the growth of radical This quality of flexibility enabled strictly factual. parties was one expression of ferment Reuther to become one of the "monu­ ~hen Curran boasts that every­ Kempton's fiction might even have in the population as a result of social ments" in Kempton's gallery; the thIng he knows the Communist Party been more lurid had he stuck to the crisis and that the trade union devel­ radical inflexibility of those who re­ taught him, he tells the truth. Cynic­ facts. He omits mention of the brutal opment was another, that the two mained socialists caused their ruin ally, and with every bureaucratic beatings of oppositionists by Curran's phenomena had many points of con­ and caused them to create ruins. means at his disposal once his power squads in private chambers of the un­ tact, not least of which was the lead­ ] oseph Curran, President of the was consolidated in 1949, Curran ini­ ion headquarters reserved for that ing role played by Stalinists, socialists, National Maritime Union may not be tiated a struggle against any future purpose, of the faked charges against ex-Stalinists and ex-socialists in the the well adjusted personality of our opposition. He not only learned from hundreds, of the use of police at a organization of the CIO, Kempton re­ times, at least Kempton does not com­ the CP, he learned all too well. For union meeting to protect Curran gards these as two distinct affairs. pare him with Walter Reuther in that an issue he used a proposed amend- from an enraged membership which S••• er 1955 126 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 127 voted his defeat five to one. To report Dissipating a Reputation hold. His analysis of the reasons for We close with the same question we such facts about a labor "statesman" the extremism of the "pseudo-revolu­ asked at the outset. Why does a his­ Why Dictators? by George W. F. Hall­ is perhaps to detract from his states­ tionary type a la Hitler will serve as torian of Hallgarten's note dissipate manship. garten. Published by The Mac­ a model of his method. his reputation by writing this kind of millan Co. He begins by giving conditional ac­ book? Just as there is something malodor­ ceptance to Gisevius's opinion that Abe STEIN ous about Kempton's choice of "radi­ Why does an historian "neither greedy masses nor unleashed cals" so there is about his selection of with Hallgarten's reputation write Fictionalized Biography ?Iatter nor inscrutable destiny con­ "monuments." Like so many of the and publish a book like Why Dictm Jured World War II into being. It Faithful Are the Wounds, by May Stalinists he abhors, Kempton is in­ tors? (Hallgarten's fame rests securely originated in the will of a single indi­ Sarton. Rinehart, New York City, trigued and attracted by power. The on his two-volume work, Imperialis~ vidual." Says Hallgarten: this state­ $3.50. hated Stalinists and Stalinoid intel­ mus vor 1914. Written and finished ment "undoubtedly contains a sizable As an individual, a per­ lectuals look longingly at the Russian just as Hitler came to power, Hall­ nucleus of truth, though not the full sonality, the late F. o. Matthiessen model while Kempton confines his ad­ garten's work was not published i~ truth. In reality, no pseudo-revolu­ was an appealing figure. The author miring glance to the respectable, but complete form until 1951 in Munich. tionary leader would have come to of one of the most significant contem­ powerful bureaucrats of the American It has found its place as an indis-: power without active help from the porary studies of American literature, pens able source in any study of impe~ trade union movement. ruling classes and from their individ­ The American Renaissance, he ar­ rialism.) ual members whom he was expected gued for a conception of the scholar There is nothing to admire about THERE IS A SOCIAL BASIS for Kempton's to save from distress. Besides, he al­ as a man of commitment, of action W'hy Dictators? except the display of political ideology. It consists of the ways remained dependent on the (see, for example, the posthumus col­ learning and technical virtuosity. relative social peace resulting from masses behind him. . .. " lection of essays, The Responsibility Hallgarten freely roams all periods of the prosperity which America enjoys So far, so good. Who could dis­ of the Critic). Indeed, it was Matthies­ \,y estern history to find his material. today, having achieved this position agree? But then matter is translated sen's own personal commitment Arnold Toynbee may have needed ten through World War II, its prepara­ into spirit. "The pressure exercized which led him to a "Christian social­ thick volumes, Hallgarten needs only tions for World War III and its im­ upon his [Hitler's] psychology by the ism," into the Wallace movement, 354 breathless pages. Cypselus of Cor­ perial relation to the rest of the capi­ mechanics of rearmament-the ex­ and ultimately played a part in his inth, Orthagoras of Sycyon, Pisastra­ talist world. The radicalism of the haustion of raw materials, the increase tragic end. His suicide note defined tus of Athens stand side by side in un­ Thirties must consequently have been of inflation, the chance of being out­ his despair as a result of the contra­ easy contemporaneity with Tiberius, a myth, the bad dream of our child­ raced by other powers, and the in­ diction between his values and the Gaius Gracchus, Ferrante of Naples, hood. creasing impatience of his own radi­ trend of America today. Thomas Munzer, Cromwell, Bona­ But there was a social basis for the cals-became more and more unbear­ Now, in Faithful are the Wounds parte, right down to Chiang Kai-shek. political, economic and social strug­ able." by May Sarton, we have a fictionalized We are dazzled but not instructed. The last chapter of this dismal treatment of Matthiessen's life. Or gles of the Thirties. Kempton has a Hallgarten distinguishes four types work ends with some comments on rather, as this discussion will make selective memory and has repressed of dictatorship: the "classical," the the world struggle between the clear, a novel built around the inci­ his knowledge of it. Forgotten is the "ultra-revolutionary," "Counter-" and United States and Russia. Hallgarten dents and values of his life, yet inde­ "pseudo-revolutionary." Social crisis, mass unemployment resulting from fears this struggle will produce dicta­ pendent of biographical intent, a our author tells us, prepares the soil the depression, the shrinking econ­ torships within the Western world. work of art. In analyzing the book, in for dictators. But he simultaneously omy, the social and economic injus­ A~ is .u~ual, he produces his cataclys­ making such distinctions, it is neces­ insists on the psychological derange­ mIC VlSlOn. But instead of turning to sary to raise larger questions of social tice all of which gave rise to large ment and "charismatic" character of Burkhardt, the favorite oracle for the criticism. waves of protest; forgotten the desper­ dictators to explain their origin, rise doom-sayers these days, the slightl}, First, some general considerations. and success, Marx, Weber, and Freud ate and largely unsuccessful pump­ old-fashioned Hallgarten reverts to It is possible to have a political novel, all suffer equally as a result of Hall­ priming efforts of. the New Deal as a Spengler for his panorama of decay. a roman a clef, in which motivation garten's method. response precisely to the growing The specter of Spengler'S Caesar, is derived from ideological analysis. Of course Hallgarten is too sophisti­ radicalism of the American people. ruler of a declining civilization, Darkness at Noon has this quality to cated to explain dictators on psycho­ threatens Western society unless ... a certain extent. The logic of Ruba­ Kempton cannot see the real ruins logical grounds alone. But the way he and monuments for the trivia. unless the ordinary ci tizen shakes off shov's actions is, more often than not combines psychological and social his complacency. dictated by a rationalistic, one dimen' Max MARTIN drives is something wonderful to be- Summer 1955 129 128 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL sional, image of man in which the po· ure is Cavan's death. He attempts to litical-philosophical is controlling. communicate his anguish to his vari­ value, other aspects of the novel. In to his death; his death led to others His affair, for example, is a medium ous friends and cannot do so. The judging Balzac, Marx used a political achieving what he failed. The impact of political development rather than despair which results is an occasion of and social criteria; I am proposing a of the book is not to call for a politi­ romance. This same characterization his suicide. The content of his an­ political and formal consideration. cal program, but for a political atti­ could be applied to the actions of guish is political-the Czechoslova­ In its political aspect, Faithful Are tude-and for a sound political atti­

Thomas in Murder in the Cathedral7 kian coup, the politics of the Ameri­ the Wounds is somewhat ambiguous. tude. There is a certain ambiguity, except that the ideology in this case can Civil Liberties Union, etc.-but The central political problem is but it is, I think, resolved. is religiou~. the inhibitions of communication are Cavan's belief that Communists and Indeed, the synthesis of the two But it is also possible to have a not. These spring from other motiva­ Socialists can cooperate. In the end, worlds, private and public, is quite novel in which politics is a back­ tional sources, from childhood, from Damon Phillips tells the committee moving. Communication, as a person­ ground, a setting, but not the center personality variances, from different "that although Edward Cavan may al ideal, and communion, as a politi­ of motivation. In Man's Fate the so­ social positions. have been wrong in his belief that cal ideal, are joined -at Cavan's funer­ cial struggle is primarily the medium The point of the private theme is Communists and Socialists could and al and in the effect of his death upon of individual release and self-con­ that through Cavan's death, a certain should work together, in the essence his friends. The choice of the quota­ sciousness, thus reversing Koestler's possibility of personal communica­ of his belief he was right and many tion from John Donne ("No Man Is pattern. And in Dicken's Bleak tion comes into being. The lovers of us were wrong." The main political an Island ...") is somewhat trite, but House, the courts perform a meta­ marry, a man and his wife realize question is how Miss Sarton distin­ aside from this, the emotional impact phorical function, standing for a cer­ their relationship more deeply, the guishes the "essence" of Cavan's po­ and the artistic achievement are con­ tain attitude toward the world, and sister is changed. In the development litical belief from his tragic convic­ siderable. it is the latter, the attitude, which is of this theme, the political is context, tion that Communists and Socialists Faithful Are the Wounds is an ac­ the principle of selection and descrip­ it is the stage, but it is not the deter­ can work together. complishment. It is far more than a tion, not the reality of the legal sys­ minant of motivation, it is the occa­ It is here that our estimation of the political novel, taking that term in its tem itself. sion. In this regard, one could com­ "private" theme is an aid to the po­ sense of programmatic fiction. It per­ Finally, it is possible to combine pare Faithful Are the Wounds to an litical judgment. For the metaphor forms a subtle and delicate weaving these two types, to have a work of art unpolitical book like Wings of the established between the public and of private and public motivation, its in which politics is both context and Dove, where personal relationships private worlds of this book, make it image of decision is complex, its so­ principle of motivation, but not solely develop around the death of Milly. clear that the "essence" of Cavan's be­ cial context is movingly presented. the principle of motivation. This, I Yet there is also an explicitly po­ lief is that of responsibility, of com­ Judged as it should be, as a work of think, is the case with May Sarton's litical level. Cavan's death does not mitment, of communication, both art, it is a significant success. book. Such an approach can yield a ony lead Damon Phillips to an under­ public and private. His failure lead MICHAEL HARRINGTON multi-dimensional thickness, a com­ standing of his marriage; it also plex image of decision enmeshed in causes him to take a definite political society, private and public worl"ds in position with regard to a congression­ their inter-mingling. It is a difficult al committee. In the Epilogue, Phil­ MAGAZINE CHRONICLE technique, for it demands a careful, lips refuses to testify about his friends structured presentation, balanced and or associates because he realizes that Just prior to America'.s entry into gaged in a painful struggle to achieve inter-related. Cavan was right, that " ... the intel­ World War II Partisan Review an­ political respectability. Thus, in FaithfuL Are the Wounds, lectual must stand on the frontier of nounced its withdrawal from partisan How painful this effort can be is there is a central "private" theme: the freedom of thought." politics. It would no longer take po­ easily illustrated by an article by Han­ failure of communication. It is devel­ It is in this case, and orily in this litical sides in any militant fashion, nah Arendt in a year-old issue, J anu­ oped in the inability of Edward case where the author uses her mate­ but would devote itself to philosophy ary-February, 1954. Arendt is one of Cavan's sister (Cavan is the Matthies­ rial to give emotional weight to a and belles-lettres. But only a cur­ PR's favored Marx-slayers, a woman sen-like figure) to understand her particular point of view, that we can sory contact with the magazine in the who is prepared and over-anxious to brother, in the gulf between two apply political criteria in judging the past few years reveals that PR hasn't club Marx and Marxism to death with young lovers, in the marital relation­ book. And it must be remembered abandoned politics. It has merely re­ a mace spiked with distortions of ship of Damon Phillips, one of that this is only one part of the judg­ versed its politically partisan nature. Marxism and delicately embroidered Cavan's colleagues, and his wife. ment, that it is possible to respect the From a magazine of social and literary with innumerable references from the The major consequence of this fail- political line and yet admire, and revolt it has become tedious, academic original Greek, Latin, French and and, what mainly concerns us, en- German. 130 THE NEW INTERNATIONAl. Summer 1955 131 All that space, patience and interest ancient Greek culture, or plain mali­ intelligence he is capable of freeing by his condition of life and labor. permit in this column-is to take a ciousness, one thing is clear-it be­ himself from all the meanness <;>f cap­ "The Marxian identification of ac­ few of the key sections from Arendt's longs in the realm of Pure Nonsense. italism. tion with violence," Arendt tells us, multi-lingual potpourri which reveal This amalgam of Marxism and If Hannah Arendt wants to know "implies another fundamental chal­ the increasing withering away of anti­ primitive society is only one in a -if she is really interested-in learn­ lenge to tradition which may be more Marxist thought. whole series of scholastically presented ing Marx's differentia specifica we difficult to perceive, but of which Arendt quotes phrases from Marx boners. Just one or two more ex­ offer the following passage from Vol­ Marx, who knew Aristotle very well on the state, labor and violence con­ amples. ume I of his Capital (Modern Library must have been aware." In reinter­ cluding that: Arendt discusses Marx and labor: edition, page 198). preting Marx on the role of violence, These statements, in addition to being "Labor created man" [a phrase of We presuppose labor in a form that Arendt does violence not only to Marx predictions, contain of course, Marx's Engels] means first that labor and not God ideal of the best form of society. As such stamps it as exclusively human. A spider but to the nature of Greek society. created man; secondly, it means that man, conducts operations that resembles those they are not utopian, but rather repro­ insofar as he is human, creates himself, She tells us that: duce the political and social conditions of of a weaver, and a bee puts to shame that his humanity is the result of his own many an architect in the construction of The twofold Aristotelian definition of the same Athenian city-state which was activity; it means, thirdly that what dis­ the model of experience for Plato and her cells. But what distinguishes the man as a dzoon politikon and a dzoon tinguishes man from animal, his differ­ worst architect [the differentia specifica] logon echon, a being attaining his highest Aristotle, and therefore the foundation on entia specifica, is not reason, but labor, which our tradition rests. from the best of bees is that the archi­ possibility in the faculty of speech and that he is not an animal rationale, but an tect raises his structure in imagination the life in a polis, was designed to dis­ This is not a typographical error; animal laborans; it means, fourthly, that before he erects it in reality. tinguish the Greek from the barbarians it's Hannah Arendt. It is the kind of it is not reason, until then the highest and the free man from the slave. The theoretical mish-mash which is so gro­ attribute of man, but labor, the tradition­ Implicit in the paragraph we have distinction was that Greeks living together ally most despised human activity, which quoted from Arendt - and further in a polis conducted their affairs by means tesque that the reader is caught un­ contains the humanity of man. aware, unprepared to admit what is along the same lines Arendt refers of speech, through persuasion, and not by Hannah Arendt is almost artistic to Marx's "glorification" of labor-is a means of violence through mute coercion. being said. Barbarians were ruled by violence and In what. possible respect could any­ in her creativity. "What distinguishes lightly veiled attempt to de-humanize slaves by labor, and since violent action one in his right political sense re­ man from animal, his differentia spe­ Marx. and toil are alike in that they do not need mark that the ideal form of society cifia, is not reason, but labor, that he Did Marx glorify labor under cap­ speech to be effective, barbarians and is not an animal rationale but an italism? Did he see something espe­ slaves are aneu log-ou, that is, they do for Marx could be found in the "polit­ not live with each other primarily by ical and social conditions" of ancient animal laborans. . . ." Does this not cially noble in the idea of a young means of speech. Labor was to the Greeks Athens, a slave society whose esti­ show signs of genius, of some sort nr man wasting away before a British essentially a non-political, private affair, mated ninety thousand free citizens other? textile loom? Marx of course did not but violence is related to and establishes were many times outnumbered by If Marx regarded man as an "animal glorify labor under capitalism. What a contact, albeit negative, with other man. their chattels? laborans" how does that distinguish he did was to give a new dignity to N ow, this is what the Greeks may In the Homeric age, before the man (his differentia specifica) frop! labor, revealing its social role and in­ have said, but even Arendt knows emergence of a Greek state, Greece an animal, in the first place? If that is dispensibility for leading a movement this does not accurately describe the was classified by Marx and Engels as a all man is, then, he is an animal in of human emancipation. relation of Greek to Greek, Greek to "primitive democracy." Can it be this Marx's eyes according to Arendt. But If Marx glorified labor it was not slave and Greek to barbarian. The which inspires Arendt to write such that would make Marx a bit of an labor under capitalism: but labor labor of the slaves was decidedly not foolishness? But the Iroquois tribes, idiot, and not even Arendt makes which would be freely and consciously a non-political affair, since the free­ according to Engels, were even more any such contention. Of course, Marx performed under socialism; a distinc­ doom of the Greek citizen rested on democratic and more primitive than regarded man as a thinking animal tion, of fundamental importance, but its perpetuation. The Greek state, "a the Greeks. Perhaps, then, it was this and it is this ability to think which, apparently of little concern to Arendt. body of armed men," was always ready barbarian Indian tribe which pre­ if properly exercised, will make us To Marx, labor performed under cap­ to step in and use violence against the sents a more accurate precursor of all properly wary of Arendt's preten­ italism is on the whole performed slaves to maintain the polis where Communism? sions. Where does Marx counterpose with disinterest or disgust. A working questions were decided by rational Whatever may have inspired work to thought? Man, according to man does not realize himself through discourse. Furthermore, violence was Arendt to write this, whether it was Marx, through his labor and his abil­ his labor in bourgeois society. He be­ used not merely against slaves and her misreading of Marxist writing on ity to reason, is capable of harnessing comes indifferent, alienated and es­ barbarians, but if we remember our primitive society, or a misunderstand­ nature to his needs and interests; tranged from his work. and from him­ history, in the struggle between one ing of Marx's genuine admiration for through labor and through his unique self, often reduced to an animal level Greek city-state and another. And in 132 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 133 how many instances were the van­ that Schiller defined art as the realm of freedom. When men are free from umn. We mention it only to contrast assign any significance to these contem­ quished enslaved? Finally, has Arendt porary problems looming in the back­ forgotten the plight of the Greek peas­ the compulsion of labor, the creative it with another defense of Oppen­ heimer which has appeared recently ground. She does say that the final AEC" ants, citizens of the polis~ who fell transformation of society, nature and report by Strauss "evaded the very is­ into slavery because of indebtedness? man himself stands on the order of in Partisan Review (November-De­ sue" of Oppenheimer's opposition to the cember, 1954) written by Diana Trill­ H-bomb; but she does not say what this Having reinterpreted ancient so­ the day. In Literature and Revolu­ ing. Where the Alsops discuss the evasion means. In other words she her­ ciety and its philosophic tradition in tion~ Leon Trotsky foresaw the day Oppenheimer case with forthright­ self evades any issue which might pos­ when men would level mountains in sibly be of current interest. As far as order to discredit Marx as the preacher ness and a sense of reality, Trilling's of violence and not reason, Arendt one area and raise them in others, her analysis is concerned, it is as if we turn arid deserts into singing gardens defense is circumspect, equivocal and were not dealing with any contemporary now shifts her sights into the future problem at all. and reshape even their own bodies abstract. In all 32 pages of the PR to propound a paradox that puts Zeno Thus her only comments on the report to their own desire. And in this day article one fails to find any connec­ the Eleatic to shame. tion made other than in passing be­ by the Gray Board are that "public re­ of atomic energy, Trotsky'S imagina­ action . . . was intensely unfavorable" If labor is the most human and most tive visions become real possibilities­ tween the Oppenhimer case and the and that "liberal sentiment was out­ productive of man's activities, what will witchhunt. For all we might gather raged," because a man semed to be . con­ happen when after the revolution 'labor if capitalism is replaced by a socialist from the Trilling analysis, the Op­ demned for his opinions. W a~ he? Mrs. is abolished' in 'the realm of freedom' order. penheimer case might have taken Trilling does not, or will not,say. Was when man has succeeded in emancipating liberal sentiment justifiably outraged by himself from it? What productive and place on a different planet and in a what looked like punishment for a what essentially human activity will be A Dubious Defense different century~arlier or later, it thought-crime? Or does Mrs. Trilling's left? If violence is the midwife of history makes no difference. phrasing imply that she really believes and violent action therefore the most dig­ IT IS NOW little more Trilling's failure to discuss the Op­ liberal sentiment, once again, indulged in nified of all forms of human action, what than a year since a statement of the liberal sentimentality! The Alsop broth­ will happen when, after the conclusion of penheimer case in its social context is ers priilt excerpts from this report. It class struggle and the disappearance of Atomic Energy Commission concluded not an oversight, and it is mote than affirmed Dr. Oppenheimer's "loyalty." the state, no violence will even be pos­ that "Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer is a defect. It stems from her own basic "high degree of discretion" and the pub­ sible? How will man be able to act at all hereby denied access to restricted commitments to prevalent prejudices lic debt owed to him for "loyal and mag­ in a meaningful authentic way? data." In that year an immense vol­ nificent service." The Board then de­ and anti-democratic attitudes. We clared Dr. Oppenheimer a security risk; That Marx said "violence is the ume, the transcript of Oppenheimer's know this from her past writings, her and the Alsop brothers ask the naive midwife of history," we agree. But hearing before an AEC security board political activities and from what is question, what standards of security and only Arendt's inventive mind can ded­ appointed by Lewis Strauss, had been said and left unsaid in her article on justice were employed in this ruling. duce from this that Marx also be­ released followed by a niagara of ar­ Mrs. Trilling does not ask any questions. Oppenheimer. In the Spring issue of To say that a man deserves the thanks lieved that "violent action therefore ticles, letters, and books on the sub­ PR there is a very effective analysis of of the fatherland and to humiliate him [is] the most dignified of all forms of ject. Trilling's approach, written by Hans in the same breath-is that absurd or human action." Against that day One of the books on the Oppen­ Meyerhoff on the faculty of the Uni­ not? Mrs. Trilling does not, or wiP not, say. when the state has withered away and heimer case came out shortly after versity of Southern California.Meyer­ the class struggle is a bad dream, we the scientist's clearance was lifted: We hoff's article was made all the more Mrs. Trilling fails to discuss the offer the hypothesis that poets will Accuse! by Joseph and Stewart Alsop. persuasive by Mrs. Trilling's brief re­ political and cultural climate sur­ quarrel on a mass scale with nothing Reading it, one can readily see why joinder in the same issue. rounding the Oppenheimer case but more damaging than verbal violence fVe Accuse! has suffered a virtual she does develop a theory of the po­ over the use of meters, and painters ... at one point she [Diana Trilling] blackout in the press. It is scathing in admits that Oppenheimer was reinvesti­ litical and moral responsibility of the will rend the air in a dispute as to its indictment of the government, the gated because he represented "a way of liberals of the thirties and forties for the use of solid colors and abstract AEC, the Air Force Generals, the se­ thinking and even of being which was the growth of Stalinism and the pres­ art. There will be all kinds of strug­ curity system. The Alsop's accusa­ antipathetic to a dominant faction and ent -impasse of liberalism. McCarthy­ gles. All except the class struggle. because the political climate of our times ism, the witchhunt, even the humilia­ tions are made furiously, but also fac­ had prepared an appropriate ground for If men are not chained to the ma­ tually; their mood is one of outrage his defeat." But if Mrs. Trilling thinks tion of Oppenheimer are the unpleas­ chine and the tractor, what produc­ and indignation which does not im­ the political climate of our times is rele­ ant retributions visited upon liberals tive activity will engage the free pinge on their style which is direct vant to this case, or why it is, she has for their past mistakes. Diana Trill­ and lucid. nothing more to say about it in the en­ ing writes: energies and minds of men? Being a tire article. She has nothing more to say child of the great German philo­ An account of the Alsop brothers' about what it means that this political Fairness to Dr. Oppenheimer requires sophic tradition, Arendt must Know book is outside the scope of this col- climate provided an appropriate ground that we remind ourselves that our cur­ for Oppenheimer's defeat. She does not rent acute relations with Russia, of 134 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Summer 1955 111 which the Oppenheimer case is only one had or even occasionally expressed, it relatively small result, would very likely was the bourgeois world, not liberal­ have never reached their present point of crisis had not so much of the energy ism, which must bear this onus for in­ of liberalism been directed, in the very valuable services performed for Stal­ period in which Dr. Oppenheimer failed inism, motivated by more or less to report Chevalier, to persuading the equal parts of immediate military Amerkan people that Russia was our great ally instead of the enemy of de­ considerations, stupidity and a typical mocracy and peace which she had al­ . imperialist indifference to conditions ready clearly demonstrated herself to be. of life in Russia. Does Diana Trilling really believe This view of the responsibility of that it was the liberal world during liberalism for Stalinism today is noth­ the war that has brought us to our ing more than a gentle and palatable present "point of crisis"? Is she really version of Senator McCarthy's screw­ ignorant of the fact that liberals never ball expostulations about "twenty could have cornered the market on years of treason." Diana Trilling's coining adulatory phrases for "our self-flagellation for the crimes of lib­ great Russian ally" because the bulk eralism permits her to conclude her of the bourgeois world jealously clung article with the observation that, in to its rights of peddling the virtues of effect, the fate of Oppenheimer,"... the Russian Bear. Doesn't Mrs. Trill­ constitutes a projection upon Dr. Op­ ing know that it wasn't only the lib­ penheimer of the punishment we per­ erals, sucked in by the Stalinist Fronts haps owe to ourselves for having once and even by the Communist Party been so careless with our nation's who proposed toasts to Stalin and the security." glorious Red Army? From the. Daily Smash us with your broomsticks, oh News to Time magazine and from you avenging witchhunting angels, Cordell Hull to Churchill our "great for we one-time radicals are guilty Russian ally" was treated to public and born in sin. adulation. Whatever secret misgivings JULIUS FALK some bourgeois politicians may have ABE STEIN

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