Coco Chanel-A Psychobiographical Research Study (200912784

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Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date).

FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY

Coco Chanel: A psychobiographical research study

Leandi Verwey

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Magister Artium in Clinical Psychology in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Johannesburg

Supervisor: Prof Z. G. Knight January 2018

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This achievement is not merely mine, but also of all of those who have ceaselessly supported me throughout this process and the accompanying delays, discouragements and doubts. For this reason, I would like to extend my gratitude to the following persons: § To my supervisor, Prof Zelda Knight. Thank you for your endless help, guidance and patience. Your commitment to this study, and expertise was both comforting and inspiring. I also have to especially thank Dr. Carol Saccaggi, for all your guidance and support too. § To my father, Dr. Anton Verwey, and mother, Prof. Sonja Verwey, for always encouraging and supporting my curiosity and inquisitiveness. You are the best examples of excellence I have, and I appreciate your complete selflessness in support of my dreams and hopes. § To my sister, Marike van Zyl, and brother-in-law, Garet van Zyl, thank you for taking an active interest in the progress of this study. You have always believed in me and the value of what I do, even when I, myself, had doubts. § To my friends, thank you for listening to my frustrations, ideas and opinions. You have inadvertently kept me light-hearted and optimistic throughout this process. § To my fellow interns and students. You are the most authentic, courageous and remarkable group of people I know. • To all the minds that shaped my thinking along the way – whether it was my lecturers, mentors, or supervisors. You have all contributed to my success. I also have to especially thank Belinda Karpelowsky for allowing me to be my authentic self as a therapist, and the importance of being ‘an object to be used’. I always felt held by you, and you have been my own Winnicottian ‘mother’ in some ways. • Finally, for the funding so generously provided by the University of Johannesburg. It was an honour and privilege to be the recipient of a Global Excellence Scholarship, and I would not have been able to complete this without the financial support.

A digital photograph of Coco Chanel, 1920. From Melby, L. (2012) DIGITAL PHOTOGRAPH OF COCO CHANEL

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people so tired mutilated either by love or no love

Excerpt from The Crunch, C. Bukowski (1977)

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... i TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... iv LIST OF FIGURES ...... ix LIST OF APPENDICES ...... x ABSTRACT ...... xi

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1. Chapter preview ...... 1 1.2. Background to the research study ...... 1 1.2.1. The context of psychobiographical research ...... 2 1.2.2. The purpose of the research study ...... 3 1.2.3. A general introduction to the research study...... 4 1.2.3.1. An introduction to the method of psychobiographical research ...... 4 1.2.3.2. An introduction to the selected subject ...... 5 1.2.3.3. An introduction to the selected theory ...... 6 1.3. Personal reflections and thoughts...... 7 1.4. An overview of the structure of the study ...... 8 1.5. Chapter summary ...... 8

CHAPTER 2 AN OVERVIEW OF PSYCHOBIOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH...... 9 2.1. Chapter preview ...... 9 2.2. Defining and describing psychobiographical research ...... 9 2.2.1. The methodological principles of psychobiographical and qualitative research ...... 11 2.2.2. Biography, narrative, and psychology: An approach to case-history research ...... 12 2.2.2.1. Assessing the personally significant and statistically significant ...... 13 2.2.2.2. Analyzing a case comparatively, and collecting data that is available in the domain of the public ...... 13 2.2.2.3. Developing and testing theory ...... 13 2.3. Psychobiographical research: Contributions to the discipline of psychology...... 14 iv 2.3.1. The acknowledgement of a case’s context and definite setting ...... 14 2.3.2. The critical development and evaluation of psychological theory ...... 14 2.3.3. The emphasis of a case’s individuality and uniqueness within the whole ...... 15 2.3.4. The exploration of personal reality...... 16 2.3.5. The identification of pattern and process over time ...... 16 2.4. Limitations of methodological rigor in psychobiographical research studies...... 16 2.4.1. The amount of biographical data is infinite ...... 16 2.4.1.1. Measures of quality: Addressing the amount of biographical data in this psychobiographical research study ...... 17 2.4.2. The analysis of an absent subject ...... 18 2.4.2.1. Measures of quality: Addressing the analysis of an absent subject in this psychobiographical research study ...... 19 2.4.3. Bias of the psychobiographical researcher ...... 19 2.4.3.1. Measures of quality: Addressing bias in this psychobiographical research study ………………………………………………………………………………….20 2.4.3.1.1. The analysis of the researcher’s emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the selected subject...... 20 2.4.3.1.2. The development of empathy for the selected subject – especially to abate, and account for the disparagement and/or vilification of the selected subject...... 21 2.4.3.1.3. The documentation and inclusion of the researcher’s emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the selected subject as an appendix to the psychobiographical research...... 21

2.4.3.1.4. The exploration of the researcher’s approach to the selected subject with biographical experts...... 21 2.4.3.1.5. The external, or objective review of the study...... 21 2.4.4. Cross-cultural differences ...... 21 2.4.4.1. Measures of quality: Addressing cross-cultural differences in this psychobiographical research study ...... 22 2.4.5. Easy genre and elitism ...... 23 2.4.5.1. Measures of quality: Addressing concerns of easy genre and elitism in this psychobiographical research study ...... 25 2.4.6. Expectations that are inflated ...... 25 2.4.6.1. Measures of quality: Addressing expectations that are inflated in this psychobiographical research study ...... 26 2.4.7. Reductionism ...... 26 2.4.7.1. Measures of quality: Addressing reductionism in this psychobiographical research study ...... 28 2.4.7.1.1. The consultation, examination and review of assorted and/or numerous data sources for the identification of biographical information (Runyan, 1988a, 1988b)...... 28 2.4.7.1.2. The avoidance of excessive psychological and/or technical terms (Elovitz, 2003; Runyan, 1988a)...... 28 2.4.7.1.3. The circumvention of pathologizing the selected subject (Elms, 1994; McAdams, 1994)...... 28 2.4.7.1.4. The recognition of the selected subject as a complex individual, contextualized by the cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on her or his life narrative (Anderson, 1981a, 1981b; Howe, 1997)...... 29 2.5. Ethical practices in psychobiographical research...... 30 2.5.1. The psychobiographical research subject ...... 30 2.5.2. The consultation, examination and review of available biographical information .. 31 2.5.3. The publication of the psychobiographical research study ...... 31 2.5.4. Addressing ethical practices in this psychobiographical research study ...... 32 2.6. Chapter summary ...... 32

CHAPTER 3 v COCO CHANEL...... 33 3.1. Chapter preview ...... 33 3.2. “I don’t like the family. You are born in it, not of it. I don’t know anything more terrifying than the family.” ...... 34 3.3. “My earliest childhood. Those words…make me shudder. No childhood was less gentle.” (1883-1894) ...... 37 3.4. “I knew no home, no love, no father and mother.” (1895-1904) ...... 41 3.5. “I said to myself, ‘Are you going to become like them? A kept woman? But this is appalling!’ I didn’t want it.” (1904-1909) ...... 45 3.6. “To me, he was my brother, my father, my entire family.” (1910 -1919) ...... 47 3.6.1. “It’s not money for money’s sake that I’m interested in, but money as a symbol of success.” ..……………………………………………………………………………………..49 3.6.2. “We love people only for their faults, and Misia gave me ample and numerous reasons for loving her.”...... 52 3.7. “What followed was not a life of happiness I have to say. He left me a void…” (1920- 1939) …………………………………………………………………………………………53 3.7.1. “A woman who doesn’t wear perfume has no future.”...... 56 3.7.2. “I loved him – or at least I thought I loved him, which amounts to the same thing.” ………………………………………………………………………………………57 3.7.3. “A fashion that does not reach the streets is not a fashion.” ...... 60 3.7.4. “The most complicated man I ever knew was Paul Iribe.” ...... 60 3.7.5. “In fighting for fashion, as I do…” ...... 61 3.8. “That period was singularly lacking in dignity – it was a filthy mess.” (1940-1954) .. 63

3.9. “I don’t do fashion, I am fashion.” (1954-1971) ...... 66 3.10. Chapter summary ...... 68

CHAPTER 4 APPLIED CONCEPTS AND THEORY: THE OBJECT RELATIONS THEORY OF WINNICOTT ...... 69 4.1. Chapter preview ...... 69 4.2. An introduction to object relations theories ...... 69 4.2.1. A brief discussion of drive theory ...... 70 4.2.2. The contributions and development of object relations theories ...... 71 4.2.3. An introduction to the object relations theory of Winnicott ...... 73 4.3. The object relations theory of Winnicott ...... 75 4.3.1. The developmental stages in summary ...... 75 4.3.1.1. The dyadic relationship ...... 76 4.3.1.2. Ego formation and integration ...... 77 4.3.1.2.1. Awareness of inner and outer reality ...... 77 4.3.1.2.2. Domains of the objective and subjective ...... 78 4.3.1.2.3. Domains of other and self ...... 79 4.3.2. Development, and the development of psychopathology ...... 80 4.3.2.1. The development of psychopathology in the stage of absolute dependence ..... 81 4.3.2.2. The development of psychopathology in the stage of relative dependence ...... 85 4.3.2.2.1. Depression ...... 89 4.3.2.2.2. The process of “splitting” ...... 89 4.3.2.2.3. Reaction formation ...... 90 4.3.2.3. The development of psychopathology in the stage of towards independence ... 92 4.4. An evaluation of the object relations theory of Winnicott ...... 93 4.4.1. An emphasis on the m/other, and neglect of the paternal role ...... 94 4.4.2. A comprehensive model of psychopathology? ...... 94 4.4.3. An evaluation of the implications for (psychoanalytic?) theory ...... 95 4.5. The selection of Winnicott’s object relations theory: A brief motivation, and implications for this research study ...... 95

4.6. Chapter summary ...... 96 vi

CHAPTER 5 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ...... 97 5.1. Chapter preview ...... 97 5.2. Aims and objectives of this research study ...... 97 5.3. Design, method, and procedure...... 98 5.3.1. Design and method ...... 98 5.3.2. Procedure ...... 99 5.4. Sampling: Selecting the psychobiographical research subject...... 99 5.5. Data management and processing ...... 100 5.5.1. Collection of data ...... 101 5.5.2. Data analysis and extraction ...... 102 5.5.2.1. Data condensation ...... 102 5.5.2.1.1. Allowing the data to reveal itself ...... 103 5.5.2.1.2. Addressing particular questions ...... 104 5.5.2.2. Data display ...... 105 5.5.2.3. Conclusion drawing and verification ...... 106 5.6. Limitations of methodological rigor in qualitative research ...... 107 5.6.1. Audibility ...... 107 5.6.1.1. Measures of quality: Addressing audibility in this research study ...... 107 5.6.2. Authenticity ...... 108 5.6.2.1. Measures of quality: Addressing authenticity in this research study ...... 109 5.6.3. Confirmability ...... 110

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5.6.3.1. Measures of quality: Addressing confirmability in this research study ...... 111 5.6.4. Construct validity ...... 111 5.6.4.1. Measures of quality: Addressing construct validity in this research study ..... 111 5.6.5. Fittingness ...... 112 5.6.5.1. Measures of quality: Addressing fittingness in this research study ...... 112 5.6.6. Utilization ...... 113 5.6.6.1. Measures of quality: Addressing this research study’s utilization ...... 113 5.7. Ethics ...... 113 5.7.1. Beneficence and non-maleficence ...... 114 5.7.1.1. Beneficence ...... 114 5.7.1.2. Non-maleficence ...... 114 5.7.2. Confidentiality ...... 114 5.7.3. Consent ...... 115 5.8. Chapter summary ...... 115

CHAPTER 6 FINDINGS, INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION ...... 116 6.1. Chapter preview ...... 116 6.2. The authentic self ...... 116 6.2.1. The creative self ...... 117 6.2.1.1. Chanel as an artistically creative individual ...... 117 6.2.1.2. Chanel as resolute in her style and vision ...... 118 6.2.1.3. The congruence between Chanel’s fashion, and positioning of self ...... 119 6.2.2. The rebellious self ...... 120 6.2.2.1. Acting-out behaviours and the rebellious self ...... 121 6.2.2.2. Fashion and the rebellious self ...... 123 6.2.2.3. The need to protest and the rebellious self ...... 124 6.3. The false self ...... 125 6.3.1. The adored, favored and loved self ...... 125 6.3.1.1. An exploration of familial relationships as trilateral...... 126 6.3.1.2. An exploration of friendships as trilateral ...... 127

6.3.1.3. An exploration of love and/or personal relationships as trilateral ...... 128 vii

6.3.1.4. An exploration of professional relationships as trilateral ...... 129 6.3.2. The collapsed self ...... 131 6.3.2.1. The collapse into a depersonalization state ...... 131 6.3.2.2. The collapse into a derealization state ...... 132 6.3.2.3. The collapse into the other ...... 134 6.3.3. The fragile and injured self ...... 137 6.3.3.1. Early experiences and injuries to the self ...... 138 6.3.3.2. Injuries in relation to relationships ...... 140 6.3.3.3. Injuries in relation to work ...... 143 6.3.4. The pretend self ...... 144 6.3.4.1. Conclusions, findings and interpretations in summary ...... 147 6.3.5. Chanel’s potential selves in summary ...... 148 6.3.6. Does this fit with what is known about her life? ...... 150 6.4. An evaluation of the object relations theory of Winnicott ...... 151 6.4.1. Contributions of the object relations theory of Winnicott ...... 151 6.4.2. Limitations of the object relations theory of Winnicott ...... 152 6.5. Chapter summary ...... 153

CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION, LIMITATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 154 7.1. Chapter preview ...... 154 7.2. The aims and purpose of the research revisited ...... 154 7.3. Conclusions, findings and interpretations – a summary ...... 154

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7.4. Contributions of this study...... 157 7.4.1. The contribution of psychobiographical research, and its value ...... 157 7.4.2. The contributions of the selected subject ...... 158 7.4.3. The contributions of the selected theory ...... 159 7.5. Limitations of this study ...... 161 7.5.1. Limitations of psychobiographical research ...... 161 7.5.2. Limitations of the selected subject ...... 162 7.5.3. Limitations of the selected theory ...... 163 7.6. Future recommendations and suggestions ...... 165 7.7. Chapter summary ...... 167

REFERENCES ...... 168

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 - The distinctive features of psychobiographical research. Compiled from van Niekerk (as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010)...... 10 Figure 4.1 The development of psychopathology in the stage of absolute dependence...... 85 Figure 4.3 The development of psychopathology in the stage of relative dependence...... 91 Figure 4.4 The development of psychopathology in the stage of towards independence...... 93 Figure 6.1 Chanel’s relationships as trilateral...... 126 Figure 6.2 Chanel’s collapse on a continuum...... 135 Figure 6.3 Chanel’s selves in summary...... 150

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix A Personal reflections..…………………………………………...…………....…….……186 Appendix B Allowing the data to reveal itself: A data matrix ……………..………….….…………191 Appendix C Winnicott’s developmental model …….……...………………..………………………194 Appendix D The Chanel family genogram ………………..………………..…………….…...……203

Appendix E Chanel’s life: Critical events in time ……………..…….………………………………204 Appendix F The contextualization of personal relationships: Chanel’s relationships over time ………………………………………………………………………………………………………..207 Appendix G Conceptual framework as informed by the object relations theory of Winnicott ...…...208

ABSTRACT

It is acknowledged that the exploration of ‘great’ and/or influential personalities, and their ‘finished lives’ may illuminate important lessons that are relevant still. Their contributions could be controversial, disputed, notable and/or profound – but have important lessons to teach. One of these personalities, it is suggested, is Gabrielle Chanel (1883-1971). Chanel (known to the world as Coco Chanel) was a 20th century couturier and fashion icon. She challenged conventional femininity and masculinity in her styles – and, in doing so, also challenged the gender lines and mores of the time. In the context of a difficult early life marked by poverty, rejection and shame, she established immense prominence and success; and it is in the context of this ‘rags to riches’ story, then, that there has been a continued fascination and interest in not only her establishment of an empire – but also in her life. The implication of this is that she is the subject of an array of articles, biographies, books, features, and films – but none of these explore her life from a psychological view. There has also been no psychobiography on her as a subject. Also keeping in mind her potential richness as a subject – and by means of non-probability purposive sampling – this was the reason for selecting her as the study’s subject. By employing the methodological principles of psychobiographical research, the purpose of this study was to explore her life narrative so that this could be made meaning of psychologically. This was done by deliberately employing formal psychological theory (that is, the object relations theory of Winnicott) in exploring that which is individual to her life narrative (such as activities, behavioral patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships), and the individualized patterns and processes that resulted from these. This was done to investigate the nature and/or origin of psychological terms (such as ‘identity,’ ‘personality,’ and ‘self’); and was ‘eugraphic’ in that the focus was not only on pathological processes, but also on her psychological strengths. That is, it was exploratory and xi idiographic in nature – and is paradigmatically post-positivist, and qualitative. The exploration of her life narrative started with the collection of data. Although the available data included primary and secondary sources – due to the language limitations of the researcher and/or other restrictions – there was a preference for secondary sources. The data was examined, organized and reviewed within an analytical framework, and the iterative processes of: (a) the condensation of data; (b) data display; and, (c) conclusion drawing and verification. The condensation of data entailed the method and procedures of: (a) allowing the data to reveal itself, and exploring factors of psychological saliency; and (b) addressing particular questions. This was displayed by means of text as well as figures, frameworks and matrices. The frameworks and matrices presented: (a) the developmental model of Winnicott, and its implications for ‘identity,’ ‘personality,’ and ‘self’ – especially as pertaining to self- structures; and (b) Chanel’s developmental and/or life stages. These also guided interpretations made, and the presentation and verification of these. Also considering factors of methodological rigor, the findings resulting from this suggested that Chanel’s development of ‘identity,’ ‘personality,’ and ‘self’ could be comprehensively explored in relation to self-structures as viewed by Winnicott. Here, his conceptualization and delineation of the

xii self-structures as: (a) an authentic self; and, (b) false self was valuable in exploring these facets of her ‘self.’ Her authentic self, it was suggested, consisted of her ‘creative self’ and ‘rebellious self’; and her false self, it was suggested, consisted of her ‘adored, favored and loved self,’ ‘collapsed self,’ ‘injured self,’ and ‘pretend self.’ It was further suggested – as is consistent with the object relations theory of Winnicott – that her critical early experiences impacted significantly on these self-structures; and that the degree to which she offered a personality to the world, was further impacted on by patterns of rejection and shame. In this regard, the relevance of Winnicott – both to this psychobiography, and other psychobiographical research – was demonstrated successfully.

Keywords: Coco Chanel, D. W. Winnicott, life narrative research, object relations theory, psychodynamic theory, psychobiography, psychobiographical research

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1. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1. Chapter preview This chapter introduces and orientates the reader to this research study. It considers the context of the research, and explores the general problem statement. As a direct response to this, the purpose of the research is stated. This is followed by a general introduction to this particular research study; and, more specifically, an introduction to: (a) the methodological principles of psychobiographical research; (b) the selected subject; and, (c) the selected theory. Next, the personal reflections of the researcher are stated. Then there is an overview of the structure of the study.

1.2. Background to the research study A concern about mainstream psychological research is that it does not acknowledge or address a case’s distinctiveness and/or individuality because it is concerned with describing and explaining functioning in general, and is conducted on large samples (Runyan, 1988a). However, the contributions of exploring functioning at an individual level have more recently been recognized by researchers too (Elms, 1994). These contributions, in exploring ‘individual lives’ and/or individual life narratives, in particular, include: (a) The ability to achieve consensual validation, beyond that of case studies (Carlson, 1988). (b) The acknowledgement development over time and/or the identification of individual patterns, beyond the extent of longitudinal research (Carlson, 1988).

(c) The consideration of the context of the individual life, and an exploration of the individual’s 1 ‘situatedness’ (Carlson, 1988). (d) The opportunity for personal reflection by the researcher (Elms, 2005). These contributions, furthermore, have also meant that there is less reluctance from researchers to admit that their focus is on ‘individual lives,’ because it has been demonstrated that it is meaningful to psychological research and training (Carlson, 1988; Elms, 1994; Fouché, 1999; Runyan, 1984; Schultz, 2005a). Another criticism against mainstream psychological research is that it describes the development of pathology, with an emphasis on originology (Anderson, 1981a, Erikson, 1969; McAdams, 1994). Originology, more specifically, refers to an emphasis and/or focus on the identification of pathographic processes as seen in subjects; and is evident in the focus on the identification and/or management of pathology in psychological research and training (Faller, 2001). This could lead to the overpathologizing of subjects, and influential normative and non- traumatic events and experiences may be neglected. As such, there could be a denial of the evidential normality and psychological strength of subjects (Wilson & Blum, 2005). However, more recently – especially in the field of positive psychology (Seligman, 2000; Seligman &

Csikszentmihalyi, 2000) – the identification of an individual’s psychological strengths and/or ‘psychological wellness,’ have been promoted by psychological research and training (Myers & Sweeney, 2008; Myers, Sweeney & Witmer, 2000). This research study: (a) addresses the criticisms against mainstream psychological research; and, (b) aligns itself with the current developments in psychological research and training – as discussed and introduced in the previous section – by employing the methodological principles of psychobiographical research. This is because psychobiographical research: (a) acknowledges and addresses a case’s distinctiveness and/or individuality, as it is concerned with describing and exploring ‘individual lives’; and, (b) adopts an approach that is eughraphic in that it encourages the identification of the psychological strengths of the subject (Elms, 1994; McAdams, 1988, 1994; Roberts, 2002; Runyan, 1988a, 1988b; Schultz, 2005a, 2005b).

1.2.1. The context of psychobiographical research As an approach, psychobiographical research is a synthesis of biography, and psychology (Fouché, 1999; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005a, 2005b); and demonstrates the mutual and reciprocal significance and value that these have. Biography and/or biographical materials, more specifically, is valuable in that the amount and availability of biographical data is infinite, meaning that it is possible for the data – and the findings and/or interpretations that result from this – to be triangulated. The authenticity of findings and interpretations, thus, can be corroborated with other data and/or information sources, and be enhanced and/or improved in this regard. It also considers development across the entire lifespan of the selected subject, and encourages the identification of patterns and processes over time (Carlson, 1988). 2 Conversely, the implication of psychology and its value is that it allows for biographies to be conducted within functional models that are regarded as scientific (Elms, 1994; Fouché, 1999; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b). In addition to the implementation of psychological theories, it also contributes to the development and ‘informal testing’ of these theories. Despite the potential value of this, it has been implied that as a method it has been neglected in the past (Runyan, 1988a). Although there has been a growing interest in it over the past 20 to 30 years, there is a continued emphasis on the following in improving and promoting psychobiographical research: (a) The academic exposure of psychobiographical research, and the development of psychobiographical research at universities (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). (b) The adoption of an approach that is eugraphic in that the focus is on psychological strengths and/or psychological wellness, and not only on pathographic processes (Elms, 1994). (c) The application of diverse exploratory frameworks, models and/or psychological theories so that there is a move from the ‘narrowness’ in selected theories, to a range of selected theories (Elms, 1994; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010).

(d) The avoidance of explanatory reductionism, and encouraging exploratory richness and/or thickness (Elms, 1994). (e) The enhancement of methodological rigor (Elms, 1994). As a direct response to this, this research study – as an academically oriented postgraduate research study – aims to contribute to the development of psychobiographical research. In doing so, it acknowledges the complexity of exploratory findings and/or interpretations in that these are not objective truths, but a particular reading of the selected subject within a theory. It also acknowledges the psychological strengths of the subject; and, in addition to this, employs a framework that makes this possible – namely, the object relations theory of Winnicott. The employment of the object relations theory of Winnicott, furthermore, can be seen as an alternative framework in the move from the ‘narrowness’ in selected theories, to a range of selected theories – especially as the majority of psychobiographical research in South Africa have used: (a) the analytical psychology theory of Jung (1947); (b) the developmental theory of Levinson (1978, 1990); (c) Digman’s (1990) 5-factor model; (e) Erikson’s (1963, 1981) psychosocial theory; and, (f) Maslow’s (1970) motivational theory (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). To enhance methodological rigor, it addresses concerns and implements measures of quality (as reviewed in Chapter 2 and Chapter 5), as pertaining to psychobiographical and qualitative research respectively.

1.2.2. The purpose of the research study By adopting an approach that is characteristically descriptive and exploratory (Edwards, 1998; Sey, 2006; Wallace, 1989; Yin, 2003), and employing the methodological principles of psychobiographical research this study aims at a comprehensive and holistic psychological 3 understanding of the selected subject – Coco Chanel. This is attained by considering her entire life narrative in order to: (a) Describe the development of her identity and personality as pertaining to her self- structures; and, (b) Employ the object relations theory of Winnicott to explore, extrapolate, and illuminate – purposely and systematically – the activities, behavioral patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships that characterized and distinguished her life narrative; as contextualized by the culture, economy, politics and social standards of the time. Accordingly, objectives of this research study are: (a) to access assorted available data sources in the consultation, examination and review of biographical information on the selected subject; (b) to develop extrapolations and inferences about the life narrative of the selected subject; (c) to discuss, and develop knowledge of the object relations theory of Winnicott; and, (d) to employ his object relations theories as the descriptive and exploratory framework for this research study.

Furthermore, it is also the purpose of this study to critically evaluate the object relations theory of Winnicott by informally ‘testing’ this. This is also known as the process of ‘analytical generalization’ (Yin, 2009), and means that the findings are not generalized to the population, but that there is a generalization of an individual life to psychological theory (Carlson, 1988; Schultz, 2005a). In this regard, there is a descriptive-dialogical interaction between the: (a) descriptive and exploratory findings and interpretations of the study; and, (b) propositions of his theory (Fouché, 1999; Stroud, 2004), in that the findings are generalized to the theory of Winnicott.

1.2.3. A general introduction to the research study 1.2.3.1. An introduction to the method of psychobiographical research Although there is an array of definitions and descriptions of psychobiographical research it can be seen as the analysis of an entire or ‘finished,’ individual life – from birth to death – so to “discern, discover, or formulate the [life] story” (McAdams, 2006, p. 12) and make meaning of it psychologically (Schultz, 2001a, 2001b). From this it is gathered that it involves: (a) biography (Runyan, 1982a, 1982b); and, (b) the employment of “formal psychology” (Runyan, 1982a, p. 202) and/or psychological theory. This includes – but is not limited to – abnormal, cognitive, developmental, personality, and social theories (Runyan, 1988a, 1988b). It is aligned to case report research in that its approach is described as idiographic and longitudinal, and is positioned qualitatively (Simonton, 2003; Stake, 2005). This approach has been endorsed by many scholars – especially in the examination of ‘great lives,’ and the insights that may potentially result from this (Alexander, 1988; Carlson, 1988; Fouché, 1999;

McAdams, 2006; Runyan, 1988b). This, furthermore, has contributed to the growing interest 4 in psychobiographical research; as has been especially evident for the last 20 to 30 years. The implication of this is that it is perceived as postmodern; however – as Schultz (2001b, p. 11) suggests – it has “existed forever.” The “need to psychobiographize” can be seen by the documented insights on the lives of prominent subjects – as early as Greek times; and evidenced further into medieval and Victorian times (Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2005; McAdams, 1988; Schultz, 2001a, 2001b). However, the launch of psychobiographical research was seen by Freud’s influential interpretations of the lives of Goethe, and Leonardo da Vinci (Elms, 1994; Runyan 2005; Simonton, 1999); and early on the focus was on psychoanalytic psychobiographies (Runyan, 2003). Erik Erikson followed with his interpretation of the lives of Mahatma Gandhi, and Martin Luther as structured to his theory (Edwards, 1998; Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2005a). However, many of the early psychobiographies – especially those of the 1920s – were conducted by individuals with no psychological or psychiatric training; and were criticized for the lack of methodological rigor. The implication of this was that, although there some psychobiographies published in the 1930s, fewer were written in the 1940s (Runyan, 1988b).

At the time, Allport and Murray advocated for life narrative research, and they contributed notably to psychobiographical research in the 1920s to 1940s. Following the growth in the initial interest in psychobiographical research, it suffered in the 1950s and 1960s (Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2005a), because – especially in the field of psychology – there was a focus on quantitative research (Runyan, 1984, 2003). In the late 1960s, however, the focus shifted to the lives and psychological readings and/or writings of artists, devout figures, musicians, politicians, and scientists (Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2005a; Runyan, 1982a, 1988b; Van Niekerk, 2007); and by the 1980s psychobiographies were recognized for its significance and value (Elms, 1994; Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2010; Runyan, 1988b). Following this, Alexander (1990), Elms (1994), and Runyan (1982a, 1982b, 1983) contributed notably to psychobiographical research. More recently, Schultz (2005) also contributed with his Handbook of Psychobiography, which includes the writings of Alexander, Elms, McAdams, and Runyan – leaders in psychobiographical publications and research (Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2005). Since then, there has been a continued development of the field of psychobiographical research, as is evidenced by the growing interest in it, and: (a) the array of individuals being studied; (b) the development of journals and organizations for psychobiographical research; (c) the disciplinary diversification of psychobiographical research in that is not conducted only in the field of psychology – but also in anthropology, art history, history, political science, psychiatry, religion, and sociology; and, (d) the institutionalization of psychobiographical research (Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2010;

Runyan, 1983, 1988a, 1988b), both internationally and in South Africa. 5 However, despite the growing interest in psychobiographical research and the recognition of its significance and value, there is concern about its methodological rigor – particularly as pertaining to: (a) an absent subject; (b) bias of the psychobiographical researcher; (c) cross- cultural differences; (d) easy genre and elitism; (e) expectations that are inflated; (f) reductionism; as well as the generalizability of it. See Chapter 2 for a discussion on the measures of quality that are implemented in this research study.

1.2.3.2. An introduction to the selected subject For the purpose of this research study, the selected subject is Gabrielle Chasnel [sic] – better known as Coco Chanel, and referred to in this research study as Chanel (August 19th 1883 - January 10th 1971). Chanel, a celebrated couturier and established fashion icon of the 20th century, contributed extensively to fashion – and in particular to the revolutionizing of womenswear (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Her contributions earned her the Neiman Marcus Award for Distinguished Service in the Field of Fashion (McDowell, 1984); and her continued impact and influence is acknowledged extensively, and remains undisputed.

Accordingly, Time (2012) identified Chanel as one of The 100 Most Influential Fashion Icons since 1923. More significant than her contributions to fashion, however, was her disputed impact on gender lines and mores for which she has been both criticized and praised (Banta, 2011; Brumberg, 1988; Spirito, 2010; Zoccoli, 2011). As Madsen (2009) and Parker (2013) acknowledge, she challenged the conventional images of femininity and masculinity at a time that was distinguished by elitist and patriarchal values, and – in doing so – fashioned the idea of the modern woman. As argued by Chaney (2011, p. xiii), this established her as the “most influential female figure” of the time. Because of her influence and prominence, there has also been a continued interest in her – especially in her establishment of an empire; and, in the intimate particulars of her as a subject (Chaney, 2011; Vaughan, 2012). Parker (2013) suggests that this evidenced, in particular, by the amount of cultural objects dedicated to her, such as articles, biographies, books, features, and films. Although this continued interest – and the mystery and rumor surrounding her – initially interested the researcher of this study too, she was selected as the subject for the following reasons: (a) In the academic context of psychobiographical research in South Africa – she addresses the need for psychobiographical studies on women (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). As explained by Fouché and Van Niekerk (2010), the majority of the psychobiographical research studies conducted in this context focus on male subjects, with a distinct gender ratio resulting from this. (b) Another advantage is the availability of biographical data on her including primary and

secondary sources. This data, furthermore, not only addresses her career as a celebrated 6 couturier and established fashion icon – but also includes information that is intimate and personal, and/or ‘rich’ and ‘thick.’ (c) She is an exceptional figure and/or personality to study. As contended by life history researchers [e.g., Elms (1994), Howe (1997), Schultz (2005a), and Simonton (1994)], the contribution of examining figures of interest, and/or ‘great’ lives like that of Chanel is that it may: (a) give insight into their prominence, and/or the reason(s) for their success; and, (b) highlight the lessons that can be taught from this. (d) There has been no previous psychobiographical research study on her. (e) Her life narrative seems to be applicable to the object relations theory of Winnicott, and for this reason is of significance, theoretically.

1.2.3.3. An introduction to the selected theory For the purpose of this research study, the employed framework is the object relations theory of Winnicott (1964, 1965a, 1965b). According to Winnicott (1964; 1965b), affective and experiential factors in infancy influence the development, emergence and expression of an

7 individual’s personality, as it pertains to her or his self-structures. He considers the development a differentiated self [to be specific, an identity and personality distinct from the m/other that is achieved by individuation and separation (Winnicott, as cited in Caldwell & Joyce, 2011; Winnicott, as cited in Fast, 2013)] by emphasizing the infant’s interaction with the environment and, initially, the maternal relationship and later others. This is an evocative intrapsychic structure that allows an individual to interact with, integrate and relate to the domains of inner and outer reality, the objective and subjective, and the other and self (Winnicott, 1965b; 1975). For this interaction, integration and relation to be successful, there has to differentiation between her or his inner and outer reality – and how this is aligned with the domains of the objective and subjective, and the other and self – and the existing interaction between these have to be recognized. This is achieved by accomplishing developmental tasks as an infant (Winnicott, 1960a, 1965a, 1965b). These represent, in the view of Winnicott (1960a, 1964, 1965a, 1965b), an advancement from the capacities of dependence to independence in the developmental stages and maturational processes that succeed from: (a) absolute dependence; to, (b) relative dependence; and, (c) towards independence. The degree of dependence is directly related to the stage of ‘ego integration’ in that there is a movement from: (a) a self-structure that is “unintegrated,’ to (b) a “developing” or emerging self-structures (in that there is not an integrated self but the self-structure is also not unintegrated), and to (c) an integrated self- structure. Environmental failures and/or impingements occurring at any of these stages, impact on these self-structures. This could lead to: (a) clinical states or syndromes; and/or, (b) impermanent manifestations, or moments of regression (Winnicott, 1963a, 1963b, 1963c) – depending on the impingement, and the nature and/or severity thereof. 7 As argued by Bonaminio (2012) and Summers (1994, 2014), Winnicott has the most “consistent” and “detailed” delineation of the effects of these impingements of any of the object relations theories. For Bonaminio (2012) this demonstrates the relevance of Winnicott’s work in ‘adult analysis’ because it also describes and explains functioning later in life. This, furthermore, is what made it relevant to this research study.

1.3. Personal reflections and thoughts For the researcher, her appreciation and curiosity about individuals’ inner lived realities – and how this can be made meaning of psychologically – is what attracted her to a career in psychology. In this regard, this research study developed from an initial interest in the methodology of psychobiographical research. This is because its descriptive and exploratory nature encourages an exploration of an individual’s individuality and ‘situatedness’ – that is, of her or his inner lived reality. In her developing role as a therapist, this has also been valuable – especially in exploring individuals’ potential to thrive in challenging circumstances and/or conditions, and influences that make this possible. In this regard, an exploration of the life

8 narrative of the selected subject was valuable in that Chanel’s ambition, aspirations, determination and industriousness prevailed over her struggles. For the researcher, this gave insight into her as a historically significant subject; and is also immensely inspiring.

1.4. An overview of the structure of the study Chapter 1 introduced this psychobiographical research study. In Chapter 2, consideration is given to the methodological principles of psychobiographical research, and this chapter includes: (a) definitions and descriptions of psychobiographical research; (b) contributions of psychobiographical research; (c) limitations of methodological rigor, and measures of quality; and, (d) ethical practices in psychobiographical research. Chapter 3 delineates the life narrative of the psychobiographical subject (that is, Chanel) by accessing available biographical information – extending from her birth on August 19th 1883, to her death on January 10th 1971 – and presenting it systematically. Chapter 4 examines the framework of this research study – that is, the object relations theory of Winnicott; and, more particularly, reviews: (a) his developmental model, and the implications this has on the development of pathology; (b) the fittingness, and implications of this model for this research study; and, (c) limitations of his theory. Chapter 5 explores the methods and procedures of this research study; and in particular, addresses and describes: (a) the aims and objectives; (b) the design, method and procedure; (c) data management and processing; (d) limitations of methodological rigor, and measures of quality; and, (e) considerations of ethical practices. The findings and interpretations are presented in Chapter 6, and help in the ‘informal testing’ of the theory of Winnicott. Lastly, Chapter 7 concludes this research study by considering and critically examining the purpose of this research study and its value. For this reason, the aim and objectives of the research are 8 restated and/or revisited; and the findings that resulted from these are summarized. This is followed by a reflection on both the contributions and limitations of the study, in particular relation to: (a) the methodological principles of psychobiographical research, (b) the selected subject, and (c) the selected theory. This also further informs possible recommendations and suggestions.

1.5. Chapter summary This chapter introduced the reader to the research study. Its aim is to describe and explore the identity and personality – as pertaining to self-structures – of Chanel by employing the object relations theory of Winnicott. As an example of psychobiographical research, it involves the analytical employment of formal psychological theory (that is, the object relations theory of Winnicott) to discern her life narrative, and transform it into a “coherent and illuminating” (McAdams, 1988, p. 2) life and psychological story. It is idiographic and morphogenic in nature, and is qualitatively situated.

2. CHAPTER 2 AN OVERVIEW OF PSYCHOBIOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH

2.1. Chapter preview Criticism against mainstream psychological research suggests that: (a) it does not acknowledge or address a case’s distinctiveness and individuality, because it is conducted on large samples to describe and explain functioning that is ‘normal’ (Runyan, 1988a); and, (b) that it is concerned with, and emphasizes, originology in that it describes the development of pathology and focuses on the identification of pathographic processes as seen in subjects (Anderson, 1981a, Erikson, 1969; McAdams, 1994). As argued by Wilson and Blum (2005) this could contribute to the overpathologizing of subjects, with the implication that: (a) events and/or experiences that are influential, but normative and non-traumatic; and, (b) the evidential normality and psychological strengths of subjects are denied, ignored and/or neglected by research. To address these concerns, this research study: (a) acknowledges events that are normative and non-traumatic for the subject; in (b) describing and exploring her individuality. This is done by adopting the methodological principles of psychobiographical research. As the adopted approach for this research study, this chapter comprehensively discusses and explores the features of psychobiographical research, as it pertains to: (a) definitions and descriptions of psychobiographical research; (b) the contributions of psychobiographical research to the discipline of psychology; (c) limitations of methodological rigor, and measures of quality; and, (e) ethical practices in psychobiographical research.

9 2.2. Defining and describing psychobiographical research Psychobiographical research is defined as a form of psychological research that consciously and deliberately employs psychological theory [and in particular personality theory (Glad, as cited in Runyan, 1982a)] to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the selected subject. Although it is agreed that it applies psychological theory to the life narrative of the subject, it is important to note that psychobiographical research has been defined and described by a number of personologists – such as Anderson (1981a), Carlson (1988), Elms (1994), Fouché and van Niekerk (2005a, 2005b), Howe (1997), McAdams (1988, 1994), Roberts (2002), Runyan (1988a, 1988b), Schultz (2005a, 2005b), Simonton (1990), Uys (2007), and Wallace (1998) – and that each consider distinctive elements and features of psychobiographical research as significant. More specifically, Fouché and van Niekerk (2010), McAdams (1988) and Schultz (2005b) consider the methodological principles of psychobiographical research as significant. Roberts (2002) and Uys (2007) contend that any cultural, political, and social factors and/or influences on the life narrative of the subject should be carefully considered and regarded in any

10 interpretations made about them. Howe (1997) and McAdams (1998), correspondingly, emphasize the inherent qualities of the subject in that he or she should be a creative, enigmatic, influential, and/or prominent subject. McAdams (1988) and Schultz (2005b), respectively, emphasize that the examined life narrative should be on a ‘finished’ life (that is, from birth to death).

Is aligned with the methodological principles of qualitative research.

Examines and reviews data and/or information on the individual - that is, the Approaches the extrapolation, illumination, selected subject - for its and understanding of an historical and psychological significance and value, and individual's life narrative in a not to address pre-set holistic way. suppositions. Psychobiographical research

Collects data and information on the individual - and, in particular, the selected subject by accessing Clearly identifies the individual - and, in particular, available biographical information. This also the selected subject. includes interpretations by other researchers.

Figure 2.1 - The distinctive features of psychobiographical research. Compiled from van Niekerk (as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010).

Although these definitions and descriptions are differentiated by the emphasis on, and importance of distinctive elements and features of psychobiographical research, van Niekerk (as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010) acknowledges that there are collective elements and features of psychobiographical research. More specifically, as suggested by van Niekerk (as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010) psychobiographical research, and in particular the psychobiographical researcher: (a) is aligned with the methodological principles of qualitative research; (b) approaches the extrapolation, illumination, and meaningful reading of the subject in a way that is comprehensive and holistic; (c) clearly identifies the subject; (d) collects data and information on the subject (by accessing available biographical information, that also comprises of interpretations and readings by other researchers); and, (e) examines this information for its psychological significance and/or value, and not to resolve pre-set suppositions.

2.2.1. The methodological principles of psychobiographical and qualitative research Qualitative research achieves conclusions and/or findings that are meaningful, rich, and/or ‘thick’ by employing methods and procedures that are: (a) distinctively inductive [in that it considers a context-specific subject that is not controlled or manipulated by the researcher of the study (Durrheim, 2006; Golafshani, 2003; Patton, 1987, 1990, 2002)]; and (b) not quantified and/or statistical (Berg, 2001; Durrheim, 2006; Patton, 1990, 2002; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). For this reason, it is characterized by different, and often opposing, analytical objectives, and methods, and procedures to quantitative research studies (Mack, Woodsong, MacQueen, Guest, & Namey, 2005). As suggested by Denzin and Lincoln (2000, 2011), the analytical objectives of qualitative research are specifically associated with a naturalistic position – that is, it: (a) is concerned with examining occurrences, or particular phenomena, situations, and/or subjects in a natural setting; (b) from the perspective or position of the subject (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Frost, 2011; Willig & Stainton-Rogers, 2008). Miles et al. (2014) similarly conclude that a distinctive feature of qualitative research, then, is the examination of that which is natural occurring, and ordinary for the subject. This allows for the extrapolation, illumination, and meaningful reading of the experiences of the subject. Furthermore, as these are considered individual to the particular subject it is suggested that the focus of qualitative research is: (a) not on the generalization of interpretations to the population; but (b) on that which is individual to the subject (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Frost, 2011; Willig & Stainton-Rogers, 2008).

This is because – even though there are conclusions, findings, and/or interpretations about 11 the subject, that are generalizable to the population – there are also context-specific and distinctively individual interpretations about the subject (Alexander, 1988, 1990; Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Smith, 2003). Qualitative research, as Smith (2003) suggests, is characteristically concerned with the examination and study of these, and the complexity of emerging events and/or situations (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Miles et al., 2014; Patton, 1987, 1990, 2002) – as opposed to the causal determination, generalization and/or prediction thereof (Hoepfl, 1997). As acknowledged by Geertz (1973) this also means that qualitative research is holistic, rich, and ‘thick.’ As noted by Miles et al. (2014) this is because, conventionally, data is collected over an extended period of time, and this enables flexibility in the identification of individual patterns and processes over time. This is especially valuable in: (a) attaining a comprehensive and immersive reading of the subject; and, (b) connecting and locating the meanings that processes, relationships, and structures have for the subject, also as it pertains to her or his social world (Miles et al., 2014; Stroud, 2004).

In doing so, it acknowledges that the construction and co-construction between: (a) the meanings that processes, relationships, and structures have for the subject; (b) that her or his social world is characteristically embedded within discourse, language, and textuality; and that this changes along with the position of the subject (Sey, 2006). It is contended that qualitative research, as such, is concerned with the interpretation of a section of a text (Ashworth, 2003; Smith, 2003; Willig, 2001). For psychobiographical research this ‘section of a text’ is the entire life narrative of the subject, and that which is individual to her or him (McAdams, 1988). In this regard, Alexander (1988, 1990) compares the life narrative of the subject to the distinctiveness of a face in that it is: (a) comprised of constitutive features that are generalizable to the population (e.g., eyes, a mouth, and nose; but, (b) that these are also distinctive and individual to the person. Similarly, there are features of the life narrative of the subject that are generalizable to other lives and/or other subjects – but there are also features that are individual to her or him. Aligned with the methodological principles of qualitative research, psychobiographical research: (a) considers that which is individual to the life narrative of the subject; to (b) make meaning of this in rich and thick way (Alexander, 1988, 1990).

2.2.2. Biography, narrative, and psychology: An approach to case-history research As considered in the previous section, the life narrative of the subject is the ‘section of the text’ that is the focus of psychobiographical research. However, as McAdams (1988) notes, autobiographies and biographies have also focused on this same section of text for some time (that is, the life narrative of a subject). Accordingly, McAdams (1988) – whose contributions to psychobiographical research are significant – suggests that it is an approach to biographical, or case-history research. As explained further by Schultz (2005a) in his seminal work, it is 12 considered as such because it focuses on the history and life narrative of the subject. However, as this is achieved by the conscious and deliberate employment of psychological theory, Silverman (2006) suggests that it is not an approach to biographical research, but to psychological research. As an alternative, Fouché and van Niekerk (2010) contend that psychobiographical research – as an attempt at the interpretation of the life narrative of the subject, to make meaning of it psychologically – represents a synthesis between these. This demonstrates the mutual and reciprocal significance and value that these have. Here, biography is especially valuable in that: (a) it allows for the examination of the life narrative of the subject; and, (b) the availability of biographical data and information can be triangulated. Conversely, the implication of psychology and its value is that it allows for biographies to be conducted within functional models that are regarded as scientific so that they can be made meaning of psychologically (Elms, 1994; Fouché, 1999; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b). Anderson (1981a) and Runyan (1983), however, acknowledge that biographical and case- history methods hold a controversial status in the field of psychological research, and – as such

– there have also been concerns about its mutual and reciprocal significance. To address these concerns in enhancing and improving the relationship between case-history research and psychology, Elms (1994) proposes these strategies:

2.2.2.1. Assessing the personally significant and statistically significant It is argued that conclusions and findings made from quantitative and statistical strategies are valuable in that: (a) it ascertains average functioning in the identification of that which is inferable about the general population, groups of individuals, and individual lives (by conducting research on samples that are sizable, and developing norms); and (b) complex correlations and experimental effects can by identified (in that it employs procedures that are refined). Despite its value, however, Runyan (1988a) suggests that it does not consider the personal significance of these correlations and experimental effects, with the implication that which is individual is neglected and/or omitted. For this purpose, Runyan (1988a) suggests that case-history research is valuable, in that it considers that which is personally significant to the subject.

2.2.2.2. Analyzing a case comparatively, and collecting data that is available in the domain of the public As acknowledged by Stroud (2004), in the analysis of a case, there are advantages available to the case-history researcher that are not available to the psychotherapist. More specifically, both the case-history researcher and psychotherapist are concerned with the analysis of a case study and, in particular, the history and life narrative of the subject. However, for the psychotherapist, the collected data on the subject is: (a) biased (in that it is determined by the 13 psychotherapist); (b) constrained by ethical and legal obligations; and, (c) pathographic. For the case-history researcher, however, the collected data on the subject is available in the domain of the public, and her or his formulation and interpretation of questions are presented in publication. This allows for other researchers to critically evaluate any findings (by corroborating, disproving, or extending on these), and contributes to the development of psychology as a science.

2.2.2.3. Developing and testing theory This is arguably the most critical contribution of case-history research to the discipline of psychology, in that case-history research serves as a template against which existing psychological theories are validated. This is because case-history research acknowledges change and development over time. Furthermore, in doing so it enables flexibility in the identification of individual patterns and processes that are psychological and/or social. As Elms (1994) suggests, this flexibility further generates innovative insights into such patterns and processes – contributing to the development of formulations and hypotheses about particular

14 theories, and/or the emergence of new theories. In this regard a case study could be conducted and/or developed with the purpose of developing formulations and hypotheses about particular theories, or it could be exploratory (Elms, 1994). If it is exploratory the focus of the study might be aimed at attaining a deeper, richer, and thicker understanding of a case that is considered to be independently and/or intrinsically significant; or it might be aimed at comparing a number of cases with each other in order to attain a deeper, richer, and thicker understanding of occurrences or particular phenomena, situations, and/or subjects.

2.3. Psychobiographical research: Contributions to the discipline of psychology In the previous section, careful consideration was given to Elms’ (1994) proposed strategies for enhancing case-history and psychological research relations. In this section, the contributions of psychobiographical research – as an approach to case-history research that is psychologically situated – is comprehensively discussed in an attempt to demonstrate importance of psychobiographical research to the discipline of psychology.

2.3.1. The acknowledgement of a case’s context and definite setting Psychobiographical research, as stated, deliberately employs psychological theory to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the selected subject, and the activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguish her or his life narrative. Accordingly, one of the distinctive features of psychobiographical research is the collection of data and information on the subject, in that it accesses, examines, and reviews available biographical data information and sources (van Niekerk, as cited in Fouché & van

Niekerk, 2010). As acknowledged by Roberts (2002) and Stroud (2004) this further necessitates 14 the psychobiographical researcher to account for any cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences on the life narrative of the subject, because of her or his historical situatedness (Bergman, Magnusson, & El-Khouri, 2009). By accounting for this, the context and definite setting of the subject – in addition to her or his family history and process of socialization (Roberts, 2002) – is recognized by the researcher. As argued by Carlson (1988), this allows the psychobiographical researcher to present research that is not only appreciative of contextual diversity, but that is also contextually informed.

2.3.2. The critical development and evaluation of psychological theory Psychobiographical research, as stated, deliberately employs psychological theory to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the selected subject. This is achieved when the collected data on the subject is analyzed, compared to, and interpreted within psychological theory (Carlson, 1988). As acknowledged by Carlson (1988) and Yin (2003, 2014), this allows for the careful consideration of the case study of an individual life – that is, the life narrative of the subject – both conceptually and theoretically. This is also referred to as

15 analytical generalization (Yin, 2009); and, in particular reference to psychobiographical research, is characterized by the generalization of the interpretations about the life narrative of the subject, to a particular psychological theory (Carlson, 1988; Schultz, 2005). As suggested by Carlson (1988) and Schultz (2005a), this contributes to the critical evaluation of that particular psychological theory, in that: (a) the collection, interpretation, and presentation of the psychobiographical research; and (b) the conceptual insights offered by the psychobiographical researcher, illuminates its limitations and/or particular relevance.

2.3.3. The emphasis of a case’s individuality and uniqueness within the whole The discipline of psychology adopts an approach that is critical and dynamic in an accounting for dimensions of psychological science that contribute to differences between individuals and/or any similarities (American Psychological Association, 2014). Runyan (1988a), however, argues that any attempts to do so are directed at extrapolating generality in the identification of that which inferable about: (a) the general population, (b) groups of individuals, and (c) individual lives. This is accomplished by ascertaining average behavior and/or functioning, and/or developing norms from samples that are sizeable. Runyan (1988a) suggests that any attempts to describe and/or explain that which is individual to groups, individuals, and the population are consequently neglected and/or omitted. To address this concern, a focus on that which is individual is promoted by psychobiographical research (Runyan, 1988a). This is because it adopts an approach that is both idiographic and morphogenic (Runyan, 1982b, 1983, 1988b). An approach that is idiographic is concerned with the extrapolation, illumination, and understanding of that which is characteristically individual and unique to a 15 case or individual (and, for the purpose of this research, the selected subject); and derives from the Greek word idios – meaning personal or private. An approach that is morphogenic, respectively, is concerned with development over time and considers the entire life narrative of a case or individual and, more particularly, the selected subject – from birth to death (Runyan, 1982b, 1983, 1988b). Thus, by adopting an approach that is both idiographic and morphogenic, psychobiographical research aims at attaining a comprehensive and holistic reading of the subject to understand that which is characteristically individual to her life narrative (Carlson, 1988; Elms, 1994; Gronn, 1993; Stroud, 2004). The emphasis is not on elements or fragments of her or his life narrative, but on individualized patterning processes (Elms, 1994). This encourages a holistic life-span reading of the subject, in exploring her or his identity and personality as a whole.

2.3.4. The exploration of personal reality This acknowledgement and emphasis of the individualized patterning processes of the subject necessitates the psychobiographical researcher to: (a) carefully consider the complementary and complex experiences, and relationships of the subject; in, (b) developing a holistic, rich, and thick understanding of both her emotions, feelings, and thoughts, and entire life narrative (Mouton, 1988; Runyan, 1983). This allows for the exploration of the personal reality of the subject (Runyan, 1983); and, in doing so, the psychobiographical researcher is able to adopt an approach that is appropriately empathic and/or sympathetic (Runyan, 1983).

2.3.5. The identification of pattern and process over time As psychobiographical research is concerned with the life narrative of the subject, and making meaning of it psychologically, it is common for psychobiographical research to examine finished lives, as extending from birth to death (Carlson, 1988; Gronn, 1993). This allows for the identification of individualized patterning processes in the development of the identity and personality of the subject across her or his entire lifespan. Characteristic of longitudinal research, this approach contributes to a comprehensive and integrated representation of the development, emergence, and/or of identity and personality across time; and, accordingly, accounts for any changes and dynamism in the development, emergence, and/or expression of identity and personality (Fiske, 1988; Morrison, 2004). This, then, allows the psychobiographical researcher to document different dimensions of the functioning of the subject, and in any context, at any point in time (Fiske, 1988).

2.4. Limitations of methodological rigor in psychobiographical research studies 16 Although there are advantages to the methodological principles of psychobiographical research, Anderson (1981a) and Runyan (1988a) acknowledge that the methodological principles of psychobiographical research studies – as an approach to case-history research – are also critically evaluated. More specifically, the methodological principles of psychobiographical research studies are censured for certain limitations of methodological rigor (Runyan, 1988a). These limitations of methodological rigor, as applicable to psychobiographical research studies, are addressed below. Additionally, established methods and procedures for addressing these limitations are presented. As these limitations, and the established methods and procedures for addressing these limitations are also applicable to this particular psychobiographical research study, careful consideration is also given to the measures of quality implemented.

2.4.1. The amount of biographical data is infinite As stated, one of the distinctive features of psychobiographical research is the collection of data and information on the subject. More specifically, available biographical information is

17 accessed, examined, and reviewed for its historical and psychological significance and/or value (van Niekerk, as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). Anderson (1981b), McAdams (1994), and Schultz (2005b), however, acknowledge that available biographical information is infinite, and that this is a challenge to psychobiographical research studies. To address this concern, Anderson (1981b) and Alexander (1988) both introduced methods and procedures for the condensation of data. The method and procedure for data reduction introduced by Anderson (1981b) is the ‘split-half strategy’. By employing this strategy, collected data is divided into parts that are then compared to confirm or dispute any findings and/or propositions. More specifically, one part of the collected data (for example, primary sources) is employed in identifying initial findings and/or propositions that are theoretical, and then compared to the other part of collected data (for example, secondary sources) for verification. In an alternative method and procedure for the condensation of data introduced by Alexander (1988), collected data is, firstly, categorized to determine and/or identify information that is psychologically relevant and/or salient. Categories of psychological saliency include: (a) emphasis; (b) error, or distortion; (c) frequency; (d) incompletion; (e) isolation; (f) negation; (g) omission; (h) primacy; and (i) uniqueness1. Once the collected data is categorized to determine and/or identify information that is psychologically relevant and/or salient, the data is then examined to address a particular question. This allows the psychobiographical researcher to establish guidelines and/or rules for the assessment of categories of psychological saliency, and the consequent employment of information in addressing particular questions.

2.4.1.1. Measures of quality: Addressing the amount of biographical data 17 in this psychobiographical research study The researcher of this study acknowledges that the amount of available biographical information on Chanel is infinite and that available data sources – comprised of primary sources (interviews and letters) and secondary sources (biographies, documentaries, films, journal articles, and newspaper articles) – are diverse and limitless. Accordingly, she employed Alexander’s (1988) established methods and procedures for the condensation of data2.

1 For a comprehensive discussion on this psychobiographical research study’s approach to the condensation of data, and the categories of psychological saliency consult Chapter 5. The reader is also referred to Appendix B for examples of factors of psychological saliency as pertaining to this research study. 2 For a comprehensive discussion on this psychobiographical research study’s approach to data processing, consult Chapter 5.

2.4.2. The analysis of an absent subject To achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the subject, and her or his entire life narrative, the psychobiographical researcher accesses available data sources so that the complex experiences and relationships that distinguish the life narrative of the subject are illuminated. However, as acknowledged by Anderson (1981a), Schultz (2005b), and Stroud (2004) the available data sources are often archival, secondary sources because psychobiographical research – typically – aims at the analysis of an absent subject. As argued by Anderson (1981a) and Schultz (2005b), this is a challenge to the psychobiographical researcher because he/she does not have access to, or contact with the subject; and is therefore not able collect data in consultation or in interview with the subject (Anderson, 1981a). Accordingly, the psychobiographical researcher’s interaction and relationship with the subject is characteristically different to the interaction and relationship that exists between an interviewee and interviewer (Stroud, 2004). As a result, the psychobiographical researcher does not have access to the advantages associated with the interaction and relationship between the interviewee and interviewer. Despite this, the psychobiographical researcher is advantaged by certain circumstances and conditions not accessible to the interviewer (Anderson, 1981a). More specifically, an advantage to the psychobiographical researcher is the amount, and diversity of available biographical information on the psychobiographical subject. He/she is able to access biographical information on the entire lifespan of the psychobiographical subject; and is also able to collect information from diverse sources such as: (a) correspondence with her/him, in the case that the individual is living; (b) existing analyses and interpretations (biographies, documentaries, films, journal articles, newspaper articles, etc.); (c) documents produced by the psychobiographical subject (autobiographies, books, diary entries, drawing, 18 public interviews and/or speeches, etc.); and (d) interviews with the family members and friends of the psychobiographical subject (Anderson, 1981a; Izenberg 2003; Runyan, 1982b). This allows the psychobiographical researcher to adopt an approach that is balanced and integrative in the examination of the entire life narrative of the subject, and the identification of behavioral and consequential pattern processes across the entire lifespan of the subject. As these advantages are not available to the psychotherapist, Anderson (1981a) concludes that the psychobiographical researcher, in comparison with the psychotherapist, is able to achieve a more comprehensive and holistic understanding of the subject. Additional advantages to the psychobiographical researcher is that – in contrast to the psychotherapist – he/she is not expected and/or required to: (a) adhere to the associated ethics of psychotherapy [more specifically, concerns of confidentiality and consent are moderated (Elms, 1994)]; or, (b) establish and maintain relationship in therapy, and/or the environment of holding (Elms, 1994; Carlson, 1988).

2.4.2.1. Measures of quality: Addressing the analysis of an absent subject in this psychobiographical research study As suggested by Anderson (1981a, 1981b) and Stroud (2004), assorted available data sources were examined and reviewed to achieve a comprehensive and holistic reading of Chanel’s entire life narrative. Although available data sources included both primary and secondary sources, existing analyses and interpretations such as biographies, documentaries, films, journal articles and newspaper articles (secondary sources), were predominantly utilized. This is because a number of primary sources, such as interviews and letters, presented linguistic limitations and/or restrictions. Furthermore, the number of primary sources is extremely limited and does not offer adequate biographical information on, and/or insight into the development, life narrative and personality of Chanel. Consequently, it could be disputed that this study did not adequately collate information on Chanel’s experiential, subjective accounts and/or narratives. However, it is important to note that secondary sources – especially Charles Roux (1976), Delay (1974), Morand (1976, 2008), and Haedrich (1972) – adequately addressed Chanel’s experiential, subjective accounts and narratives, and that this was discussed and included in the extensive literature review on her life narrative. Accordingly, it is concluded that the analysis of an absent subject was addressed by including information on Chanel that is both intimate and personal.

2.4.3. Bias of the psychobiographical researcher The psychobiographical researcher’s attempt to deliberately generate a meaningful reading of the subject contributes to the development of a particular relationship between the psychobiographical researcher and subject (Anderson, 1981a). This relationship, accompanied 19 by the comprehensive examination of information on the subject over an extended period of time, draws particular reactions from the psychobiographical researcher to the subject. These reactions, Anderson (1981a, 1981b) and Meissner (2003) note, are comparable to the countertransference experiences of the psychotherapist and are, accordingly, not consciously or deliberately formulated. However, it is important to recognize that the reactions and/or responses challenges, or limits the objectivity of the psychobiographical researcher as he or she is incidentally inclined to disparage, or idealize the selected subject (Anderson, 1981a; Elms, 1994; Meissner, 2003; Schultz, 2005b). More specifically, the psychobiographical researcher could disparage the selected subject by accentuating characteristics that are contemptible or dishonorable in an attempt to illustrate her or his own superiority. Alternatively, the psychobiographical researcher could idealize the selected subject. This idealization could be due to the achieved fame and/or recognition of selected subject, and/or due to psychobiographical researcher’s comprehensive examination of information that is intimate and personal to the subject over an extended period of time (Anderson, 1981a).

As cautioned by Meissner (2003), the disparagement and/or idealization of the selected subject could cause any findings or propositions about her/him – and more specifically, about the development of her or his identity and personality – to, instead, be projections of the psychobiographical researcher [as in Freud’s Leonardo (Elms, 1994; Elms & Song, 2005; McAdams, 1998)]. For this reason, it is important for the psychobiographical researcher to actively apply ‘disciplined subjectivity’ (Erikson, 1974). Erikson (1974) defines disciplined subjectivity as an affective-cognitive interplay in which the researcher acknowledges that her or his experience of the selected subject is directly influenced by her or his own affective states, assumptions, biases and values; and critically examines these in assuming and developing a neutral – but not objective – position to the subject. Thus, by applying disciplined subjectivity, the psychobiographical researcher acknowledges that analyses or interpretations of the subject are directly influenced by her or his own affective states, assumptions, biases, and values; and engages in personal reflexivity to determine the influence of these on the psychobiographical research. As suggested by Elovitz (2003), this is achieved by data immersion, and the de-emphasis on originology and/or pathological terminology. Additional methods and procedures also include: (a) the analysis of the researcher’s emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the subject; (b) the development of empathy for the subject – especially to abate, and account for disparagement and/or vilification; (c) the documentation and inclusion of the researcher’s emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the subject as an appendix to the psychobiographical research; (d) the exploration of the researcher’s approach to the subject with biographical experts; and (e) the external, or objective review of the study (Anderson, 1981a, 1981b; Elms,

1994). 20

2.4.3.1. Measures of quality: Addressing bias in this psychobiographical research study To abate, and account for the bias of the researcher in psychobiographical research studies, the researcher of this study applied Anderson’s (1981a, 1981b) and Elms’ (1994) proposed strategies. Anderson’s (1981a, 1981b) and Elms’ (1994) proposed strategies include:

2.4.3.1.1. The analysis of the researcher’s emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the selected subject. The researcher was acutely aware of, and continuously examined her own emotions, feelings, and/or responses to Chanel for the duration of this study. More specifically, the researcher was aware that at the commencement of this study her emotions, feelings, and/or responses to Chanel were ambivalent, but that she was also extremely fascinated by the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguish Chanel’s life. By examining these complementary and complex activities,

21 experiences, and relationships, the researcher was able to adopt a balanced and integrated approach and attitude to Chanel, which accounted for both the admirable and deplorable features that characterize and distinguish Chanel’s individuality and uniqueness.

2.4.3.1.2. The development of empathy for the selected subject – especially to abate, and account for the disparagement and/or vilification of the selected subject. As a measure of precaution, the researcher selected a subject that she had ambivalent emotions, feelings and/or responses to so as to safeguard against any inclination to be reproachful. An additional measure of precaution to safeguard against any inclination to be reproachful was the development of empathy. This was achieved by acknowledging both the selected subject’s strengths and weaknesses in attaining a comprehensive and holistic understanding of her.

2.4.3.1.3. The documentation and inclusion of the researcher’s emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the selected subject as an appendix to the psychobiographical research. Consult Appendix A for excerpts from the journal that was implemented for the purpose of personal reflexivity.

2.4.3.1.4. The exploration of the researcher’s approach to the selected subject with biographical experts.

The researcher continuously explored her emotions, feelings, and/or responses to Chanel 21 with her research supervisors in order to achieve a balance between empathy, objectivity, and subjectivity in her approach and attitude to Chanel as the selected subject of this study.

2.4.3.1.5. The external, or objective review of the study. Due to its academic nature, this study was submitted for external, objective review.

2.4.4. Cross-cultural differences As acknowledged by Anderson (1981a), psychobiographical research adopts an approach that categorically cross-cultural. More specifically, the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences that exist for the psychobiographical researcher are contextually different than for the psychobiographical subject – especially if he/she is not a contemporary of the psychobiographical researcher. For this reason, it is argued by critics of psychobiographical research that a challenge to the psychobiographical researcher is achieving a culturally empathic understanding of the selected subject (Runyan, 1982a).

For the psychobiographical researcher to achieve a culturally empathic understanding, Anderson (1981a) and Runyan (1982a) advise the psychobiographical researcher to acknowledge that the subject is contextualized by the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences on her or his life narrative; and to attempt at achieving a comprehensive understanding of these contextual factors and/or influences as experienced by the subject (Neuman, 2003). This is accomplished by conducting an extensive and holistic examination and review of applicable cultural, economic, political and social texts (Anderson, 1981a, 1981b), and/or conducting interviews with contemporaries of the selected subject (Anderson, 1981a; Greeff, 2005). Additionally, the psychobiographical researcher is advised to concede that psychological theories, and any associated concepts and terminology, are contextually established; and for this reason, not applicable in the consideration of the development of the individual across all contexts and/or periods of time. This is complemented by contextualized findings and interpretations, and the extensive idiographic study of the selected subject (Runyan, 1982a, 2003).

2.4.4.1. Measures of quality: Addressing cross-cultural differences in this psychobiographical research study It is acknowledged that the cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on Chanel’s life narrative were characteristically dissimilar to the cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences that exist for the researcher of this study. To achieve a culturally empathic understanding of Chanel, as recommended by Anderson (1981a), the researcher of this study addressed the dissimilarities and/or variances by conducting an 22 extensive and holistic review of applicable cultural, economic, political, and social texts. Additionally any cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences on her life narrative were acknowledged in the extensive literature review on her life narrative. To achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the subject, furthermore, the researcher of this study also deliberately employed object relations theory as an exploratory framework. It is acknowledged that object relations theory, as a category of psychoanalytical theory, is characteristically individualistic despite the emphasis on interpersonal and/or relational terminology (Chodorow, 1991, 2013). For this reason, it is not applicable in the consideration of the development of the individual across all contexts and/or periods of time. However, it is considered to be fitting to the psychological reading of Chanel – in considering the development, emergence, and expression of her identity and personality – in that object relations theorists are considered contemporaries of Chanel. As such, the concepts, principles, and terminology used by this as a framework, are contextualized by the cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences that also contextualize the life narrative of the subject.

2.4.5. Easy genre and elitism As noted by Runyan (1988b), critics of psychobiographical research studies categorically define it as an easy genre of research as it adopts an approach that is characteristically idiographic. More specifically, as it is concerned with the case study of an individual life, psychobiographical research samples characteristically consist of a limited sample size and, specifically, a single subject. Due to a sample of a single subject, it is contended that psychobiographical research studies are not challenged by complex data processing, and/or methods of sampling – as is the case with other research studies; and that it is not generalizable to the general population (Yin, 1994, 2003, 2009). Although it is not generalizable to the general population, psychobiographical research has similar value to any other case-history research, or case study in that it adopts an approach that is contextually informed and holistic. That is, it considers and examines a case as it is contextually situated – focusing on how economic, political, and social factors and/or influences impact on the subject (Willig, 2001, 2008). In doing so it employs an idiopathic perspective in that the focus is not on the general, but rather on the specific aspects of the case – contributing to a deeper, richer, and thicker understanding thereof with an emphasis on its individuality (Elms, 1994; Willing, 2001, 2008). This demands for information to be integrated from numerous sources, and the investigation of occurrences over a period of time (Yin, 1994, 2003, 2009). In this regard it is suggested that another advantage of a case study, or single subject, is that it acknowledges change and development over time; and, in doing so, enables flexibility in the identification of individual patterns and processes that are psychological and/or social. As Elms

(1994) suggests, this flexibility could further generate innovative insights into such patterns 23 and processes; and, more specifically, contribute to the development of formulations and hypotheses about particular theories and/or the emergence of new theories. In this regard a case study could be conducted and/or developed with the purpose of developing formulations and hypotheses about particular theories, or it could be exploratory (Elms, 1994). If it is exploratory the focus of the study might be aimed at attaining a deeper, richer, and thicker understanding of a case that is considered to be independently and/or intrinsically significant; or it might be aimed at comparing a number of cases with each other in order to attain a deeper, richer, and thicker understanding of occurrences or particular phenomena, situations, and/or subjects. That is, it could be descriptive in its design or it could be explanatory (Elms, 1994; Stroud, 2004; Willig, 2008). This means that the researcher is confronted with a number of considerations and decisions about the how (i.e., the analysis and collection of data), what (i.e., the case that is being studied), and why (i.e., the case’s independent and intrinsic significance, or the development and emergence of theory) of a case study, or single subject (Stroud, 2004). As such, it is accordingly concluded that it is characterized by its own complexity and challenges in any research study.

Furthermore, as Runyan (1988b) suggests, there are additional challenges that are particular to psychobiographical research studies; and that address any criticisms of it being an easy genre of research. More specifically, a psychobiographical research study that is constructed well demands for an approach that is contextually informed and holistic, accompanied by the development and employment of the psychobiographical researcher’s (a) extensive knowledge in psychology, and (b) literary skillfulness (Elms, 1994; McAdams, 1994; Runyan, 1988b). It also further necessitates that the psychobiographical researcher consistently examines and reviews available biographical information that is of historical and personal value in the extrapolation, illumination, and understanding of the life narrative of the subject in the formulation of interpretations and/or propositions made about this, and the verification thereof (Schultz, 2005a). It is critical that these findings and/or propositions are contextually informed; and requires that the researcher consults numerous sources and engages in extensive research about the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences that also contextualize the individual’s life narrative (McAdams, 1994; Runyan, 1988b). That is, the psychobiographical researcher is required to adopt an approach that is contextually informed and holistic. This approach, furthermore, addresses the concern of elitism. More specifically, critics of psychobiographical research argue that it is characteristically elitist because of an incidental inclination to examine the life narratives of subjects that have achieved fame and recognition as celebrities, military or political figures, and/or leaders, or royalty (Runyan, 1988b; Schultz, 2005b). This, it is contended, implies that psychobiographical research actively disregards the experiences of the general population. Yet, by adopting an approach that is contextually informed and holistic, psychobiographical research studies achieve a psychological reading of 24 the subject and, more specifically, the development of her or his identity and personality as a whole (Howe, 1997; Runyan, 1988b). Accordingly, it is concluded that a psychobiographical research study that is constructed well3, acknowledges and emphasizes the attributes and characteristics of the subject, and not her or his fame and recognition. In doing so, the psychobiographical research study contributes to the discipline of psychology by describing, explaining, and understanding how dimensions of psychological science contribute to differences and/or similarities between the general population and the subject (Runyan, 1988b). This does not diminish the importance and value of conducting research on samples to ascertain average behavior and functioning, and/or develop norms – but demonstrates the fittingness of psychobiographical research in the examination of an individual life (Runyan, 1988b).

3 The criteria for a psychobiographical research study that is constructed well [as delineated by Alexander (1988), Runyan (2005), and Schultz (2005b)] includes: cogency; comprehensiveness; consistency; credibility; exceptional narrative structure; and logical soundness. A psychobiographical research that is not constructed well, respectively, is characterized by: an approach that is pathographic; poor narrative structure; a poor selection of theory; reconstruction; reductionism; and/or the use of single cues.

2.4.5.1. Measures of quality: Addressing concerns of easy genre and elitism in this psychobiographical research study To achieve a comprehensive and holistic understanding of the development, emergence, and expression of Chanel’s identity and personality, assorted available data sources were consulted, examined, and reviewed in the construction of an extensive literature review on her life narrative. This extensive literature review acknowledged any cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences that distinguished her life narrative; and it is concluded that the researcher adopted an approach that is contextually informed and holistic. This approach, accompanied by the development and employment of the researcher’s: (a) extensive knowledge in psychology; and, (b) literary skillfulness [as necessitated by a psychobiographical research study that is constructed well (Schultz, 2005a)] – addressed the concern of easy genre. This approach, furthermore, also addressed the concern of elitism. More specifically, as Chanel achieved fame and recognition as a celebrated couturier and fashion icon, it could be disputed that she was selected as the subject of this research study due to her commercial and social success. However, the aim of this research study was to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of her as a subject, and it is emphasized that the focus of this research study was, accordingly, not on Chanel’s fame and recognition as a celebrated couturier and fashion icon – but on her attributes and characteristics and, more specifically, the development of her identity and personality. By adopting an approach that is contextually informed and holistic, a psychological understanding of Chanel’s attributes and characteristics and, more specifically, the development of her identity and personality was made possible. This psychological understanding acknowledged her early experiences as critical in the development of her identity and personality. 25 As discussed in the extensive literature review on her life narrative, these critical early experiences were distinguished by a dysfunctional parental relationship, and extreme poverty. Accordingly, it is argued that any criticism of elitism in the consultation, examination, and review of Chanel’s life narrative actively disregards her critical early experiences and lack of social status before establishing herself as a celebrated couturier and fashion icon (Parker, 2013).

2.4.6. Expectations that are inflated As stated, the psychobiographical researcher deliberately employs psychological theory to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the entire life narrative of the selected subject, and more specifically, the emergence, and expression of her or his identity and/or personality. Accordingly, it is concluded that the psychobiographical researcher adopts a descriptive and exploratory framework that is distinctively psychological; and that, for this reason, there are certain limitations on the descriptions and explanations identified by psychobiographical research studies. More specifically, critics of psychobiographical research

26 studies acknowledge that any descriptions and/or explanations that are constructed from the findings, interpretations, and/or propositions are also distinctively psychological – both conceptually and/or theoretically; and for this reason, are considered heuristic and/or postulated. A concern of critics of psychobiographical research studies, consequently, is that the psychobiographical researcher does not acknowledge this, but considers her or his descriptions and explanations to be exhaustive and/or factual. Critics ascribe this to expectations that are inflated (Anderson, 1981a). Although psychobiographical researchers do not, characteristically, adopt expectations that are inflated (Fouché, 1999), Anderson (1981a), and Elovitz (2003) advise that there are certain measures to address this concern. More specifically, it is advised that the psychobiographical researcher acknowledges the existing limitations in extrapolating, illuminating, and understanding the complexity of the subject; and that he/she, accordingly, considers descriptions and explanations to be complementary – and not substitutive – of alternative descriptions and explanations. Additionally, it is critical for the psychobiographical researcher to accept any descriptions and explanations as an approximation of the selected subject by acknowledging that any conclusions, findings, interpretations, and/or propositions are provisional (Anderson, 1981a; Meissner, 2003).

2.4.6.1. Measures of quality: Addressing expectations that are inflated in this psychobiographical research study Although Chanel achieved fame and recognition as a celebrated couturier and fashion icon, the aim of this study was to describe the development of her identity and personality by employing psychological theory – and especially objects relations theory – to achieve a 26 comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of her as a subject. Consequently, this study approached Chanel from a descriptive and exploratory framework that was distinctively psychological, and it is accordingly acknowledged there are certain limitations on the descriptions and explanations stated by this study. More specifically, the researcher acknowledges that any descriptions and explanations are characteristically psychological and, as such, not exhaustive and/or factual, but heuristic and postulated.

2.4.7. Reductionism As the psychobiographical researcher analytically employs psychological theory to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of the subject – and more specifically, the development, emergence, and/or expression of identity and/or personality – it could be concluded that the psychobiographical researcher is concerned, primarily, with conceptual conclusions and/or findings that are informed by psychological theory. As acknowledged by Runyan (1988b), the psychobiographical researcher is challenged by this emphasis on psychological theory, and psychological terminology. More specifically, this contributes to the

27 probability of the psychobiographical researcher to adopt causal reasoning in the description and exploration of the life narrative of the subject. This is also what is considered by critics of psychobiographical research, as psychobiographical reductionism; and implies that the psychobiographical researcher does not adequately acknowledge the complexity of the subject, as contextualized by the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences on her or his life narrative (Runyan, 1988b). As noted, psychobiographical reductionism results from: (a) the emphasis on critical early experiences in the exploration of the identity and personality of the subject (Capps, 2004; Runyan, 1982a; Schultz, 2005a); and/or, (b) the emphasis and/or focus on originology and pathographic processes (Anderson, 1981a; Erikson, 1969; McAdams, 1994). Here, the emphasis on critical early experiences in the exploration of the identity and personality of the subject suggests that alternative and/or complementary formative influences and/or processes are not recognized (Capps, 2004; Runyan, 1982a, 1988b). In particular, the researcher ascribes the development, emergence and expression of the identity and/or personality of the subject to her or his critical early experiences; and, in doing so, denies the development thereof across the lifespan of the subject. As the continuity and consistency of the development of identity and personality is currently debated in developmental and personality psychology, it is argued that the psychobiographical researcher is expected to recognize that critical early experiences are complex, but not always determinant in the development of identity and personality (Triandis & Suh, 2002). This is because the individual is contextualized by the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences on her or his life narrative (Runyan, 1988b).

To acknowledge these contextual factors and/or influences on the life narrative of the 27 subject, it is also important for the psychobiographical researcher to avoid an emphasis on originology, and the consequent overpathologizing of the selected subject (Anderson, 1981a, Erikson, 1969; McAdams, 1994). Originology, more specifically, refers to the psychobiographical researcher’s emphasis and/or focus on the identification of pathographic processes in the life narrative of the subject. In doing so, the psychobiographical researcher does not acknowledge events and experiences that are influential, normative and non-traumatic; and as a result, also denies evidential normality and psychological strength in the subject. As noted by Runyan (1988b) and Scalapino (1999) it is critical for the psychobiographical researcher to acknowledge both the psychological strengths of the subject and her or his weaknesses to achieve a comprehensive and holistic reading of the subject. To ensure that the psychobiographical researcher does this, personologists suggest the employment of measures and/or procedures to address reductionism. A comprehensive discussion of these measures and/or procedures – as applied to this research study – is presented in the following section, Measures of quality: Addressing reductionism in this psychobiographical research study.

2.4.7.1. Measures of quality: Addressing reductionism in this psychobiographical research study A collective set of psychoanalytic theories, and especially object relations theories – that account for the development of an individual’s identity and/or personality by considering development that occurs between the ages of 0-12 months as significant – was adopted as the descriptive and exploratory framework for this psychobiographical research study. Consequently, it could be disputed that this study is characteristically reductionist in emphasizing, and focusing on Chanel’s critical early experiences in the development of her identity and/or personality. To address concerns of reductionism, however, the researcher of this study employed the following procedures:

2.4.7.1.1. The consultation, examination and review of assorted and/or numerous data sources for the identification of biographical information (Runyan, 1988a, 1988b). To achieve a comprehensive and holistic understanding of Chanel’s life narrative, assorted available data sources were examined for the identification information that was significant to this study. Although available data sources included both primary and secondary sources, existing analyses and interpretations such as biographies, documentaries, films, journal articles, and newspaper articles (secondary sources), were predominantly utilized in the development of an extensive literature review on Chanel’s entire life narrative – extending from her birth on August 19th 1883, to her death on January 10th 1971. As recommended by McAdams (1994), this extensive literature review acknowledged any cultural, political, and social factors and/or influences on Chanel’s life narrative. 28

2.4.7.1.2. The avoidance of excessive psychological and/or technical terms (Elovitz, 2003; Runyan, 1988a). As suggested by Fouché (1999), the application of psychological and/or technical terms was limited to the pertinent relevance to this study. In doing so, the chance of describing and/or exploring the life narrative of Chanel in merely psychological, reductionist way was prevented (Anderson, 1981a; Runyan, 1988b).

2.4.7.1.3. The circumvention of pathologizing the selected subject (Elms, 1994; McAdams, 1994). This research study employed psychoanalytic theory – and especially object relations theories – as the descriptive and exploratory framework for achieving a comprehensive and holistic psychological reading of Chanel. Consequently, it could be disputed that this study, as a psychoanalytic psychobiography, adopted an orientation that is pathographic (Runyan, 1988a; Scalapino, 1999). To address this concern, however, the researcher embraced a eugraphic and

29 health-orientated orientation in emphasizing experiences that were influential, but normative and non-traumatic for Chanel (Elms, 1994; McAdams, 1994). Consideration of her evidential normality and psychological strength, was also explored in relation to her inter- and intrapersonal relationships, as well as her success. The researcher also examined Chanel’s entire life narrative – as opposed to a certain period in her life – and recognized the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences on her life narrative (Danziger, 1990, 1997; Howe, 1997; Martin & Dawda, 2002; Wilson & Blum, 2005). In doing so, the researcher adopted an approach that is described as holistic and non-pathographic, which addresses the concern of originology and over-pathologizing (Elms, 1994).

2.4.7.1.4. The recognition of the selected subject as a complex individual, contextualized by the cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on her or his life narrative (Anderson, 1981a, 1981b; Howe, 1997). As stated, this research study employed psychoanalytic theory – and especially object relations theories – as the descriptive and exploratory framework for achieving a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of Chanel’s life narrative. As object relations theories describe and explain development of an individual’s identity and/or personality by emphasizing, and focusing on critical early experiences (and more specifically, development that occurs between the ages of 0-24 months), it could be could be disputed that the emphasis and focus of this research study is on Chanel’s critical early experiences in the emergence and expression of her identity and personality; and that it consequently does not 29 recognize her as a complex individual, contextualized by the cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on her life narrative. To address this concern, however, the researcher acknowledged that the discipline of psychology – and especially the fields of developmental psychology and personality psychology – considers identity and personality to be complex and multifaceted. Accordingly, the researcher acknowledged the complexity of these concepts and concedes that the descriptive and exploratory framework selected for this psychobiographical research study cannot encapsulate its multifacetedness. More specifically, the researcher recognizes that although critical early experiences are influential, and integral in the development of identity and personality it is certainly not causal, or deterministic. As Triandis and Suh (2002) indicate, this is because the development of identity and personality continues into adulthood, and is characteristically influenced by the formative processes that are contextualized by the cultural, economic, political, and social factors and/or influences that characterize and distinguish an individual’s life narrative.

2.5. Ethical practices in psychobiographical research As emphasized by Elms (1994) and Runyan (1982a), best ethical practices complement and contribute to the methodological rigor of a psychobiographical research study. Despite this complementary relation between best ethical practices and methodological rigor, Ponterotto (2013a, 2013b) acknowledges that the American Psychological Association (2002) and available literature does not acceptably address best ethical practices in psychobiographical research studies. Authors such as Elms (1994), Mayer and Leichtmen (2012), Ponterotto (2013a, 2013b) and Runyan (1982a) do however address the ethical responsibilities of the psychobiographical researcher. These ethical responsibilities address best practice in the psychobiographical researcher’s actions, commitments, decisions and relationships. As contended by Haverkamp (2005) these actions, commitments, decisions and relationships – and not the design or methodological procedures – determine if a research study is considered to be ethical or not. As Elms (1994) and Ponterotto (2013a, 2013b) suggest, the psychobiographical researcher’s actions, commitments, decisions, and relationships are concerned, firstly, with the psychobiographical research subject and then with (a) the consultation, examination and review of available biographical information, and (b) the publication of the research study.

2.5.1. The psychobiographical research subject Elms (1994) and Ponterotto (2013a, 2013b) acknowledge that it is expected of the psychobiographical researcher to carefully consider if the individual selected as his/her subject is deceased or not. If the individual selected as his/her subject is not deceased, the psychobiographical researcher is expected to address concerns of consent and confidentiality, 30 as it not ethically reasonable to conduct research on an individual if he/she did not consent to being interviewed and/or studied, having any information on him or her to being consulted, examined and reviewed, and having any conclusions and/or findings about him or her published (American Psychiatric Association, 1976). For this reason, it is ideal for the individual selected as psychobiographical researcher’s subject to be deceased as this addresses concerns of confidentiality and consent (Köváry, 2011). However, Ponterotto (2013a) additionally contends that there is a distinction between, and different ethical responsibilities to the selection of a subject that, at the time of the research study has been deceased for less than 25 years, or for more than 25 years. In the case that the individual has been deceased for less than 25 years, Ponterotto (2013a) cautions psychobiographical researchers to carefully consider the close family and friends of the individual in deciding on (a) the consultation, examination and review of available biographical information [more specifically, the psychobiographical researcher is cautioned to carefully consider the close family and friends of the individual in deciding on accessing all available data sources as opposed to accessing archival data sources, or accessing appropriate data sources, as determined the close family and friends of the individual only

(Fouché, 1999), and (b) the publication of the research study. However, these considerations are addressed by the ethical responsibilities of the psychobiographical researcher and are fundamental to any psychobiographical research study.

2.5.2. The consultation, examination and review of available biographical information In a psychobiographical research study, the psychobiographical researcher consults, examines and reviews available biographical information about the selected subject to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of her or his entire life narrative. Accordingly, it is argued that the psychobiographical researcher is a “guest in the private space of the [selected subject’s] world” (Stake, 1994, p. 244) as he/she accesses biographical information that is considered intimate and/or personal to the selected subject (Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1982a). Furthermore, Ponterotto (2013b) notes that it is common for the psychobiographical researcher to access biographical information that is not familiar, or known to the close family and friends of the selected subject and/or the domain of the public, and for this reason is considered extremely sensitive. In the consultation, examination and review of information that is extremely sensitive, Ponterotto (2013b) suggests that the psychobiographical researcher carefully considers the associated benefits (for example, achieving a more comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding the selected subject, and/or contributing to the field of psychobiographical research) and risks (for example, causing embarrassment or harm to close family and friends of the deceased psychobiographical research subject, or to the individual if it is a living psychobiographical research subject) of disclosing information that is sensitive. The psychobiographical researcher’s decision to disclose, or not 31 to disclose information that is sensitive is encompassed in the ethical practices of publishing the psychobiographical research study.

2.5.3. The publication of the psychobiographical research study In this careful consideration of the associated benefits and/or risks of disclosing information that is sensitive, Ponterotto (2013b) states that decisions of the psychobiographical researcher are: (a) to include the information in the psychobiographical research study after carefully considering the benefit of an accurate and comprehensive of psychobiographical research study to be greater than the risk of dismissing the privacy rights of close family and friends of the selected subject and/or the selected subject; (b) to include only the aspects of the information that is contribute to deeper psychological understanding of the selected subject in the psychobiographical research study; or, (c) to not include the information because the privacy rights of close family and friends of the selected subject and/or the selected subject are considered to be greater than the contribution of the information to knowledge and psychological understanding of the selected subject.

2.5.4. Addressing ethical practices in this psychobiographical research study Chanel was selected as the psychobiographical research subject. As she is a deceased individual (her death occurred 44 years before the commencement of this research study), considerations of ethical practice – and more specifically, any concerns of (a) causing embarrassment or harm to her, or her close family and friends, and (b) consent – were adequately moderated. However, I acknowledged her ethical responsibilities in (a) the consultation, examination and review of available biographical information, and (b) the publication of the research study. In the consultation, examination and review of available biographical information I accessed information that was already available in the domain of the public, and did not access any biographical information that is sensitive to the close family and friends of the selected subject and/or the selected subject. However, biographical information that is considered intimate and/or personal to the selected subject was consulted, examined and reviewed. As proposed by Elms (1994) and Runyan (1982a), the researcher of this study employed this information in a manner that respects the character, dignity, and reputation of the subject. Furthermore, it was not the intent of the psychobiographical researcher to publish any biographical information, or conclusions and findings on the subject as this psychobiographical research study was academic in nature.

2.6. Chapter summary This chapter comprehensively discussed and explored the features of psychobiographical research as the adopted approach of inquiry for this research study. In particular, this chapter addressed and considered definitions and descriptions of psychobiographical research, the 32 contribution of psychobiographical research to the discipline of psychology, limitations of methodological rigor and measures of quality, and ethical practices in psychobiographical research. In the next section Chanel is introduced as the selected subject of this psychobiographical research study. More specifically, her entire life narrative -– extending from her birth on August 19th 1883, to her death on January 10th 1971 – is considered by examining and reviewing available biographical information. This examination and review will acknowledge any cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on her life narrative; and will delineate and emphasize the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguish her life.

3. CHAPTER 3 COCO CHANEL

3.1. Chapter preview During the 20th century, Chanel established herself as a celebrated couturier and fashion icon. She adopted and applied the modernist principles of austerity and simplicity to fashion and, in doing so, actively contributed to the revolution of womenswear (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). In 1957 her contributions earned her the Neiman Marcus Award for Distinguished Service in the Field of Fashion (McDowell, 1984). More significant than her contributions to fashion, however, was her disputed impact on gender lines and mores for which she has been both criticized and praised (Banta, 2011; Brumberg, 1988; Spirito, 2010; Zoccoli, 2011). As Madsen (2009) and Parker (2013) acknowledge, she fashioned the idea of the modern woman by challenging the conventional images of femininity and masculinity during an era that was distinguished by elitist and patriarchal values. Banta (2011) and Brumberg (1988) argue that by inadvertently feminizing the concept of masculinity, Chanel encouraged and/or inspired androgyny and the associated ambiguity concerning identity and sexuality. Brumberg (1988) suggests that accompanied by a cumulative exposure of the body and female figure, this ambiguity contributed to the emergence of eating disorders -– and more specifically, anorexia nervosa – as a modern pathology. Sischy (2008), Spirito (2010), and Sun (2012), however, contend that by feminizing the concept of masculinity and rejecting traditional values, Chanel emancipated women not only from corsets, but also from patriarchal restraints. It is therefore concluded that, irrespective of the intent or nature thereof, her continued impact and influence is acknowledged extensively, 33 and remains undisputed. Accordingly, Time (2012) identified Chanel as one of The 100 Most Influential Fashion Icons since 1923. Recognized not only as one of the most influential fashion icons, but also as “the most influential female figure” (Chaney, 2011, p. xiii) of the 20th century, there has been a continued interest in Chanel’s establishment of an empire, as well as in the intimate particulars of her life (Chaney, 2011; Vaughan, 2012). Parker (2013) suggests that this evidenced by the amount of cultural objects dedicated to Chanel, which includes articles, biographies, books, features, and films. It is due to this continued interest, and the associated mystery and rumor that inundates her life narrative, that Chanel was selected as the subject for this psychobiographical research study. This chapter, therefore, considers Chanel’s entire life narrative -– extending from her birth on August 19th 1883, to her death on January 10th 1971 -– by examining and reviewing available biographical information. This examination and review will acknowledge any cultural, political and social factors and/or influences on her life narrative; and will delineate and emphasize the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and

34 distinguish her life. This will be achieved by an analysis of her critical early experiences, her inter- and intrapersonal relationships, as well as her commercial and social success. In this analysis, any alterations, confabulations [defined as the enhancement and/or elaboration of actual events and experiences, which are narrated in a complex, detailed and/or plausible way as if factual and true (Johnson & Raye, 1998)], errors and/or omissions in the available biographical information will be clearly indicated. This chapter will be concluded with a brief overview and summary of the examined and reviewed biographical information.

3.2. “I don’t like the family. You are born in it, not of it. I don’t know anything more terrifying than the family.”4 Burgess and Locke (1945) contend that an individual’s initial and most significant support system, the family, directly influences the development of an individual’s behavioral patterns, personality structure and psychogenic traits. However, as Bengsten (2001), and Burgess and Locke (1945) note, family functions and structures are characteristically diverse; especially in terms of complexity of family relationships, and interactional relations between family members, differences in the family structure, familial disorganization or resilience, and marital success (Bengsten, 2001; Burgess & Locke, 1945; Patterson, 2002; Wan, Jaccard, & Ramey, 1996). It is, therefore, imperative to explore the family history, and inadvertently the family functions and structures, of the selected subjected of this psychobiographical research study. In this exploration, defining developmental factors will be identified. Gabrielle Chasnel [sic] – familiar as Chanel – was born to her parents, Albert Chanel and Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) on August 19th 1883. Albert Chanel was one of five siblings, and the son of Henri Adrien Paulin Chanel and Émilie Virginie Angèlina Chanel (née 34 Fournier). His father, Henri Adrien Paulin Chanel derived from France’s Ponteils region, where the Chanel family was employed as tapsters – keepers of a tavern – from father to son since the 18th century. At the age of 22 years, however, Henri Adrien Paulin Chanel elected to leave Ponteils, after which he was employed as a laborer on a plantation of silkworms. There he met, and then seduced Émilie Virginie Angèlina Fournier – the daughter of the owner of the plantation. At the age of 16 years, Émile Virginie Angèlina Fournier fell pregnant, and at the insistence of her parents married Henri Adrien Paulin Chanel (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Accompanied by his bride, but ostracized, Henri Adrien Paulin Chanel “took to the road” (Picardie, 2010, p. 12) to establish himself as a fairground and marketplace trader. According to Chaney (2011) and Madsen (2009), from that time the Chanel’s life pattern was characterized by continuous instability and numerous relocations. As a result, Albert Chanel was born November 19th 1856 at the hospice poorhouse in Nîmes, France in the absence of his father. At the time his father was ‘travelling.’ Employees of the hospice poorhouse registered

4 Chanel, as cited in Delay (1974, p. 17).

Albert Chanel’s birth, but incorrectly indicated the family name as Charnet; the error was corrected in official records after 22 years, in 1878 (Picardie, 2010). Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles), respectively, was one of two siblings, and the daughter of François Devolles and Gilberte Devolles (née Chardon). Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) was born in 1863 and orphaned by the age of 12 years. The death of her father occurred in 1875; the death of her mother occurred in 1869 [when Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) was at the age of 6 years] (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Although orphaned, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) and her brother – Marin Dévolles – were not destitute. Extended family members assumed responsibility for the Dévolles, and as Picardie (2010) notes, Marin Devolles inherited his father’s carpentry industry. Accordingly, he espoused his sister following the death of their father in 1875, as late as to her marriage to Albert Chanel. Albert Chanel and Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) married in 1884, but first met each other in 1880 – he was at the age of 24 years and she at the age of 16 years. Albert Chanel, in what Picardie (2010) acknowledges as a noticeable semblance to his father, established himself as a marketplace trader and as a result, was continuously travelling from market to market. In November 1879, in the community of Courpiére, he rented a room from Marin Dévolles. He and Marin Dévolles established a friendship, and Albert Chanel subsequently met and then seduced Marin Dévolles sister, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles). At the age of 19 years Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) fell pregnant with Albert Chanel’s child, but by the time her pregnancy was visible Albert Chanel already left Courpiére. Ostracized for an illegitimate pregnancy by the extended family members who assumed responsibility for her, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel’s (née Dévolles) brother enlisted the support of the mayor to ascertain Albert Chanel’s current location (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 35 2009; Picardie, 2010). Incapable of locating Albert Chanel, his parents were contacted in Clermont-Ferrand. Advised that, to avoid legal processes, Albert Chanel was expected to acknowledge the child’s paternity or marry Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles), his parents divulged his current location: Aubenas. Almost full-term in her pregnancy, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) then travelled to Aubenas – approximately 200 kilometers from Courpiére. “She found Albert in the local tavern” (Madsen, 2009, p. 6), and although he agreed to acknowledge the child’s paternity, he was averse to marriage. On September 11th 1882 Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) gave birth to a daughter – Julia Bertha Chanel. From then, despite Albert Chanel’s evident reluctance to commit to her, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) remained at his side. Chaney (2011, p. 13) asserts that this determined the future pattern of their relationship, and concludes that “…the girl from Courpiére was now constantly on the move.” Another daughter, Gabrielle Chasnel [sic], was conceived in by the following year. In circumstances significantly similar to the birth of her father (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009), Gabrielle Chasnel [sic] was born August 19th 1883 at the hospice poorhouse in Saumur, France.

At the time her father was ‘travelling.’ and in his absence employees of the hospice poorhouse registered Gabrielle Chasnel’s [sic] birth. In an account to Haedrich (1972), Gabrielle Chasnel’s [sic] claimed that she was christened Gabrielle Bonheur Chanel in honor of a hospital nun. However, no official records corroborate this statement. Instead, official records indicate that on Gabrielle Chasnel’s [sic] birth certificate, the family name was incorrectly indicated as Chasnel (Picardie, 2010). Although the error was never rectified, the child’s name was officially recognized as Gabrielle Chanel. Born in the absence of her father at a hospice poorhouse, and conceived from an illegitimate pregnancy, “…this then, was the inauspicious start of the life of a woman who was to become a celebrated figure” (Chaney, 2011, p. 14), and forever known as Chanel. In accounts of her own birth’s circumstances, Chanel was evasive, inconsistent and often untruthful. However, she frequently mentioned a train, and at one time claimed that her mother went into labor while travelling. She also frequently stated that in the events preceding her birth, her mother was in desperate search of her absent, and elusive father (Gidel, 2000; Haedrich, 1972; Morand, 2008). The absence and elusiveness of her father, Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and Picardie (2010) contend, is a continuous and persistent theme in Chanel’s early life narrative. Although the family was located in Saumur for the first year of Chanel’s life, her father frequently abandoned his family to travel to marketplaces in neighbouring towns. In the absence of Albert Chanel’s commitment to Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles), their relationship was subjected to Albert Chanel’s continuous infidelity. Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles), furthermore, was often required to supplement the family’s deficient income as a domestic worker, with what Chaney (2011, p. 15) describes as “a baby at her breast, and a 36 toddler at her feet.” In commiseration of the dysfunctional parental relationship and extreme poverty, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel’s (née Dévolles) granduncle – Augustin Chardon – agreed to care for the family on the condition that Albert Chanel married Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010). Albert Chanel’s adversity to marriage, however, persisted. As an incentive, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel’s (née Dévolles) extended family agreed to compensate Albert Chanel with the entirety of Eugénie Jeannes Chanel’s (née Dévolles) personal possessions, as well as ₣50005 (Chaney, 2011). The ceremony took place on November 17th 1884, after which the Chanel family relocated to Issoire, and then to Puy-de- Dôme. There, in 1885 and 1887 respectively, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) gave birth to a boy – Alphonse Adrien Chanel, and another girl – Antoinette Julia Chanel.

5 The Franc (₣) was the authorized currency of France from 1795 to 1999. In 1999 France adopted the Euro as legal tender, and in 2002 formally instituted it as the authorized currency (Marques & Dehaene, 2004).

Albert Chanel’s absence from family life, however, persisted. As a result, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles) returned to Courpiére to briefly entrust her children to the care and responsibility of her extended family members before continuing on the road with Albert Chanel. In 1889, at the time in Guéret, she gave birth to another boy – Lucien Albert Chanel. Thereafter the Chanel family continued relocating, and endured extreme poverty; in 1891 Eugénie Jeannes Chanel’s (née Dévolles) final pregnancy resulted in another son – Augustin Julien Chanel. He died in infancy (Madsen, 2009).

3.3. “My earliest childhood. Those words…make me shudder. No childhood was less gentle.”6 (1883-1894) Although Chanel (as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 18) claimed to “…remember [her] childhood by heart,” biographers [for example, Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), Morand (2008), Parker (2013), Picardie (2010) and Vaughan (2012)] emphasize her inability to accurately detail the critical early events and experiences that distinguished her life. However, as Chaney (2011, p. 20-21) notes, “…the truth of an event for Chanel lay not in the fact but in the feeling.” It is consequently important to, despite the contradictions and errors in her narratives, explore the distinctive emotions and feelings Chanel expressed towards her critical early experiences, and also, inadvertently, towards her family members. From this exploration it is evident that Chanel’s emotional and psychological residue of her critical early experiences includes extreme feelings of abandonment and loneliness, in addition to apparent frustration at her powerlessness (Chaney, 2011; Gidel, 2000; Madsen, 2009; Morand, 1976; Picardie, 2010). In a central narrative Chanel clearly expressed these extreme feelings by claiming that

“…[she] lived with insensitive people, and [she] wanted to be sure that [she] was loved” 37 (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24). In this central narrative, Chanel [as cited in Charles- Roux (1976), Galante (1973), Gidel (2000), & Morand (1976)] detailed one of her earliest memories in which she, aged 6, acted out her childhood fantasies in a Courpiére churchyard. She considered herself as the ruler or, in alternative narratives, as the queen of the churchyard’s graves and often referred to “her dead, and her tombs” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 8). To the dismay of her family members, but accompanied by her dolls she actively conversed with her dead subjects. Chaney (2011) speculates that as Chanel’s dolls and dead subjects inadvertently represented her only sense of surety and stability as her childhood was distinguished by constant financial and physical uncertainty and unpredictability. It is consequently especially significant that Chanel clearly detailed her family member’s attempts at keeping her from the churchyard and “her dead” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 8). According to Chanel [as cited in Charles-Roux (1976), Galante (1973) & Morand (1976)], her family member’s attempts

6 Chanel, as cited in Morand (1976, p. 22).

38 angered her, and in response she presented the tombs with “…flowers, and forks and whatever else [she] could steal at home” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24). As a reprimand for stealing, Chanel was forbidden from the graveyard. She claimed that “…since [she] could no longer bring things to [her] dead, [she] forgot about them” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24), Contrastingly, anecdotes of observers suggest that during the course of her adult life Chanel was frequently seen in cemeteries and graveyards, apparently confiding in the deceased (Picardie, 2010). Chanel’s explanation and understanding for her need to confide in the deceased was that due to her extreme loneliness and need to feel loved “…the first persons to whom [she] opened [her] heart were dead people” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24). Chaney (2011) and Picardie (2010) acknowledge that Chanel also expressed her experience of feeling lonely and unloved in the conceptualization of her family members. In an analysis of this conceptualization it is especially important to note the absence of her siblings (with the exception of her sister, Julia), as well as the elements of conflict in the polarization of her father and mother. More specifically, in her accounts to Delay (1974), Haedrich (1972) and Morand (1976), Chanel absolved her father from any anger and/or resentment by actively reinventing her remembrance of him. In this reinvented remembrance – despite his disinterest in fatherhood and marriage – Chanel depicted Albert Chanel as the attentive, interested and loving parent (Chaney, 2011). She also depicted herself as her father’s favorite. In an account to Delay (1974) she stated that “[she] didn’t so much love as want to be loved. So, [she] loved [her] father because he preferred [her] to [her] sister. [She] couldn’t have borne for him to feel the same about the both of [them]” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 19). As Picardie (2010) notes, it is meaningful that Chanel did not mention any of her other siblings in this statement. It is, 38 furthermore, the only statement in which Chanel directly expressed love, although reserved and transactional, towards any of her family members. Chaney (2011) suggests that, in her reinvented remembrance of him, Chanel was able to express love towards her father as a representation of her creative fantasy. Within this creative fantasy her father did not abandon her, but instead accepted her and rescued her from her fears (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010). As a child Chanel’s fears included a fear of the dark and of ghosts. In her accounts to Delay (1974) and Haedrich (1972), she also conveyed that she frequently had nightmares and that she often sleepwalked, but that her father always calmed and soothed her or that he put her back into bed, “…gently, so as not to awaken [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29). In an account to Delay (1974), Chanel also distinctly recounts her extreme and persisting fear of a man who, as she recalled, from beneath her bed and in the darkness of the night threw wheat at her. In this account to Delay (1974), Chanel was aged 6. Her father responded by assuring her that the man was not “…bad, that he wouldn’t do anything to [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 21); he also emphasized the value of wheat, as emblematic of fortune and prosperity. Since then, in an example of the extreme personalization [defined as the acclimation

39 of an event of experience to the extent of extreme importance or significance for a certain individual (Nugent, 2014)], Chanel always had a bunch of wheat close to her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Embedded in her father’s remembrance, she also had additional afflictions, dislikes and ideas that endured and persisted from her childhood throughout her adult life; arguably the most discernible of which was her name (Picardie, 2010). In an account to Delay (1974) she asserted that she abandoned her first name because “…[her] father didn’t like the name Gabrielle at all – it hadn’t been his choice. So he called [her] ‘Little Coco’ instead” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 18). After discontinuation of the prefix, she became Coco (Chanel) to both her father and the world. By substituting her birth name (in this account disliked by her father) for an alternative name (allocated and used by her father as endearing term), Picardie (2010) infers that Chanel adapted her child self from an entity her father did not choose and did not like, to an entity that was greatly loved. Additional narratives, in which Chanel depicts herself as an object of her father’s adoration and love, corroborate this inference. Specifically, in narratives to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974) and Haedrich (1972) Chanel described how her father brought her gifts from his trips; and how, as he disliked hair odor, she delighted and pleased him by always having hers rinsed “…three days ago, with lye soap” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 30). She also detailed how he, always present, affectionately kissed her on her forehead. As an evident object of her father’s adoration and love, however, Chanel was consequently rivaled. In her narratives to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974) and Haedrich (1972), Chanel mentioned a servant, who “[she] knew slept with [her] father – that is, [she] didn’t know, [she] didn’t understand anything about that sort of thing, but [she] guessed” (Chanel, as cited in 39 Haedrich, 1972, p. 30). Although, as Chaney (2011) and Picardie (2010) note, it is extremely implausible that the Chanel family could afford a servant, Chanel insisted that the servant – who allegedly had an affair with her father – also attempted to poison her. In a narrative to Delay (1974) Chanel explained how she and Julie escaped from the malicious servant. When they finally got to their parents, Chanel fell asleep on her father’s shoulder (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010). According to Chaney (2011), Chanel depicted her father as her protector and savior because she afforded to project [defined in psychoanalytic terms as a defense mechanism in which intolerable or uncomfortable emotions, feelings, impulses and/or thoughts are attributed to another individual (Colman, 2009)] her actual anger, disappointment and resentment onto Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles). Her mother, Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and Picardie (2010) emphasize, features only in a few of Chanel’s accounts and narratives. In these accounts and narratives, Chanel depicts her mother as both an invalid, and inattentive, uninterested and unloving parent. The color red, Picardie (2010) concedes, permeates these accounts and narratives.

More specifically, in a central narrative to Morand (1976), Chanel detailed the blood her mother coughed into handkerchiefs. Due her mother’s decline in health, the Chanel family (with Albert Chanel away, travelling) momentarily resided with Augustin Chardon. In this narrative Chanel, aged 5, expressed resentment at having to constantly keep quiet due to her mother’s enduring fragility and illness. She also detailed how, locked in a room covered with red wallpaper she and her sisters noticed that the red wallpaper was damp “…and could be peeled off from the walls” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 22). Chanel and her sisters stripped the entire room to its bare pink plaster. When their mother returned to the room, she contemplated the disaster quietly and, as Chanel explained to Delay (1974), soundlessly wept. In alternative narrative, however, Chanel insisted that “for the first time in [her] life [she] was whipped,” and proclaimed that “the humiliation was something [she] never forgot” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p.23). Chanel also never forgot her extreme humiliation at hearing others speak of her mother as ‘poor Jeanne.’ She explained that, although her mother married the man she loved, she “…always had to go looking for him” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 21), and that she was consequently spoken of as ‘poor Jeanne.’ Chanel claimed that it was insufferable to know that her mother was spoken of in that way, and in an alternative narrative Chanel suggests that it was because, as a child, she “…learned that [her] father ruined [her] mother” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 21). The final ruin of Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (née Dévolles), however, was her health. Chaney (2011), Madsen, (2009), and Picardie (2010) report that Chanel’s mother suffered from consumption – also contemporarily referred to as pulmonary tuberculosis.

In her accounts to Charles-Roux (1976) and Haedrich (1972), Chanel suggested that the 40 family lived in a house large enough for Chanel to be isolated from her ill mother. Picardie (2010) indicates that in truth, the Chanel family – due to abject poverty – lived in, and shared one room. It is in this room, Chaney (2011) notes, that Chanel and her four siblings witnessed the decline in their mother’s health; completely incapable of doing anything to halt it. Although Chanel never detailed the circumstances of the death, her mother (at the age of 32 years) passed in 1895. Chaney (2011), advised by circumstantial evidence, contends that it was Chanel and her siblings who discovered the death of their mother. As their father was away travelling at the time of her death, Chaney (2011) and Picardie (2010) also contend the extreme likelihood that the Chanel children were in the room with the corpse for an extended period of time. In Albert Chanel’s absence, his brother’s autograph appeared on the certificate of death, and it was he who arranged Eugénie Jeannes Chanel’s (née Dévolles) funeral (Gidel, 2000). Chanel (as cited in Delay, 1974) detailed how, at the funeral, she was instructed to kiss the corpse’s lips. Since then, Chanel (as cited in Delay, 1974) declared, she had an acute sense of smell, and was appalled by anything evocative of filth.

Chanel also declared, in a fictitious narrative to Morand (1976), that following the funeral, and at the time in deep mourning, her father entrusted her – at the time aged 6 – to the care of aunts. In this narrative, she momentarily resided with her aunts while her father, in an attempt to acquire extreme wealth, travelled to the United States of America. Efficacious in his endeavors he returned after a year, and although he promised Chanel that on his return they would again be a family with a beautiful house, he did not again assume responsibility for her. In this fictitious narrative, however, he addressed countless letters to her and frequently called on her at her aunt’s house (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). In truth, at the death of her mother Chanel was aged 11 – not 6; her father did not travel to acquire extreme wealth in the United States of America; and while neither aunts nor any extended family members assumed responsibility for Chanel or her siblings, neither did Albert Chanel himself (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Instead, Albert Chanel placed his daughters – Julia Bertha Chanel (aged 13), Gabrielle Chanel (aged 11), and Antoinette Julia Chanel (aged 8) – in a convent orphanage at Aubazine. He placed his sons – Alphonse Chanel (aged 10) and Lucien (aged 6) – in the care of a farm household to, as Chaney (2011) and Picardie (2010) speculate, become child laborers. In conceivably a more authentic narrative, Chanel (as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 38) asserted that she and her siblings “…did not hear another word from [their] father.” Yet, Chanel did not identify as an orphan; in accounts of her life narrative her years at the Aubazine convent orphanage, therefore, were the most obscure (Picardie, 2010).

3.4. “I knew no home, no love, no father and mother.”7 (1895-1904)

By the time the Chanel sisters were at Aubabazine, the institution was in transition. The 41 concept of laïcité [which denotes French secularity, and implies a division between politics and religion (Chadwick, 1997)] was introduced. As a result – by the French law of October 30th 1886 – compulsory education, which before was limited to convents and private schools for children of female gender, was affected. Not only was compulsory education extended to 7 years for boys, and 5 years for girls; all distinctively religious teaching was abolished, and as a result – in boy’s schools – all members of religious study were displaced within 5 years. In girls’ schools they were allowed to remain until death, or resignation. Accordingly, by the time Chanel was at Aubazine the convent orphanage was partially secularized: the 15 member staff consisted of both elderly nuns and lay teachers (Picardie, 2010). In her accounts of the elderly nuns and lay teachers Chanel did not ascribe names or physical traits (except for cold eyes and dry hands); but claimed that they dressed in black and grey. She always referred to them as her ‘aunts,’ and insisted that they did not love or welcome

7 Chanel, as cited in Morand (1976, p. 30).

42 her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). In a remarkable statement to Haedrich (1972) Chanel proclaimed that “[her] aunts were good people, but absolutely without tenderness,” and that “[she] got no affection because [she] was not loved in their house” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 25). In reference to her experience of feeling unloved and unwelcome, Chanel concluded that “children suffer from such things” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 25). As Picardie (2010) notes, Chanel’s suffering is characteristically entangled in her dissociation [defined as a defensive and intrapsychic process, which operates automatically and unconsciously, and manifests as psychological separation, or splitting (Johnson & Raye, 1998)]. This dissociation is evident in Chanel’s detached narration of events and experiences, and manifested in her denial of her social status (Picardie, 2010). More specifically, in Chanel’s detached narration of her years at the Aubazine convent orphanage, she referred to herself – in active voice – as ‘the Little Coco.’ In an account to Morand (1976), for example, Chanel stated that “the Little Coco cried when she was at her aunt’s house, because they called her Gabrielle” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 34). Madsen (2009) emphasizes that by being called Gabrielle – a name suggestive of that which her father did not choose, and did not like – Chanel was inadvertently reminded of her father’s rejection and, as an orphan, her resulting social status. Chanel, however, denied either. In her confabulations she described her father as a man below the age of 30 (he was approaching 40), and ascribed to him a youthful strength for placing his daughters in the care of “good hands” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29). To Haedrich (1972) she asserted that she comprehended and supported her father’s judgment, and did not express envy at the

“new family, and new life” he created for himself; “…he was right. [She] would have done the 42 same thing. No one below the age of 30 could have coped with the situation. [She] represented an exceptional period in his life, fun, happiness… He loved [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29). She also asserted that, because her father loved her she was not an orphan. To Charles-Roux (1976) she expressed humiliation at being pitied as such, and claimed to deny everything that was offered to her from the moment she understood she was being cared for “out of charity and pity” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29). Chaney (2011) notes, that as a result both Chanel’s adolescent and adult life’s enduring premise was ‘to protest.’ This evidently manifested in Chanel’s acute rejection of religion8, as well as her acting-out behaviour, and her capacity for destructiveness and harm. In accounts to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974) and Haedrich (1972) her acting-out behavior consisted of attempts to escape and/or flee from the aunts; minor theft (she admitted

8 In an account to Delay, (1974) Coco Chanel asserted that “…the Catholic religion crumbled for [her] as a child because [she] realized [she] was a person separate from all the secrecy of confession” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 24). Picardie (2010) notes that Coco Chanel’s absence of faith and/or religion continued throughout her adult life.

43 to frequently stealing food items such as bread and cherries); and untruthfulness. In an account to Delay (1974) Chanel also confessed that she fantasized about arson as a means of harming the aunts who she described as cold-hearted and cruel. However, Chanel predominantly directed her exaltation for destructiveness and harm towards herself. In accounts to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974), Haedrich (1972) she expressed her fascination with, and ideation of suicide as a demonstration to her aunts and others of “how wicked they were” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 36). She stated that “[she] was thoroughly unhappy, that [she] fed on her sorrow…[she] wanted kill [herself] many times” (Chanel, as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 42). In additional narratives her exaltation for destructiveness and harm is further illustrated. More specifically, she described how she chafed her face at night in an attempt to make herself bleed, and detailed how the blood dripped down and stained her nightgown – always the color white (Madsen, 2009). As Madsen (2009) notes, Chanel frequently mentioned a dress of the color white. In an account to Charles-Roux (1976), more specifically, she mentioned how she bathed in a dress “because it was sinful to look at one’s own bare body”9 (Chanel, as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 44); and to Delay (1974) she claimed that for her First Communion her father bought her a dress10. In more complimentary narratives of her years at Aubazine, Chanel additionally disclosed that her ‘aunt’s’ equipped with her with the necessary sewing skills to hem and seam her own trousseau (clothing and household linen collected by a bride for marriage) – also always white. Although these sewing skills were fundamental to her career as a couturier, Chanel expressed extreme gratitude towards the aunts for more than their teachings – according to her,

“[she] owed them everything” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 42). In a declaration to 43 Morand (1976), Chanel stated that she was biased and unfair towards her ‘aunts’ in her accounts of them, because in truth “a child in revolt becomes a person with armor and strength – it’s the caresses, kisses, teachers and vitamins that kill children and turn them into sickly or unhappy adults. It’s the mean and nasty aunts who create winners” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 42). Chanel spent a total of 6 years with the “mean and nasty aunts” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 42); and in 1900, at the age of 17 began with her final year at the Aubazine convent orphanage.

9 In an account to Charles-Roux (1976) Coco Chanel claimed that in her ‘aunt’s’ house any consideration or observation of the body or self was regarded sinful, and that as a result there was an absence of mirrors. Mirrors, Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010) and Parker (2013) note, became an important symbol in her adult life. 10 Coco Chanel’s narratives regarding her communion dress were often contradictory – to Delay, (1974) she claimed she adored the dress, while in an account to Haedrich (1972) she suggested that she disliked the dress as it was probably bought by her father’s “tart” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 32). However, in accounts to Delay, (1974) and Haedrich (1972) Coco Chanel always indicated that her ‘aunts’ did not allow her to attend communion in the dress. She also consistently stated that at the time she was aged 6. Picardie (2010), however, notes that Coco Chanel was in actuality aged 12.

Aubazine accommodated girls to the age of 18 years, after which only aspiring novitiates were permitted. By the summer of that year, due their age, Chanel and her older sister (Julia Bertha Chanel11), therefore, were not allowed to return to Aubazine; and as a result, briefly resided with their grandparents [Henri Adrien Paulin Chanel and Émilie Virginie Angèlina Chanel (née Fournier)] in Varennes (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel benevolently narrated her time at Vareness, and established a close relationship with her aunt, Adrienne Chanel. As Picardie (2010) notes, Adrienne Chanel and Chanel were was alike in both age and appearance, and in her life narratives Chanel conveyed delight at being mistaken for siblings. However, as Chanel’s grandmother was unable and/or unwilling to assume care for her and Julia Bertha Chanel for an extended period of time, they did not remain in Varennes. Instead, Émilie Virginie Angèlina Chanel (née Fournier) – with assistance from the Aubazine nuns – secured admission for both of them, on aid, to the Nôtre Dame Pensionat in Moulins. The following year, Antoinette Julia Chanel joined them at the Catholic pension, which Picardie (2010) acknowledges functioned as a finishing school to prepare women for marriage and accompanying domestic duties. Chanel remained at the Nôtre Dame Pensionat to the age of 20 years. Thereafter – at the recommendation of the mother superior – Chanel was allowed to join her aunt, Adrienne Chanel as an assistant and seamstress at the House of Grampayre, a boutique that retailed in hosiery and lingerie. At the House of Grampayre they shared and attic bedroom; and was additionally employed by a nearby tailor to alter breeches for cavalry officers over the weekend. According to myth, the cavalry officers invited Adrienne Chanel and Chanel to the Moulins pavilion La Rotonde, famed for its concerts and entertainment (Chaney, 2011; Madsen,

2009; Picardie, 2010). 44 It is at La Rotonde, then, that Chanel’s ambition to become a cabaret performer surfaced. At first Adrienne Chanel and Chanel performed together, but Chanel established herself as independent performer with a regular slot. According to myth, her first name – Coco – originated from her repertoire, which consisted only of the songs Ko Ko Ri Ko and Qui qu’a vu Coco (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). By 1904, however, Chanel sought ways in which to expand both her repertoire and eminence as a performer. She and Adrienne Chanel moved from Moulins to Vichy to audition for lyrical opera, variety shows and vaudeville – but were mostly unsuccessful (Madsen, 2009). Chanel, consequently, accepted employment as an attendant at a beauty and health spa, but in accounts to Charles-Roux (1976) denied ever having

11 In circumstances described as mysterious and strange, Julia Bertha Chanel fell pregnant at the age of 16 years while at the Aubenaz convent orphanage (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010). A nominal father registered the baby boy’s birth, and his birth certificate indicated his name as André Palasse. There is continuous speculation that the boy was possibly the son of Coco Chanel, as at the time (1898) she was also still at Aubenaz.

45 lived or worked in Vichy; and as Madsen (2009) notes, also conveniently forgot about the 18 months she lived and worked at the House of Grampayre. Instead, Chanel created a fictitious narrative in which she spent 1903-1904 with her aunts, and insisted that at the time she was aged 16. According her, her aunts’ house was located near a pasture, which by charter was reserved as a feeding ground for horses that belonged to the army and cavalry officers. She again expressed her capacity for destructiveness by detailing how her fear of having her favorite horses taken affected her behavior and conduct. More specifically, she admitted to calculatingly damaging the frogs and soles of her favorite horses by galloping and riding them without shoes (Charles-Roux, 1976; Madsen, 2009). In the narrative she also expressed her fearfulness when a cavalry officer exposed her deceitful and devious plan. To Charles-Roux (1976) she declared that “[she] didn’t dare look at him” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 24). If, however, there was a cavalry officer Chanel did dare to look at, it was Étienne Balsan (born Fulcran Étienne Balsan).

3.5. “I said to myself, ‘Are you going to become like them? A kept woman? But this is appalling!’ I didn’t want it.”12 (1904-1909) Étienne Balsan was descendant of a family whose fortune was made in textile. As a boy his father and mother sent him to boarding school in England, and after he completed his education at the age of 18 years he returned to Châteroux. Both his parents died soon thereafter, and consequently he and his brothers (Jacques Balsan and Robert Balsan) inherited both the family business and fortune. Although his brothers were enthusiastic to enter into the textile trade and expand the family business and influence, Étienne Balsan was not. Instead, he expressed his desire to breed horses and enter into equestrianism. At his brothers’ commendation, however, 45 Étienne Balsan completed his military service as a cavalry officer before doing so. Soon after he renounced his title in 1904 he bought the Château de Royallieu estate from a racetrack trainer, where Étienne Balsan achieved eminence as a polo player (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel spent a total of 6 years with Étienne Balsan at this estate, in what Picardie (2010, p. 44) describes as Chanel’s “stepping stone for Moulins to Paris.” According to reports Chanel and Étienne Balsan first met in Moulins; at the time Chanel was aged 21 and Étienne Balsan aged 24 (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel intimated [in accounts to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974), and Haedrich (1972)] that there, Balsan became her first lover, and that the following year she joined him in retirement at the Château de Royallieu. However, as Picardie (2010) states, this was in in abstruse circumstances. Château de Royallieu was devoted to “the pursuit of amusement and pretty women” (Picardie, 2010, p. 45), and as a result Balsan already had a mistress in residence – the actress and courtesan Émilienne d’Alençon.

12 Chanel, as cited in Haedrich (1972, p. 42).

Although Émilienne d’Alençon was at the age of 36 at the time Chanel arrived at Château de Royallieu, French society considered her an attractive woman with accomplished social status. However, in Chanel’s accounts to Charles-Roux (1976) she described Émilienne d’Alençon as an old woman, and inferred that she was a prostitute. More specifically, to Charles-Roux (1976) Chanel proclaimed with terseness that Étienne Balsan “adored Emilienne d’Alençon because beauty and youth did not concern him. He adored cocottes and lived with that one to his family’s scandal” (Chanel, as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 54). Madsen (2009) suggests that this affront is an indication of Chanel’s extreme jealousy and her own uncertainty at the time. At the time the Château de Royallieu was elitist, and frequented only by those with recognized social status. As a result, Chanel – due to her lack of social status – was isolated from the Château de Royallieu guests and residents; and according to reports had to eat her meals with the servants. As Madsen (2009) notes, this denotes that Chanel was extremely uncertain of her own position and role at Château de Royallieu as she was neither a châtelaine nor servant. Accordingly, in accounts to Delay (1974) and Morand (1976), Chanel associated the equivocality of her position and role at Château de Royallieu with her extreme unhappiness. To Delay (1976) Chanel declared that “[she] knew the horses; [she] didn’t know the people” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1976, p. 56), but in a more elaborate and fictitious narrative to Morand (1976) she described herself as a minor who was “constantly weeping” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 28). In this narrative, Chanel claimed that she was an adolescent, but below the age of consent; and that she was incapable of leaving Château de Royallieu due the lies she told Étienne Balsan. In what Picardie (2010) acknowledges as an absorbing amalgamation of falsehood and truth, Chanel professed to Morand (1976) that she lied to 46 Étienne Balsan about her age and childhood to “disabuse him” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 28). According to Chanel “[she] told Balsan that [she] was 20, in actual fact [she] was 1613” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 28); and continued her narrative as a dependent girl with no control of her future. However, as Picardie (2010) notes, Chanel also acknowledged the damage of her lies. To Morand (1976) she detailed how her deceit engendered Étienne Balsan’s fear for the authorities for housing a minor, and that although he would have been delighted to have her leave Château de Royallieu, she did not have “a home” to return to (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 28). She claimed to have asked her aunt, Adrienne Chanel for assistance in a letter (in which Chanel expressed her desire to leave Château de Royallieu), but explained but that her aunt discouraged her from leaving Château de Royallieu to avoid persecution at a reformatory14. She consequently “cried for an entire year” and claimed to

13 As Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) note, Coco Chanel was in actuality aged 22 when she arrived at Château de Royallieu and remained there until the age of 28. 14 In her account to Morand (1976), however, Coco Chanel did not provide a reason for possible persecution at a reformatory. Instead, there is continuous speculation that Coco Chanel – in her narratives

Morand (1976) that “the only happy times were those [she] spent in the forest, on horseback… The fairytale was over. [She] was nothing but a lost youngster” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 29). Yet, in alternative narratives Chanel admitted that she was indebted to Étienne Balsan. As Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) indicate, this is because he, firstly, afforded Chanel extreme generosity; and, secondly, financed and inadvertently inspired her entry into fashion. More specifically, during her time at Château de Royallieu Chanel accomplished a career as a milliner; but additionally aspired to enter into equestrianism in an attempt to achieve approbation from Étienne Balsan. However, as Parker (2013) acknowledges, this was at a time when women did not engage in equestrianism; and if they did, they did not do so astraddle due to cumbersome dress and full, long skirts. To auspiciously ride, but in dissent of the (equestrian) norms of the time, Chanel altered a discarded jockey’s uniform to fit her female figure (Parker, 2013). As Parker (2013) states, in doing so Chanel appropriated menswear for women – a concept that consistently and continuously dictated and influenced her aesthetic as a couturier (Banta, 2011; Brumberg, 1988; Chaney (2011); Sischy (2008); Sun (2012); Spirito, 2010; Zoccoli, 2011). Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) accordingly conclude that Étienne Balsan assumed an influential role in Chanel’s establishment of herself as a celebrated couturier and fashion icon, despite her declaration to Morand (1976) that she did not love him. Her first and true love, she maintained, was Boy Capel (born Arthur Edward Capel).

3.6. “To me, he was my brother, my father, my entire family.”15 (1910 -1919) Although Boy Capel’s ancestral background and context was characterized by conjecture, he was the son of Arthur Joseph Capel and Berthe Andrée Capel (née Lorin). He attended 47 boarding school in England, and completed his education at Stony Hurst, an acclaimed Catholic college. Afterwards he entered into, and expanded his father’s business and influence; and established himself as an exemplary polo player (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). It was his ardor for equestrianism, then, that brought him to Château de Royallieu. Once there, he established a close friendship with Étienne Balsan and expressed an immediate interest in Chanel because of her charm and spontaneity (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel, accordingly, expressed an interest in Boy Capel because of his accelerated living, and

to Delay, (1974) and Morand (1976) – consistently expressed her extreme unhappiness, and Étienne Balsan’s fear of the police due to an illegitimate pregnancy, and the ensuing termination thereof. At the time, however, abortion was a criminal offense [abortion was first legalized in France on January 17th 1975 (Condit, 1990)], and as a result there is also continuous speculation that Coco Chanel was not able to conceive children later in her life due to the abortion having been performed recklessly (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010).

15 Chanel (on Boy Capel), as cited in Morand (1976, p. 34).

48 enthusiasm for sophistication and success (Madsen, 2009). As Picardie (2010) recognizes, what followed was a complex and intriguing relationship, which was characteristically trilateral. More specifically, in an account to Morand (1976), Chanel detailed how – when she heard that Boy Capel was travelling from Château de Royallieu, located in Compiégne, to Paris – she identified her opportunity to escape from the confines and extreme unhappiness of Château de Royallieu. It was 1909 and Chanel was aged 27 (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010), but in the account to Morand (1976) Chanel insisted that she was aged 18. According to her, Boy Capel called her “my beloved child” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p, 34) when she informed him of her intent to abandon both Château de Royallieu and Étienne Balsan for a life with him. According to Chanel (as cited in Morand, 1976), Boy Capel did not endorse her resolution, but she followed him onto the train yet as she aspired to establish herself as a milliner in Paris. This, she surmised, was to the dismay of Étienne Balsan’s family who, according to her, hoped for them to enter into marriage. In her account to Morand (1976) Chanel stated that Étienne Balsan’s brother, Jacques Balsan, extended expensive and exquisite family jewels as both as financial surety for her endeavors in Paris, and incentive to consider a return to Château de Royallieu. As Chaney (2011) notes, Chanel’s premise to protest established itself in her response. She declined the jewels proffered by Jacques Balsan, and in a significant statement to the Balsan family returned all of the jewels (with the exception of an amethyst ring) Étienne Balsan bestowed on her during her time at Château de Royallieu. She surmised that Étienne Balsan arrived in Paris soon thereafter – according to her, her absence at Château de Royallieu accompanied by his extreme jealousy, brought him to the realization of his adoration and love for her (Chaney, 2011;

Picardie, 2010). 48 With the adoration and love of both men, Haedrich (1972) suggests that Boy Capel and Étienne Balsan entered into a negotiation about the assumed care and responsibility for Chanel. At the time Boy Capel’s accumulated wealth did not equal Étienne Balsan’s, but Chanel also expressed her reluctance to return to Compiégne. As a result, Boy Capel agreed to afford Chanel financial surety for her milliner’s shop; and Étienne Balsan16 – as his farewell gift to Chanel – allowed her to configure his apartment on the Boulevard Malherbes. From there, while Boy Capel attended to his business in both London and Paris, Chanel achieved almost instantaneous success with her austere, but beautiful hats. Soon, Étienne Balsan’s apartment on the Boulevard Malherbes could not accommodate Chanel’s burgeoning enterprise, and as a result Boy Capel agreed to finance her new premises. She opened Chanel Modes on January 1st 1910 at 21 Rue Cambon, and called on her aunt, Adrienne Chanel, and her sister, Antoinette Julia Chanel, to assist her with her commercial success (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010).

16 As Chaney (2011) notes, Coco Chanel continued her friendship with Étienne Balsan until his death in 1953.

As Picardie (2010) notes, Chanel Modes commenced an era of Chanel’s life, which she confronted with more dynamism than any other period. In her accounts to Haedrich (1972) and Morand (1976), more specifically, Chanel detailed her relationship with Boy Capel, and affirmed an implicit love as the distinguishing feature of their relationship. To Morand (1976), for example, Chanel declared that Boy Capel “…loved [her], and that he knew [she] loved him” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 38). However, as Picardie (2010) infers, echoes of compulsion and subjugation, and freedom and liberty characterize further narratives of Boy Capel and Chanel’s relationship. More specifically, Boy Capel admitted that he did not agree to finance Chanel’s new premises at 21 Rue Cambon in support of her commercial success, but because he was displeased by her inactivity and idleness. More specifically, he was annoyed by her acute dependence on him, and her continuous demand for affection, attention and emotional support. As Picardie (2010) notes, there are also indications Boy Capel’s frustrations in Chanel’s narratives; however, she always interpreted and justified his actions and behaviors as an explicit manifestation of his tenderness. For example, in her narrative to Morand (1976) Chanel asserted that the authoritative manner in which he commented on her conduct [by articulating that “[she] behaved badly…[she] lied...” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 39)] was his attempt at edifying her, because he “really understood [her]…and treated [her] like a child” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 39) because he implicitly loved her. However, Picardie (2010) contends that, if Boy Capel did in actuality have an implicit love for Chanel, it explicitly manifested as abandonment, infidelity and, at times, shame. More specifically, Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) insinuate that due to Chanel’s lack of social status, Boy Capel was diffident to any public recognition of their relationship. Chanel admitted to Morand (1976) that at Boy Capel’s demand, they did not ever 49 appear in public together – that they “…would delay the delights of advertising [their] love to marriage” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 58). She also divulged her knowledge of Boy Capel’s infidelities. More specifically, in what Madsen (2009) describes as an anxious imbalance between acceptance and anger, Chanel claimed to Haedrich (1972) and Morand (1976) that although she considered Boy Capel’s affairs to be “dirty, and a bit disgusting” she was not jealous, because “…it didn’t count between [them]” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 62).

3.6.1. “It’s not money for money’s sake that I’m interested in, but money as a symbol of success.”17 What did count between them, however, was Chanel’s financial reliance on Boy Capel. In accounts to Haedrich (1972) and Morand (1976) Chanel detailed her humiliation when Boy Capel informed her that what she considered to be Chanel Modes profits, was in actuality an

17 Chanel, as cited in Madsen (2009, p. 161).

50 overdraft permitted by Boy Capel’s deposited securities. To Morand (1976) Chanel stated that “[she] felt sick. [She] glanced at the pretty things [she] bought with what [she] thought were [her] profits…[She] began to hate this man who was paying for [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 42). This hatred, then, is what compelled Chanel to claim financial independence by ensuring the success of Chanel Modes. In her conversation with Boy Capel she professed that “[she’ll] know [she] loves him when [she] doesn’t need him” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 64). She adopted and instilled the principles of assiduousness and conscientiousness, and by 1913 earned enough money from her milliner’s shop that she was no longer financially reliant on Boy Capel. Although Chanel claimed that, as a result, she “lost [her] youth”, she was euphoric – “[she] depended on [herself] alone, [she] was [her] own master” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 43). Moreover, the Chanel Modes profits were so remarkable that she afforded a boutique in Deauville, Normandy (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). There, Chanel, in addition to her millinery, created her first clothing collection and debuted as a seamstress. More specifically, she applied austerity as an aesthetic principle and created effortless garments from flannel and jersey tricot (an affordable fabric, which at the time was conventionally reserved for men’s underwear), and introduced casual sportswear for women. As Banta (2011), Brumberg (1988), Sischy (2008), Spirito (2010), Sun (2012), and Zoccoli (2011) acknowledge, by employing fabrics conventionally reserved for menswear in the construction of effortless and simple womenswear, Chanel inadvertently feminized the concept of masculinity and introduced the idea of the ‘modern woman.’ More significantly, Chanel altered female’s approach to, and engagement with activities, duties and tasks, as well as the existing relationships with their bodies and the female figure. As Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and 50 Picardie (2010) explain, the Belle Époque dictated that fashion, especially for prestigious and wealthy women, comprised of boned corsets and full, long skirts. Chanel, contrastingly, enforced an impecunious look by her introduction of loose silhouettes (Picardie, 2010). In her own conclusion about the significance of the fashion she introduced, Chanel declared that she liberated women from boned corsets and that she consequently endorsed women to actively engage in modern life (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010). In doing so, Chanel enjoyed immediate success; and as acknowledged by Chaney (2011), Madsen (2011), and Picardie (2010), her success was further promulgated with the commencement of the First World War (WWI) in 1914. More specifically, as a consequence of conscription, the majority of men were enlisted for military service and, therefore, there was an abating of the commercial and social prescriptions and restrictions that applied to women. Conscription, furthermore, necessitated for women to engage in activities, duties and tasks that were, before the commencement of the war, executed by men. Chanel’s clothing (and more specifically, her introduction of suits and trousers to womenswear) addressed the existing need for functionality, but also adhered to patriotic restrictions. More specifically, a deficiency of

51 fabrics and materials encouraged patriotic press to promote, and recommend slimness to women. Chanel already embraced the promotion of slimness, both in her being [she was extremely slender throughout the duration of her life, and claimed to Morand (1976) that “if you cut [her] head off, you’d still think you’re looking at an adolescent’s body” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 44)] and her designs (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). By abandoning boned corsets in clothing, and dropping her design’s waists, Chanel contributed to a cumulative exposure of the body and female figure as, contrariwise to the antecedent fashion, her clothing contoured to the body and female figure’s shape. This, Banta (2011), Brumberg (1988), and Picardie (2010) argue, was accompanied by androgynous ideals and principles. More specifically, Picardie (2010, p. 76) contends that Chanel abjured the conventions of femininity by imposing a “breastless and hipless” ideal, which she embodied by adopting the appearance of an adolescent boy18. Bellafante (1998) and Dunne (2013), however, contend that the defining ideals and principles of Chanel’s designs were not embedded in an ambiguity of identity and sexuality, but, instead in an abandonment of constrictions. The accompanying introduction of freedom and liberty – Bellafante (1998) and Dunne (2013) imply – was the cause of Chanel’s continued success, which escalated and intensified despite the financial implications and restrictions of the war. More specifically, by 1915 she achieved such prominence and success in the fashion industry that she sold dresses for ₣7000 each19 (Madsen, 2009). Encouraged by her prominence and success, Chanel founded her fashion house – Chanel Couture – with the launch of her Biarritz boutique on July 15th 1915. However, as Madsen (2009) notes, the commencement of

Chanel’s career as a couturier, was in actuality denoted the following year. In 1916 Chanel 51 debuted her first collection of couture fashion, which was also featured in Vogue. In addition to commencing Chanel’s career as a couturier – Madsen (2009) argues – this also commenced her conquest of French society. More specifically, Chanel accomplished such prevalence and success that she became both a fashion icon and figure of interest. As Picardie (2010) explains, Chanel commenced her career at a time when men conventionally dominated the fashion industry. In fact, as Picardie (2010) indicates, at the time the title of ‘couturier’ was conventionally reserved for men, while the title of ‘seamstress’ was conventionally reserved for women. For this reason, the only women who achieved couturier

18 In addition to being extremely petite and slim, Picardie (2010) contends that Coco Chanel adopted the appearance of an adolescent boy by cutting her hair short. In an account to Delay, (1974), Coco Chanel claimed she did so because her hair was “crushing [her] to death” and because “…the cutting of the hair short goes with the modern woman” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 45). 19 Madsen (2009) indicates that in 2009, ₣7000 was equivalent to $2100. In consideration of exchange and inflation rates, this implies that when converted to the South African Rand, ₣7000 equates to approximately R24 500 in 2014.

52 status before Chanel20 were Jeanne Lanvin, Madame Jeanne Paquin and Madeleine Vionnet. However, as Picardie (2010) notes, all three women accomplished this with the continued financial support of their spouses whereas Chanel achieved distinct financial independence and enjoyed the immense of success of a fashion house she established by herself. She consequently epitomized the idea of a self-made woman, and for this reason Chanel claimed that “everybody wanted to meet [her]. [She] became something of a celebrity, and there too, [she] created a fashion – couturiers as stars. Before [her] time that didn’t exist” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 45). If before Chanel’s time, couturiers did not achieve fame or public recognition, this is because, at the time, French society considered couturiers to be artisans, or people of trade (Parker, 2013; Picardie, 2010). Characterized by elitist principles and values, British and French high society idealized idleness and leisure, and consequently marginalized all craftsmen and –women as they were considered to be common laborers. Chanel challenged these ideals by establishing close friendships and relationships with the figures of high society (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Among them, the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich of Russia and Misia Sert (born Maria Zofia Olga Zenajda Godebska) [at the time an accomplished pianist and famed muse to artists such as Pierre Bonnard, Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, Pierre- Auguste Renoir and Éduoard Vuillard; composers such as Claude Debussy and Joseph-Maurice Ravel; and, poets and writers such as Stéphane Mallarmé and Marcel Proust (Picardie, 2010)].

3.6.2. “We love people only for their faults, and Misia gave me ample and numerous reasons for loving her.”21 Chanel first met Misia Sert in 1917, and in an account to Morand (1976) admitted that

Misia Sert was her closest, and only female friend. As Picardie (2010) acknowledges, there 52 existed many parallels between Chanel and Misia Sert’s critical early experiences; and that Chanel and Misia Sert’s friendship prospered at a time when Boy Capel began to disengage from his relationship with Chanel was not unexpected. As Picardie (2010) contends, Chanel demanded admiration and attention, and if Boy Capel did not indulge her needs Misia Sert certainly did. More specifically, in an account of her and Chanel’s first meeting [at a dinner hosted by Cécile Sorel (an accomplished actress and client at Chanel Couture)], Misia Sert detailed Chanel’s astonishing and immediate appeal and charm, and stated that “[she] found her irresistible” (Sert, as cited in Gold & Fizdale, 1980, p. 98). She suggested that her fascination with Chanel discomforted her future husband, Josép Maria Sert; and admitted that “Sert was scandalized by the astonishing infatuation [she] felt for her friend” (Sert, as cited in Gold & Fizdale, 1992, p. 98). However, as Picardie (2010) notes, Chanel and Misia Sert’s

20 Although Coco Chanel accomplished immense success by 1916, the Chambre Syndicale de la Haute Couture acknowledged Coco Chanel as a couturier for the first time in in 1919 (Chaney, 2011). 21 Chanel, as cited in Morand (1976, p. 86).

53 friendship was not always friendly. At times it was excessively intense and passionate, and as a result manifested in jealousy and even hatred – which Picardie (2010) suggests, was also exemplified by an almost sexual tension. However, despite having captivated the admiration and attention of not only Misia Sert but other dominant figures too, Chanel’s actual ascent through high society was impeded by her lack of aristocratic connections and/or relations (Vaughan, 2012). As a result, Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and Picardie (2010) suggest, Chanel could not afford a brilliant marriage to Boy Capel after his return from the war. More specifically, by 1917 Boy Capel expanded his influence and prominence in high society as both a liaison officer between Britain and France, and political secretary to the Supreme War Council22. His prominence, consequently, demanded a consolidating and fitting marriage; and for this reason the man Chanel considered her first and true love deserted her after 8 years to, instead, marry Diana Wyndham (nèe Lister).23 Apart from her assertion that Boy Capel was deeply discontented in his marriage, Chanel never acknowledged his marriage to Diana Wyndham (nèe Lister) in her accounts to Morand (1976) and Haedrich (1973). Instead she insisted that her relationship with Boy Capel continued because he favored her to his wife. As Madsen (2009) notes, Chanel continuously maintained that Boy Capel had an implicit love for her and that she was in actuality the object of his adoration and love. Accordingly, Chanel expressed her acute grief at Boy Capel’s death, which occurred on December 22nd 1919 following a fatal car accident. To Morand (1976), Chanel asserted that “his death was an awful blow to [her]” and that “in losing Capel, [she] lost everything” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 54). According to legend, Chanel’s immense loss provoked her to design the black dress, and thereby enforce her grief on the world (Chaney,

2011; Madsen, 2009; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). Gold and Fizdale (1992) furthermore 53 suggest that Chanel’s anguish caused her dependency on Sedol, which in addition to her addiction to cigarettes (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), continued throughout her adult life.

3.7. “What followed was not a life of happiness I have to say. He left me a void…”24 (1920-1939) In February of 1920 the London Times published Boy Capel’s last testament and will – the bequests were chiefly designated to his wife, although Chanel and an Italian countess each

22 The Supreme War Council was established in 1917 by the British Prime Minister at the time, David Lloyd George and functioned as a central command to coordinate Allied military strategy during the First World War (Duffy, 2009). 23 Diana Wyndham (nèe Lister) was the daughter of Lord Ribblesdale and consequently enjoyed immense influence and social status in British high society. Boy Capel’s marriage to her was officiated on August 3rd 1918 – 3 months prior to end of the First World War (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). 24 Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 54.

54 received £40 00025. Chanel allocated her inheritance to the acquisition of Bel Respiro (a luxurious villa situated in Garches), and to the expansion of her Chanel Couture empire. With the purchase of 31 Rue Cambon as a new premise and approximately 400 members of staff (which by 1937 increased to a total of 4000 members of staff), the 1920’s constituted a deluge of activity and productivity for Chanel. This was inadvertently supplemented by great prestige and prominence – but also by ignominy (Madsen, 2009; Vaughan, 2012). More specifically, Chanel not only immersed herself into work, but also into a number of concurrent relations that consequently earned her a paramour’s reputation [despite her declaration to Morand (1976) that she was not “…one of those women who belonged to numerous men” (Chanel, as cited in Vaughan, 2012, p. 43)]. Initially, these relations were inextricably intertwined with her friendship with Misia Sert; who on August 2nd 1921 celebrated her nuptials to Josep Maria Sert (Madsen, 2009). In circumstances described as unusual, Josep Maria and Misia Sert invited Chanel to accompany them on their honeymoon in Italy. Although Gold and Fizdale (1992) suggest that this was an attempt to comfort Chanel from her acute grief; biographers such as Madsen (2009), Picardie (2009) and Vaughan (2011) indicate that this caused rumors of a ménage-à-trois to surface. Although Chanel never confirmed nor denied the rumors, she did in her account to Morand (1976) detail Josep Maria Sert’s apparent interest in her. As Madsen (2009) suggests, if this did not already foster a power struggle between Chanel and Misia Sert, Chanel’s future involvement with Serge Diaghilev (an art critic and ballet impresario, who at the time was famed as the founder of Ballet Russes) certainly did. Both Chanel and Serge Diaghilev were acquaintances and close friends of Misia Sert, and consequently met through her while in Venice. At the time they were first introduced, Misia 54 Sert was both a patron and sponsor of Serge Diaghilev’s ballet company, and enjoyed a close relationship with him. In her account to Morand (1976), Chanel resentfully stated that “Misia never left Diaghilev’s side” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 68); and as a result appeared to be covetous of the doting relationship (Picardie, 2010). In response her umbrage, Chanel adopted an astute approach to encroach on the friendship. More specifically, Chanel was aware that the Ballet Russes was in a financial predicament, and that Serge Diaghilev asked Misia Sert for additional funding for the ballet company’s production of Le Sacre du printemps (The Rite of Spring). After her return to Paris, Chanel inappropriately interceded and, on the condition that he did not disclose her involvement to Misia Sert, approached Serge Diaghilev with an agreement to finance the required ₣300 000. Picardie (2010) suggests that this was Chanel’s attempt at establishing her own partnership with Serge Diaghilev, which inadvertently led to her continued involvement in, and support for

25 In consideration of exchange and inflation rates, this amount is equivalent to approximately R 34.5 million in 2014.

55 the arts. More specifically, for the following fifteen years Chanel created the costumes for the Ballet Russes’ productions (that included Le Train bleu and Edipe roi), of which she was also a sponsor. Her close involvement with the Ballet Russes, furthermore, introduced her to acclaimed artists, ballet dancers, and playwrights and as a result she establish relations with figures such as Pablo Picasso and Salvador Dalí; Serge Lifar; and Jean Cocteau26. However, of all her established relations her association with Igor Stravinsky – who composed music for the Ballet Russes productions – was the most distinct (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel first met Igor Stravinsky in 1921, and admitted to Morand (1976) that she engaged in an illicit relationship with him although he was at the time already married to Catherine Stravinsky (née Nossenko). Distinguished by intrigue and mystery, the alleged affair has been the subject of films [for example, Bolzi, Ossard, Zonabend, & Kounen (2009)] and novels [for example Greenhalgh (2002)]. However, Igor Stravinsky himself never publicly recognized the affair, and Chanel S.A. suggests that Chanel’s claims are not corroborated (Swiss News, 2009). There is, however, substantiation to the claims that Chanel extended financial support to Igor Stravinsky. More specifically, Chanel accommodated him and his family at her Bel Respiro villa; discreetly indemnified his musical performances and purchases; and granted him monthly stipends. As Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010) and Vaughan (2012) acknowledge, Chanel’s magnanimity was also further reflected in her close relations with both Pierre Reverdy and the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich of Russia. Misia Sert first introduced Chanel to Pierre Reverdy in 1921 (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). At the time, Misia Sert enjoyed a close relationship with him; and in addition to financing his career as a poet and writer (she funded his literary magazine Nord-Sud, which 55 was founded in 1917), was considered to be his muse. However, evocative of the envy Chanel expressed at Misia Sert and Serge Diaghilev’s amity and her consequent intrusion, she also encroached on Misia Sert and Pierre Reverdy’s close relationship. More specifically, Chanel engaged in an affair with Pierre Reverdy from 1921 to 1925, with both Misia Sert and his wife (Henriette Reverdy) as onlookers to their amorous, although intermittent, relationship. As Picardie (2010) notes, Pierre Reverdy’s declarations of idolization and love for Misia Sert was inadvertently ceded, and extended to Chanel. In response, Chanel financially supported an insolvent Pierre Reverdy. In addition to discreetly purchasing his manuscripts from his publisher, she also collaborated with him on assorted titles. This included an assemblage of her own aphorisms, which was later published. Accordingly, Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) conclude that Chanel and Pierre Reverdy shared in their appreciation of literature and prose. However, Picardie (2010) suggests that this was not enough to preserve their close relationship,

26 In 1922 and 1926 respectively, Coco Chanel also collaborated with Jean Cocteau on his productions of Antigone and Orphée (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie (2010).

56 as they also adopted antagonistic ideals and pursuits. Whereas Chanel appreciated and aspired to affluence and wealth, Pierre Reverdy denied a grandiose lifestyle. This contention, then, caused the continued erraticism of their relationship, which consequently ended in 1925. At the times Pierre Reverdy was aloof, Chanel continued her intimate relationship with the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich of Imperial Russia. She was first introduced to him in 1920, and by 1922 embraced him as her lover. In addition to the intimate relationship, and analogous to her arrangements with Igor Stravinsky and Pierre Reverdy, Chanel also established a financial relationship with the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich. Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) suggest that this is because his ambitions and aspirations were reminiscent of Chanel’s own, and that she consequently identified with him. More specifically, he had fallen out of favor at the court of his cousin, Nicholas II Emperor of Russia in 1916; and as a result fled to Paris where he was in exile at the time Chanel first met him. Although, in actuality, he was in financial ruin he falsely professed to be a successor of the Russian throne. Picardie (2010) suggests this is because he desperately sought the acceptance and approval of aristocratic Parisian society. An established and influential figure at the time, Chanel extended her generosity and kindness to him and accommodated him at her Bel Respiro villa in addition to granting him a monthly stipend (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Although Chanel later suggested that she did not admire or respect him [in an account to Delay (1974) she professed that “…he drank so as not to be afraid…behind it all – nothing! Just vodka and the void” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 84)], Picardie (2010) acknowledges the critical influence the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich had on Chanel’s career. As Picardie (2010) emphasizes, in addition to directly inspiring the Slavic style of the Chanel

Couture designs at the time, he also assumed an important role in the development and success 56 of Chanel’s empire. More specifically, he introduced her to his émigré friend and perfumer, Ernest Beaux, who assisted Chanel with the creation and launch of Chanel No. 527 – the fragrance Chanel declared to epitomize the scent of a woman (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012).

3.7.1. “A woman who doesn’t wear perfume has no future.”28 Chanel No. 5 formally launched from the Rue Cambon boutique on May 5th 1921. For the next three years, and with the assistance of Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich, Chanel promoted the scent as a luxury perfume. It was an immediate success, and by 1924 Ernest Beaux could not meet the existing market need. For this reason Chanel approached her associate and

27 The Chanel No.5 bottle design debuted the Chanel logo ( ) for the first time (Mazzeo, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). 28 Chanel, as cited in Parker (2013, p. 20).

Galeries Lafayette proprietor, Théophile Bader for guidance. He referred her to Pierre Wertheimer (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). Pierre Wertheimer was the co-owner of Bourjois – a revolutionary and successful company that produced both cosmetics and fragrances (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). Impressed by the prevailing success of Chanel No.5, he immediately expressed an interest in assuming responsibility for the distribution and production of the luxury perfume. However, as Chanel was not especially interested in the cosmetics and fragrances industry herself [as Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) suggest, she was at the time engrossed with the continuing success of Chanel Couture clothing and designs], she agreed to establish a business entity dedicated to the distribution and production of all Chanel cosmetics and fragrances with Pierre Wertheimer as an authoritative partner. Les Parfums Chanel was launched in 1924. Although a division of the Chanel company, Chanel agreed with Pierre Wertheimer to absolve herself from the positions and/or roles of director and financier of Les Parfums Chanel. She additionally ceded her copyright to the designs, formulas and methods of production of all existing and future Chanel fragrances; and exclusively permitted Les Parfums Chanel to distribute, produce and sell any existing and future cosmetics and fragrances under the Chanel name. In return, Pierre Wertheimer contributed 90% of the capital required to establish Les Parfums Chanel; and apportioned 10% of all Chanel No.5 profits (of French sales) to Chanel (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). Chanel almost immediately regretted this agreement with Pierre Wertheimer, and her antagonism with him continued and escalated for the following 28 years (Mazzeo, 2010;

Vaughan, 2012). More specifically, Chanel No. 5 sales were so significant that Les Parfums 57 Chanel distributed and sold the luxury perfume worldwide. With the continuing global success of Chanel No.529, Chanel became aware that she was divested of a fortune in her agreement with Pierre Wertheimer. In an attempt to acquire control of Les Parfums Chanel and the entirety of Chanel No.5 profits, Chanel employed a full-time lawyer (René Aldebert Pineton de Chambrun) and engaged in frequent – and what Vaughan (2012) considers as increasingly obsessive – legal proceedings against Pierre Wertheimer. Her attempts, however, were unsuccessful (Mazzeo, 2010; Vaughan, 2012).

3.7.2. “I loved him – or at least I thought I loved him, which amounts to the same thing.”30 As her attempts to acquire control of Les Parfums Chanel and the entirety of Chanel No.5 profits were continuously ineffective, Chanel focused on the enduring intercontinental success

29 In 2008 Chanel No.5 earned the title of most iconic perfume of all time (The Telegraph, 2008). 30 Chanel (on the Duke of Westminster), as cited in Morand (1976, p. 156).

58 of Chanel Couture. Her creative efforts continued to be celebrated in the fashion industry, and her drive and immense success immediately impressed Hugh Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster – to whom she was first introduced by her associate and close friend Vera Bate Lombardi (born Sarah Gertrude Arkwright Bate)31 in 1924 (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). In what Picardie (2010) considers a convoluted narrative, Chanel asserted that the Duke of Westminster was completely infatuated with her, and that he financially rewarded Vera Bate Lombardi [referred to as Pamela in her version to Morand (1976)] for initially introducing them. In this narrative, she emphasized his affection and love for her by further intimating that she was at first not interested in him. As Picardie (2010) notes, Chanel appeared to be ambivalent about the establishment of an intimate relationship with the Duke of Westminster; and in an account to Morand (1976) declared that “the Duke (of Westminster) frightened [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Morand (1976, p. 154), whereas in an alternative account she stated that “he was courtesy itself, kindness personified” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, p. 156). Although at times imbued with tenderness, Picardie (2010) suggests that Chanel’s ambivalence was caused by both the Duke of Westminster’s infidelity – at the time Chanel established an intimate relationship with him, he was already married to Violet Mary Nelson – and immense power and wealth, which at the time transcended her own. Chanel admitted to Morand (1976) that the Duke of Westminster was the “most affluent man in England, perhaps in Europe” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 154); and implied that, although he could afford her exquisite gifts including art, jewels and numerous properties, he could not accept or afford her financial independence because he “didn’t understand that a woman, even a rich woman, might want to work” (Chanel, as cited in Parker, 2013, p. 54). In 58 her account to Morand (1976) Chanel further claimed that, in addition to not understanding her devotion to her work, The Duke of Westminster also indisputably resented her absence from Eaton Hall – his 11 000 acre estate situated in Cheshire, England – when designing and exhibiting her biannual clothing collections in Paris. In an attempt to increasingly spend time at his side she established the London division of the House of Chanel in 1927. Although this appeased the Duke of Westminster at first, Chanel indicated in her account to Morand (1976) that he continued to insist on her departure from her fashion house to become his full-time partner, and possibly wife (he divorced from Violet Mary Nelson in 1926). She, however, was

31 In addition to introducing Coco Chanel to the Duke of Westminster, Vera Bate Lombardi also introduced her to Edward, the Prince of Wales and Winston Churchill. She was the adopted daughter of Margaret Evelyn Cambridge, the Marchioness of Cambridge; and, therefore, acquired from childhood close relations to British high society, as well as to the British royals. An established and influential member of society, Coco Chanel employed Vera Bate Lombardi in the House of Chanel as the chief communications officer to both British and French markets (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012).

59 opposed to both propositions (Parker, 2013; Picardie, 2012; Vaughan, 2012). More specifically, in her account to Morand (1976) Chanel declared that “[she] could never have given up the House of Chanel” (Chanel, as cited in Vaughan, 2012, p. 54); and additionally professed the insignificance of marriage by stating that there have been “many Duchesses of Westminster, but only one Chanel” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 163). Chanel accordingly concluded in her narrative to Morand (1976) that, in 1929, her ambition and career disunited her and the Duke of Westminster’s relationship of 5 years (Picardie, 2010). Picardie (2010) however, contends that in actuality the relationship was disunited by disincentive factors, which also featured in in her intimate relationship with Boy Capel. Particularly, as Chanel could not afford a brilliant marriage to Boy Capel, she could also not afford a brilliant marriage to the Duke of Westminster. Picardie (2010) suggests that the Duke of Westminster aspired to an heir and not only did Chanel not have the appropriate aristocratic connections and/or relations32 – she was also above the age of 40. It is consequently doubtful that she could have borne him a son; and even though the Duke of Westminster established an affectionate, long-term relationship with her, there is no existing evidence that he considered a marriage to her. Instead, he proposed to Loelia Mary Ponsony – an accomplished British courtier’s daughter – a month after having met. Although Chanel did not acknowledge the marriage in any of her narratives, the Duke of Westminster and Loelia Mary Ponsony’s nuptials were officiated in February 1930 (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). Soon thereafter Chanel boarded the SS Europa to America in what Parker (2013) considers an escape from her own unhappiness. She accepted a proposition from the film producer,

Samuel Goldwyn; and agreed to – for the amount of $1 million33 – design exquisite wardrobes 59 for a few of his Hollywood personalities. Although her designs were not immensely popular, Picardie (2010) acknowledges that this creative enterprise facilitated Chanel’s establishment of close relations with important and influential figures in the American fashion industry.

32 There are reports that suggest that Coco Chanel attempted to conceal her past from the Duke of Westminster. More specifically, it is speculated that at the time she engaged in a relationship with him, and although she did not have any association and/or relation with Alphonse Adrien Chanel and Lucien Albert Chanel, she arranged monthly stipends for her brothers in return for their discretion and silence (Picardie, 2010). [Both of her sisters were already deceased at that time (Julia Bertha Chanel committed suicide in 1913; and Antoinette Julia Chanel contracted Spanish influenza in 1920, which consequently contributed to her death)]. 33 In consideration of exchange and inflation rates, this equates to approximately R 150 million in 2014. Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010), and Parker (2013) emphasize the significance of this amount as an acknowledgement of Coco Chanel’s influence and success as a couturier and fashion icon; especially in consideration of the economic plight following the crash of the American markets on October 29th 1929. More specifically, this amount was agreed upon in 1931 during the era of the Great Depression.

3.7.3. “A fashion that does not reach the streets is not a fashion.”34 As Picardie (2010) notes, these close relations were critical in the continuing prominence and success of the House of Chanel. More specifically, after her return to Paris in 1933 Chanel discovered that her rival, Elsa Schiaparelli – to whom she condescendingly referred to as “that Italian woman who makes dresses” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 199) – compromised the House of Chanel’s exclusive control and power of the French fashion industry. Although couturiers and designers such as Jeanne Lanvin and Madeleine Vionnet featured prior to that, Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) explain that Elsa Schiaparelli was a particular threat because her designs were similar to Chanel’s, and accordingly appealed to the same type of woman. Chanel’s designs – although effortless, elegant and modern – however, were considered to be conservative in comparison to Elsa Schiaparelli’s designs. More specifically, Elsa Schiaparelli’s designs incorporated bright colors, and exciting surrealist and thematic touches whereas Chanel’s designs were considered to be insipid (Madsen, 2009). Her prominence and success was consequently jeopardized; and in what Parker (2013) acknowledges as an astute business decision, Chanel consequently encouraged the mass production of her Chanel Couture collections35, in addition to introducing her designs to the American fashion industry. Her close relations with the influential and important figures of the American fashion industry were central to her immediate success.

3.7.4. “The most complicated man I ever knew was Paul Iribe.”36 As the continued global prominence and success of Chanel Couture was tenable, Chanel – who proclaimed that “there is a time for work; there is a time for love. That leaves no other 60 time” (Chanel, as cited in English, 2013, p. 14) – aspired to love. Although she claimed to Morand (1976) that the Duke of Westminster was discontented in his marriage and preferred her to his wife, she did not continue her relationship with him because “[she] didn’t love him” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 146)37. Instead, she entered into an intimate relationship with Paul Iribe (born Paul Iribarnegaray) – a creative designer and illustrator who, among other

34 Chanel, as cited in English (2013, p. xix). 35 At the time, the Chambre Syndicale de la Couture Parisienne functioned as both a management organization and union to the French fashion industry; and contended that couturiers had all legal rights to their couture collections and designs. The mass reproduction and/or replication of all couture collections and designs, therefore, were prohibited. Coco Chanel defied this attempt to dictate policy by encouraging the mass production of her Chanel Couture collections and designs (Madsen, 2009). 36 Chanel, as cited in Morand (1976, p. 103). 37 Picardie (2010) suggests that Coco Chanel’s decision to discontinue her relationship with the Duke of Westminster (although according to her, he was discontented in his marriage and preferred her to his wife) was not a matter of love, but instead a matter of power. Indeed, there is a suggestion of vengeance in her statement to Morand (1976) that “…with [her], he learned that he couldn’t have everything; that to be His Grace didn’t mean anything when a little French woman could say no. That was a shock to him” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 192).

61 creative endeavors, achieved fame and earned a fortune as an art director, interior planner and writer. As Madsen (2009) acknowledges, Chanel’s relationship with Paul Iribe although ardent, was extremely paradoxical. He was aggrieved to Chanel’s fame and wealth, but admired her social success. More specifically, in a detailed narrative to Morand (1976) Chanel claimed that “he criticized [her] for not being simple” and expressed his aversion to her affluent lifestyle (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, p. 210). According to her, he claimed that “if [she] knew how happy [he’d] be with nothing” he could adore and deeply love her. She consequently “…became simple, and reduced her living standard” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, p. 210) in what Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) consider a demonstration of her commitment to accept Paul Iribe into her life. This commitment to accept Paul Iribe into her life caused speculation of a wedding, and also contributed to his involvement with the House of Chanel. More specifically, Chanel assigned plenipotentiary powers to him, and in collaboration with her lawyer he assumed responsibility for the legal proceedings against Pierre Wertheimer. In return, she agreed to finance his political publication, Le Témoin. By advocating this publication, Parker (2013) and Vaughan (2012) suggest that Chanel also espoused the nationalistic principles it supported. More specifically, this publication – of which Paul Iribe was the art director and editor – endorsed French patriotism and was characteristically anti-democracy, anti-fascist and anti- Semitic (Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). Madsen (2009) concludes that this publication, therefore, expunged Chanel’s indifference to politics; and suggests that, fundamentally, she adopted the beliefs and ideas promulgated by Paul Iribe. These beliefs and ideas, Vaughan

(2012) argues, critically influenced Chanel’s future resolutions – even after the abrupt death of 61 Paul Iribe in 1935. Following his death, Chanel displayed inconsistent and often opposing views on her relationship with Paul Iribe. To Morand (1976) she appeared to be aggravated by the dominance he exerted over her, and claimed that “he drained [her], ruined [her] health” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 156); whereas in alternative accounts she suggested that she had an implicit love for him and that following his death, she was discontent. This discontent, Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010) and Vaughan (2012) acknowledge, was exacerbated by the economic and political factors of the time, which by 1936 again endangered the prominence and success of her fashion house.

3.7.5. “In fighting for fashion, as I do…”38 More specifically, the continuing depression – considered by Duhigg (2008) to be the deepest, longest and most widespread economic and financial predicament of the 20th century

38 Chanel, as cited in Madsen (2009, p. 219).

– exposed the fashion industry as a whole. In defense and response to accusations of the fashion industry’s frivolity and relevance, Chanel asserted the importance of the House of Chanel as an economic influence39. In particular, she argued that the House of Chanel conserved certain economic and financial sectors in addition to employing 4 000 members of staff (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013). However, accounts suggest that Chanel was not concerned with the emotional and/or financial needs of her members of staff, and that – although her employment policies were consistent with what was permissible for the time – her employees were not adequately remunerated for their 60-hour week of work40, and were also not awarded any paid vacation throughout the year. These conditions of employment, in addition to the elections of 1936 – which brought a coalition of communists and socialists to power in French politics – contributed to the organized protests of May 1st 1936. Accounts suggest that Chanel was exasperated to find out that her employees participated in the protests, and that they had barred her from entering her own premises for a couple of days (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). Of the event, Chanel declared to Morand (1976) that her employees were paid well, and that in actuality it was a protest “…for love” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 154). More specifically, she contended that her employees were extremely privileged to work for the House of Chanel, and construed the protest as a demand for the intensification of attention from, and contact with her. Vaughan (2012), however, indicates that in actuality Chanel interpreted the protest as an act of betrayal and humiliation. As retribution, Vaughan (2012) suggests, Chanel dismissed all but a few of her 4 000 members of staff with the closing of the House of Chanel in 193941. 62 Picardie (2010) however, argues that it is extremely unlikely that Chanel closed the House of Chanel out of spite – especially considering that her decision to do so was made after the declaration of the Second World War (WWII). Picardie’s (2010) argument is corroborated by Chanel’s claim to Haedrich (1972) that she closed the House of Chanel because all her employees had “someone in uniform – brothers, fathers, husbands” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 186); and that they freely left her premises. Her fashion house, she

39 In corroboration of the economic influence Coco Chanel exerted, it is important to note that after a collection of diamond jewelry – which she created in collaboration with the International Guild of Diamond Merchants – was debuted in 1932, the De Beers stock value increased with 20 points on the London Stock Exchange (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013). 40 Madsen (2009) acknowledges that hours of labor were limited to 10 a day for children and women; and 12 for men only in 1900; and that labor laws instate restrictions on a 6 day week of work only in 1906. Madsen (2009) also concedes that the dictated policy of the time allowed for intensive labor, and that especially in the fashion industry women had no job security. More specifically, they were often employed for the creation of biannual collections and dismissed soon thereafter. 41 The probability of this suggestion is corroborated by a different incident in which Coco Chanel dismissed a seamstress, Marie-Louise Deray, after 10 years of service following her request for a ₣50 raise (Madsen, 2009).

63 contended, ceased production and trade within 2 hours after the declaration of war. Chanel additionally indicated that at the onset of war, she was ambivalent about the attainable commercial success of her couture collections. To Haedrich (1972) she concluded that in consideration of these factors, her only alternative was to close the House of Chanel (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). Madsen (2009) however, notes the inconsistencies of Chanel’s assertions to Haedrich (1972). More specifically, Madsen (2009) proposes that Chanel’s statement that her employees freely left the House of Chanel is contradicted by the fact that her employees became members of the Confédération Générale du Travail –a French labor union – in an attempt to coerce her into continuing production and trade after the closure of her fashion house. Her alleged ambivalence about the attainable commercial success of her couture collections, Madsen (2009) furthermore suggests, is also anomalous considering that she first accomplished success during the time of war. Due to these inconsistencies, then, alternative interpretations imply that the closure of the fashion house was in actuality due to intimate and personal reasons. More specifically, Parker (2013) insinuates that by 1939 Chanel’s intensive and persistent contributions to the continuation of her immense success consumed, and exhausted her. Her exclusive control and power over the fashion industry was also at this time destabilized by the immense success of other couturiers and designers – especially male couturiers and designers such as Andrè Courréges, Christian Dior, Cristòbal Balenciaga, Pierre Balmain, Pierre Cardin and Robert Piguet. Parker (2013) suggests that her inability and/or unwillingness to continue competing for prominence in the fashion industry, accompanied by a number of personal tragedies – especially the deaths of her close friends and lovers – discouraged her from continuing her career as a couturier and fashion icon. 63

3.8. “That period was singularly lacking in dignity – it was a filthy mess.”42 (1940-1954) Although Chanel’s reasons for discontinuing her career as a couturier and fashion icon are debatable, what is definite is that she manipulated the situation to discontinue all existing relations with her brothers, Alphonse Adrien Chanel and Lucien Albert Chanel (although at the time she did not have close relations with them, she did financially support them). More specifically, at the declaration of war Chanel contacted her brothers to inform them that she could no longer afford their monthly stipends due to the closure of her fashion house and her ensuing financial insecurity. In actuality, however, she accumulated immense wealth and continued to earn an income from the Chanel No.5 profits (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). Accordingly, Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) conclude that Chanel’s deception to her family members is expressive of the inconsideration and vindictiveness she displayed at times.

42 Chanel (on the Second World War), as cited in Galante (1973, p. 212).

And yet, Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) emphasize, Chanel appeared to be considerate and empathetic in other relations. As Picardie (2010) further suggests, her alleged involvement with the Abwehr and SS (Schutzstaffel) during the WWII was in actuality evoked by her solicitousness. Chanel’s alleged involvement with Abwehr and SS during WWII, according to Picardie (2010), is the most dramatized era of Chanel’s life. More specifically, it is continuously implied that Chanel was a collaborator of the German Nationalist Party, contemporarily referred to as the Nazis, during their military occupation of France from 1940-1944. Picardie (2010), however, contends that these implications are not corroborated or verified by accessible evidence; and appears to be much more sympathetic of her close relations the German officers during WWII than, for example, Vaughan (2012). More specifically, Picardie (2010) acknowledges that Chanel did establish relations with German officers, and in particular with Hans Günther von Dincklage – a German intelligence officer, who at the time was involved both romantically and sexually with Chanel – but argues that Chanel did not do so in support of Aryan laws. Instead, Picardie (2010) suggests, Chanel did so because in large part she expressed her need to resume her affluent lifestyle despite the declaration of war. Picardie (2010) concedes that Chanel, thus, appeared to be calculating and devious in her close relations with German officers but ascribes her continued affiliation and interaction with them to circumstantial considerations, which was accompanied by her naiveté. Her naiveté, Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) contend, was reflected in her attempts to arrange for nephew’s, André Palasse’s, release from the German military. More specifically, in an account to Charles-Roux (1976), Chanel asserted that she had close relations with Hans Günther von Dincklage “20 years before the war” (Chanel, as cited in 64 Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 198); and according to her she ascertained from him that André Palasse was captured as a prisoner of war by the German military in June 1940 and that he had also contracted tuberculosis (Charles-Roux, 1976). As Hans Günther von Dincklage did not have the capacity to organize her nephew’s release – and in what Picardie (2010) interprets as a reflection of her solicitousness – Chanel developed contacts and close relations with influential, and senior military officers in an attempt to arrange his freedom. More specifically, in what is considered a complex and involved negotiation, Chanel became embroiled with increasingly influential Nazi officers – such as Captain Theodor Momm and Walter Schellenberg, the chief of foreign intelligence – and agreed to exchange information and her services for the freedom of her nephew. As a result, and in what Picardie (2010) considers a catastrophic error of judgment, Chanel became a central figure in the alleged initiation of a peace process between the Allied forces and German military in 1943. This peace process, more specifically, demanded for Chanel to exploit her relations with Winston Churchill – who at that time was elected as the British prime minister – to assure British participation in the amity negotiations between the Allied forces and German military. Although this operation – coded Operation

Modelhut – was aborted before the extensive involvement of Chanel, Picardie (2010) concludes that Chanel endured biased and one-sided accusations of her involvement with Nazism as a result thereof. Vaughan (2012), however, challenges this conclusion and insists that Chanel was not only extremely intelligent and resourceful, but also supportive of Nazism, and also the Aryan laws introduced by the ideology. More specifically, accessible evidence suggests that Chanel attempted to apply the Aryanization laws to her agreement with Pierre Wertheimer (whose ancestral background was distinctly Jewish) and in doing so, accomplish exclusive control and financial rights to Les Parfums Chanel. Vaughan (2012) notes that her legal proceedings against Pierre Wertheimer were extremely intricate – and that although her attempts were futile and she did not accomplish Aryanization of Les Parfums Chanel – this was a demonstration of her support for the fascist ideology, which was distinguished by anti-Semitic and discriminatory principles. Associates and Chanel’s close friends, in this regard, attested to her anti-Semitic attitude and remarks – corroborating that she supported the ideology and its principles (Vaughan, 2012). Yet, in alternative accounts – Picardie (2010) argues – there is evidence that both Chanel and her lover at the time, Hans Günther von Dincklage were opposed to the political regime. Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) accordingly conclude that Chanel’s alleged involvement with Abwehr and SS during WWII is both abstruse and debatable. Yet, Vaughan (2012) accesses available data and evidence to delineate a convincing and definitive review of the extent and nature of Chanel’s involvement with the political regime. The extent and nature of her involvement, Vaughan (2012) contends, is reflected in documentation from the épuration sauvage, which clearly indicates that Chanel was an agent employed by the political regime. 65 The épuration sauvage, which was introduced after France’s liberation from occupation in 1944, was a legal process in which collaborators of the Nazi regime were apprehended and appropriately convicted. Chanel herself was apprehended and questioned in Paris by the Forces Françaises de l’Intériur, but was not convicted, and released soon thereafter. Although there is continuing speculation that her release was due to an intercession by Winston Churchill (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012), Vaughan (2012) alternatively suggests that her release was due to the classification of documentation – especially documentation which related to espionage and intelligence procedures – following the end of the war in 1944 and that her testimony, therefore, could not be confirmed or denied despite the apparent inconsistencies between her testimony and that of Theodor Momm and Walter Schellenberg. Although Chanel denied her affiliation and/or collaboration with the Nazi regime, Vaughan (2012) asserts that her admittance of guilt is reflected in her elected exile of 15 years. More specifically, Chanel fled to Lausanne, Switzerland following her release from the Forces Françaises de l’Intériur; and, according to Vaughan (2012), bought the silence of those who had intimate knowledge of affiliation and collaboration with the Nazi regime.

3.9. “I don’t do fashion, I am fashion.”43 (1954-1971) As Picardie (2010) explains, Chanel’s exile of 15 years, in addition to the closure of her fashion house in 1939, contributed to the continuing decline of her prominence in the fashion industry. The consequent fear of irrelevance, it is reported, caused Chanel to consider a return to the industry; and by 1950 – following the closure of Elsa Schiaparelli’s fashion house – reports of Chanel’s possible return surfaced. Pierre Wertheimer responded to these reports by approaching Chanel with the proposition to finance her endeavor to again claim control and power of the fashion industry on condition that she assisted Les Parfums Chanel with the development and marketing of new perfumes. More specifically, with the continuing decline of Chanel’s prominence in the fashion industry, Les Parfums Chanel sales also continued to decline, and as a result Pierre Wertheimer feared the closure of this Chanel corporate division. In addition to agreeing to capitalize her couture collections, he also ceded to Chanel what she desired the most in her decades of legal proceedings against him – a claim to the global profits of Chanel No.5. Chanel was awarded 2% of the global, as opposed to 10% of the French, gross profits and consequently debuted her first collection of clothing since the closure of the House of Chanel on February 5th 1954 (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Her debut, however, was devastating. As Bellafante (1998) explains, the designs and silhouettes she introduced resembled the designs and effortless silhouettes she created and designed before WWII. As especially the British and French fashion industries, expected an innovative and progressive collection of clothing consistent with the current trends of cinched and constructed designs and silhouettes, Chanel’s debut was considered to be dated and obsolete. Her failure to impress the fashion industry cost Pierre Wertheimer ₣ 35 million (in consideration of exchange and inflation rates this approximately equates to R 9.6 million in 66 2014). His continued financial loss with the capitalization of Chanel’s couture collection contributed to his decision to buy her out from the House of Chanel; and on May 24th 1954 Chanel ceded to Pierre Wertheimer control of the House of Chanel. More specifically, she agreed to cede to Les Parfums Chanel, control and ownership of Chanel Couture, her estate holdings in her Rue Cambon premises, as well as her interests in the industries of publishing and textiles. In return, Les Parfums Chanel agreed to assume responsibility for all her expenditure – both personal and professional – and allowed for Chanel to control her couture collections, and keep her perfume profits (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). This agreement appeared to benefit both Chanel and Pierre Wertheimer; and by 1958, with her continued persistence to create clothing that allowed for freedom of movement, Chanel’s popularity and success ameliorated especially within the American fashion industry. She continued to create and design biannual collections; and as (Madsen, 2009) notes, an interest

43 Chanel, as cited in De Fabianis (2010, p. 8).

67 in her clothing and designs continued to grow with celebrated personalities of the time (such as Elizabeth Taylor, Grace Kelly, Jackie Kennedy, Jane Fonda and Jeanne Moreau) as loyal patrons. With her continued success, Chanel established her influence and prominence within the fashion industry for a second time, and by 1968 the Chanel corporate employed 400 people (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). With her continued success, however, there was also a continued fascination with Chanel and her sexuality. More specifically, there were accusations that she enjoyed intimate relationships with her models and there was also in particular reference to her alleged romantic and sexual involvement with her model, Marie-Helene Arnaud. Chanel, however, denied these suggestions and dismissively stated that “Yes, [her] girls are pretty, and that’s why they do this job. If they had any brains they’d stop doing it” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 303). And yet, Parker (2013) notes there was also continued speculation that she was engaged in a relationship with François Mironnet during the time that rumors of her alleged homosexuality surfaced. François Mironnet was 30 years younger than Chanel, and although he was employed as a servant, accounts suggest that he was also her close companion and confidante. Their relationship was so close and intimate – Chanel’s assistant and close friend, Lilou Marquand Grumbach (as cited in Vaughan, 2012) asserts – that Chanel at one time extended a marriage proposal to François Mironnet. Vaughan (2012) concludes that this close and intimate relationship was the last momentous relationship of Chanel’s life. Indeed, Chanel was entering into her final years. As such, Chaney (2011) acknowledges, Chanel became increasingly introspective and reflective of her own history. More specifically, at the age of 83 years Chanel expressed her increasing loneliness as a result of the life she lived.

In an interview, particularly, she stated that “[she] will surprise you perhaps, but all things told, 67 [she] think[s] that if a woman wants to be happy, it’s best for her to adhere to conventional morality. Otherwise…she pays the dreadful price of loneliness. There’s nothing worse for a woman…it destroys her” (Chanel, as cited in Vaughn, 2012, p. 198). Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010) and Vaughan (2012) accordingly conclude that if Chanel’s choice of a life, which did not adhere to – and in actuality protested – conventional morality, contributed to her increasing loneliness (she did not have children or direct heirs, and did not marry) her consequent destruction manifested itself in her continued drug use and noctambulism. Her death occurred on January 10th 1971. At the age of 88 she left in her wake not only the Chanel corporate – which at the time was estimated to be to the value of $54 million44 – but also a continued fascination with her and her legacy (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Her legacy, Young (2007) concludes, combined the advancement of femininity with the

44 In consideration of exchange and inflation rates, this amount is equivalent to approximately R 3.5 billion in 2014. As Coco Chanel did not have any children or direct heirs, the fortune was bequeathed to the Chanel corporate, which at time was controlled and owned by Pierre Wertheimer (Vaughan, 2012).

68 crucial importance of identity in the creation and fashioning of the self, and the relationship of power to style.

3.10. Chapter summary This chapter considered Chanel’s entire life narrative – extending from her birth on August 19th 1883, to her death on January 10th 1971 – by examining and reviewing available biographical information. This examination and review acknowledged any cultural, political and social factors and/or influences on her life narrative; and delineated and emphasized the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguished her life. This was achieved by an analysis of her critical early experiences, her inter- and intrapersonal relationships, as well as her commercial and social success. In order to self-consciously and systematically generate a deep and meaningful understanding of her life narrative, the next section will delineate and review the psychological theory within which Chanel’s life will be explored. This section will also critically evaluate the suitability and value of the exploratory framework to this psychobiographical research study.

4. CHAPTER 4 APPLIED CONCEPTS AND THEORY: THE OBJECT RELATIONS THEORY OF WINNICOTT

4.1. Chapter preview The aim of this research study is to consider and explore the identity and personality of the selected subject. Here, identity and personality refers to the set of attributes and characteristics that contribute to distinct and individual behaviors, cognitions, motivations and responses across situations, and over time (Mitchell & Ziegler, 2007; Ryckman, 2008). As contended, the concepts and constructs of identity and personality – however – are contested and disputed within the field of personality psychology (Mitchell & Ziegler, 2007; Passer & Smith, 2001). This is because there is definite definition of identity and personality in each orientation, or paradigm of personality psychology. This is accompanied by assumptions about the development, emergence, and expression of identity and personality, and the inferences made about these (Ryckman, 2008). The assumptions, concepts, and constructs of identity and personality, in this study, are considered from an orientation, or paradigm that is psychoanalytically situated. Careful consideration is given to a collective set of psychoanalytic theories that describe the development of personality by concentrating on critical early experiences and, more specifically, development that occurs between the ages of 0-24 months (Summers, 1994). This collective set of theories is also known as object relations theories; and includes the works of Fairbairn (1949), Guntrip (1961, 1971), Kernberg (1972, 1976), Klein (1926, 1946, 1957), Kohut (1966, 1971), and Winnicott (1947,

1950, 1951, 1952, 1954, 1956, 1958, 1960a, 1960b, 1962, 1963a, 1963b, 1963c, 1964, 1965a, 69 1965b, 1971, 1975, 1986). The contributions of Winnicott (1947, 1950, 1951, 1952, 1954, 1956, 1958, 1960a, 1960b, 1962, 1963a, 1963b, 1963c, 1964, 1965a, 1965b, 1971, 1975, 1986) are employed as a framework in that it is especially fitting and relevant to this study. Accordingly, this chapter introduces Winnicott’s work by: (a) briefly considering the contributions and development of object relations theories, and how Winnicott’s work contributed to the development of psychoanalytic theory; (b) briefly delineating his developmental model and theory; (c) discussing his model of psychopathology, as the framework particularly relevant to this research study; and, (d) evaluating the selection of his theory, and the implications and relevance of this to this research study.

4.2. An introduction to object relations theories As acknowledged by McWilliams (2011), any approach or orientation that is psychoanalytically situated, is categorically considered a development to drive theory (Freud, 1905, 1910, 1914, 1915a, 1915b, 1917, 1920, 1923, 1926, 1931, 1957, 1960, 1969), or the

70 refinement and/or repudiation thereof. Constitutive of the development to this theory (Abram, 2012a; 2012b Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983; Summers, 2013), it is explored how object relations theories: (a) aspire to displace drive theory with interpersonal and relational theory; and, in doing so, (b) further progress psychoanalytic theory. To articulate the aspects of drive theory that are displaced with interpersonal and relational theory, the features of Freud’s theory are introduced and presented in this section. This is not a comprehensive discussion of Freud’s theory (1905, 1915a, 1915b, 1920, 1923, 1931), but a discussion of the features of the theory that are opposed by relational theory. The focus, as such, is on the biological components of his theory – as challenged by relational theory (Brandell, 2010; McWilliams, 2011) – while other components are omitted from this review. This is followed by an introduction to object relations theories, and the object relationists’ response to his theory; and then to the object relations theory of Winnicott.

4.2.1. A brief discussion of drive theory As a biologically derived model of personality, Freud’s theory (1905, 1915a, 1915b, 1920, 1923, 1931) aligns biological drives and instinctual processes to the development, emergence and expression of personality. These biological drives and instincts are located physiologically, but are experienced (psychologically) as states of tension or “unpleasure” (Freud, 1905, 1915a) that form an individual’s motivations. Here, the (a) aggressive drive, and (b) instinct for life, collectively contribute to his dual instinct theory. As these drives – and the instinctual needs that result from them – are located physiologically, they have to be physiologically satisfied. This further relieves any resulting states of tension (Freud, 1905, 1915a). 70 Consider as an example, the instinctual need for sex (Freud, as cited in Brandell, 2010): (a) in accordance with biological processes at the source, the body experiences an instinctual need originating from the reproductive and sexual system: and, this (b) leads to a mental state of tension; that, (c) can only be physiologically relieved. This comprises the “discharge” of the drive, meaning that “pleasure” or relief results from this and/or that there is a reduction in “unpleasure.” From this follows the organization of personality to psychosexual stages (Freud, 1905, 1923, 1957, 1960), each with: (a) an instinctual need that is physiologically situated; and, (b) the need for physiological “pleasure” or relief from resulting states of tension. For there to be a discharge of drives, however, an interpersonal interaction is necessary with the other person – that is, the “drive object” that relieves states of tension (Freud, 1915a). For Freud (1957, 1969), it is important that this pattern of relief is satisfactory – both the deprivation and/or excessive gratification of an instinct lead to pathology, such as: (a) arrests in development and/or emotional maturity; (b) conflicts; and/or, (c) developmental fixation, which is emphasized by his theory (McWilliams, 2011).

However, if the pattern of relief is successful, the discharge of a drive – and the displacement thereof onto the object – is represented as a “wish.” The implication of this is that interpersonal interactions are “derivatives” of drives (Freud, 1915a), and the desire to have these drives gratified by the other person (that is, the wish). Although these drives motivate relationships, in that the individual is pressed by these, it is theorized that: (a) the drives’ intensity are linked to the physiological processes at their source, and are less or more pressing in relation to this (Freud, 1915a); and, (b) that the gratification of these are limited by obstacles in reality and the social world. This further imposes onto the individual’s personality, the psyche’s structure. In delineating the psyche’s structure it is theorized that: (a) that it comprises of the “ego” (this functions as the mediating part of the psyche’s structure, between the id and superego), “id” (instinctual needs and processes) and “superego” (the internalization of moral objections and/or values); and, (b) that there is a conscious, preconscious and unconscious. There is also a dynamism resulting between these structures (Freud, 1915a, 1915b; 1920; 1923). The implication of this is that states of tension are not the between the conscious and unconscious – but between the constituents of the ego, id, and superego that are unconscious (Freud, as cited in Summers, 1994). In satisfying states of tension, then, the conscious constituent of the ego emerges in negotiating: (a) instinctual needs and processes; and, (b) obstacles in reality and the social world. Although this implies that: (a) as aspired to by the ego and as a constituent of the superego (Chasseguet-Smirgel, 1985), the ego-ideal (that, is the image of the perfect self) and, (b) the id are related to successfully; the focus is on the instinctual processes and how these are related to and/or satisfied. The focus is not on relating to the social world (Brandell, 2010). 71

4.2.2. The contributions and development of object relations theories It is argued by interpersonal and relational theories, that because of this, drive theory is deficient in describing the development, emergence and expression of an individual’s personality (Brandell, 2010; McWilliams, 2011). This is because it is contended that its focus on instinctual processes, and the implication that all interpersonal relating results from these states of tensions: (a) assumes that the development, emergence and expression of an individual’s personality can be reduced to states of tension; and, (b) diminishes the fundamental need for, and importance of interpersonal relationships because others are reduced to the role in the satisfaction of states of tension. From an interpersonal and relational view, this means that it neglects: (a) communication and a desire for interpersonal relationships as fundamental to the human state, because these are considered derivatives of drives; (b) experiences – as interpersonally and relationally situated – as having an impact on personality (Brandell, 2010; McWilliams, 2011; Palombo, Bendicsen & Koch, 2009; Summers, 2014).

These concerns are directly responded to by interpersonal and relational theories (Brandell, 2010; McWilliams, 2011; Summers, 2014). The focus of these interpersonal and relational theories, thus, are on the importance of interpersonal relationships suggesting that there is a fundamental need for relatedness, and that this motivates relationships (as opposed to the relief of states of tension). This is further supported by attachment (e.g., Bowlby, 1969, 1973, 1975), ethological, and infant (e.g., Lichtenberg, 1983; Mitchell, 1988; Stern, 2005) research and theory; with clinical evidence supporting that: (a) there is a desire for interpersonal relationships, and the maintenance of these; and, that (b) the experiences of others are innately related to, and that this is fundamental to interactions that are meaningful in a psychological way (Brandell, 2010; Palombo et al., 2009). The implication of this – from an interpersonal and relational view – is that all behaviours, motivations and responses result from this desire for interpersonal relationships and relatedness. This also means that any pathology is viewed – not as arrests in development, conflicts and/or developmental fixations (as with drive theory) – but as a need for relatedness (Brandell, 2010; Palombo et al., 2009). Elaborating on this need for relatedness, object relations theories theorize that the emergence and expression of an individual’s personality is the result of early experiences of interpersonal relationships, and the internal psychological representation of these (Palombo et al., 2009). These internal psychological representations are, thus: (a) dependent on the early experiences of interpersonal relationships – that is, the nature and/or quality of these; in that (b) this is fundamental to how “objects” (that is, others) are psychologically represented, and – in parallel to these – to psychological representations of the self. This, then, introduces “object- relatedness” and/or “object-relationships” because it is theorized that others are not “drive 72 objects” onto which there is a displacement of drives in order to relieve states of tensions (as with drive theory) – but that as “objects” they are related to, and sought. This also means that from an object relations view, the ego exists only in far that it has an object to relate to and seek (Brandell, 2010; Goldstein, 2010; McWilliams, 2011; Palombo et al., 2009; Summers, 1994, 2014). In explaining the importance of this object-relatedness it is suggested that if early interactions with objects are not positive and satisfactory, these become “bad objects” with hate imbued in the psychological representations of these. However, if early interactions with objects are positive and satisfactory, these become “good objects” imbued with love – and are psychologically represented as such. These form the primitive representations. It is important that these are integrated successfully as these also inform representations of the self. Where there is an integration of these object representations: (a) they are not “all-bad” nor “all-good,” but allow for an ambivalence that is developmentally necessary; and, (b) there is a constancy of object representations in that they are stable, as distinguished from representations of the self (Palombo et al., 2009; Summers, 2014).

The degree to which this integration occurs successfully, impacts on how an individual interacts with others, the self, and the social world with patterns of relating resulting from this (Palombo et al., 2009; Summers, 2014). With an emphasis on the experiences with objects, this encourages a focus on “object-representations” and representations of the self. This has been explored further by theorists such as Hartmann (1964), Hartmann, Kris, and Loewenstein (1964), and Jacobson (1964), and has further led to psychology of the self [e.g., Kohut (1971)] as an outgrowth of relational theory.

4.2.3. An introduction to the object relations theory of Winnicott The contributions and development of object relations theories were discussed and introduced in the previous section. From this it was explored how, for object relations theorists, the expression of an individual’s personality is the result of early experiences of interpersonal relationships, and the internal psychological representation of these (Palombo et al., 2009). Although this introduced object relations theories, it is noted that these are a set of theories. This means that object relations theories are all differentiated by an emphasis on individual, and occasionally opposing, principles – with the implication that they are not integrative (Gomez, 1997; McWilliams, 2011; Scharff, 2005; Summers, 1994). As such, the assumptions, concepts, constructs of the dominant exploratory framework – that is, the object relations theory of Winnicott (1960a, 1960b, 1964, 1965a, 1965b, 1971, 1986) – are introduced in the next section. As is consistent with object relations theories, Winnicott (1960a) diverges from drive theory by emphasizing the importance of object relationships and, especially initial object relationships (that is, the parent-particular relationship). His focus on these initial object relationships, introduces: (a) development and growth as an inherited 73 potential and tendency – that is, the maturational processes; and, (b) the environment – and, more specifically, an environment that is facilitating of these maturational processes as having an impact on the individual’s personality (McWilliams, 2011; Scharff, 2005; Summers, 2013). The implication of this is that: (a) if the environment and initial object relationships are satisfactory, this facilitates the maturational processes; and, (b) if the environment and initial object relationships are not satisfactory, this impinges on the maturational processes (Winnicott, 1960a). Although this is comparable to drive theory’s ‘arrests,’ ‘conflicts,’ and/or ‘fixation’ at a maturational stage, and the conceptualization of these in development and emergence of psychopathology, Winnicott’s delineation differs in a significant way. This is because he does not emphasize and/or focus on psychopathology, but on the facilitation of the maturational processes. The implication of this is that – as an inherited potential and tendency – the maturational processes: (a) cannot be altered or changed; but, (b) can be facilitated or impinged on (McWilliams, 2011; Summers, 2014).

In this regard there is an acknowledgement and appreciation of the individual’s life path and/or trajectory (Summers, 2013), with an emphasis on the environment-individual matrix (Abram, 2012a, 2012b). As suggested by Summers (2013), this development to psychoanalytic theory is especially important. It is also especially fitting and relevant to this study. This is because both the object relations theory of Winnicott (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2000; Frogett & Trusman, 2014; Hollway & Jefferson, 2000), and psychobiographical research (Miles et al., 2014; Stroud, 2004): (a) acknowledge the context and definite setting of the subject; (b) encourage the identification of individualized pattern and process over time; and, (c) explore the personal reality of the subject. Furthermore, in doing so, both the object relations theory of Winnicott (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2000; Frogett & Trusman, 2014; Green, 1978; Summers, 2014) and psychobiographical research (Anderson, 1981a, 1981b; Elms, 1994) adopt an approach that is empathic to the subject, and that encourages the exploration of the personal reality of the subject and the extrapolations that result from this. In this regard, Winnicott’s contributions are especially relevant. This is because these cover the description and exploration of the formation of the identity and personality of the subject, and the implications that this had for her later in life. In this regard, Bonaminio (2012) suggests that the suitability of Winnicott’s work is in its application to adult analysis – encouraging and facilitating a psychological reading of the subject. To contextualize this further, however, it is important to keep in mind that Winnicott’s work can be delineated into: (a) a developmental model and theory; and, (b) following from this, a model of psychopathology (Bonaminio, 2012; Summers, 2014). As his developmental model and theory focuses on infancy, it is not the interest of this particular psychobiographical 74 research. This is because: (a) the available information on this life stage of the subject is limited and cannot be validated; and, (b) the concern is with the embodied experiences of the subject, and not on schematizing it theoretically. To this end an examination of her functioning in later life stages: (a) encourages inferences about her maturation in previous stages (Bonaminio, 2012; Rodman, 2004; Winnicott, 1965b, 1971); and, (b) from this, interpretations about her specificity (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2000; Frogett & Trusman, 2014; Green, 1978). Here, his model of psychopathology is specifically valuable in: (a) exploring the extent to which maturation was successful; and, (b) the impact of this on the personality, or ‘self’ of the subject. As he aligns his developmental model to the model of psychopathology, however, it is important that this also presented in this section. In the delineation of his models and theory – however – it is important to keep in mind that his object relations theory emerged gradually over time, and was not presented as a whole (Rodman, 2004). With the objective of organizing and presenting it systematically, reference is made to secondary texts at times.

4.3. The object relations theory of Winnicott As acknowledged in the previous section, Winnicott (1960a) conceptualizes the expression of an individual’s personality as the result of initial object relationships and the psychological representation of these. Emphasizing the nature of the parent-particular relationship, specifically, he suggests that the infant is “part of a relationship” (Winnicott, 1952, p. 99). That is, the infant-m/other relationship (where m/other refers to the mother, or mother representative). This is a dyadic relationship, in that the growth of the infant is influenced by maternal provision. This is because it enables and facilitates the growth of the infant if it is satisfactory; or impinges on this if it is not satisfactory (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). However, the growth of the infant is also an “inherited potential” – meaning that it is a natural tendency (Winnicott, 1960a). The implication of this is that the infant’s inherited potential is not located in maternal provision, but is influenced by the nature of this provision (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1965). In exploring this further, the growth of the infant is parallel to: (a) the development of a differentiated self – that is, an identity that has individuated and separated so that it and is distinct from the m/other (Winnicott, 1965a, 1965b, 1975; Winnicott, as cited in Caldwell & Joyce, 2011; Winnicott, as cited in Fast, 2013); and, (b) the environmental provisions, from which he or she grows increasingly independent. Here, the differentiated self is theorized by Winnicott (1965b, 1975) to be an evocative intrapsychic structure that allows an individual to interact with, integrate, and relate to: (a) the domains of inner and outer reality; (b) the objective and subjective; and, (c) the other and self.

This is achieved by accomplishing developmental tasks (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1964, 75 1965b, 1970) in advancing from the capacities of dependence to independence. The degree of dependence is directly related to the stage of ego integration in that, succeeding from: (a) absolute dependence; to (b) relative dependence; and, (c) towards independence – and, “…in parallel, the journey of the infant from the pleasure principle to the principle of reality” (Winnicott, 1960a, p. 589) – there is a movement from: (a) a self-structure that is “unintegrated”; to, (b) a developing or “emerging” self-structure (in that there is not an integrated self, but the self-structure is also not “unintegrated”); and, (c) to an integrated self structure.

4.3.1. The developmental stages in summary For Winnicott (1960a, 1960b, 1964, 1965b, 1970) the accomplishment of developmental tasks, and the advancement from the capacities of dependence to independence is inherent to the maturational processes and stages. These are briefly reviewed in this section. Here, the delineation is not of a particular stage – but of the maturational processes over stages. This is because the focus of this particular study is not on Winnicott’s developmental

76 model and schematizing these theoretically (as explained previously in section 4.2.3). As such, these are presented in summary by: (a) considering the dyadic relationship and shifts in this; and, (b) discussing ego formation and integration over stages as fundamental to his theory. For a more comprehensive overview and presentation, the reader is referred to Appendix C.

4.3.1.1. The dyadic relationship In absolute dependence the environment-infant interaction is marked by dependence on the m/other, and the maternal relationship – that is, the dyadic relationship (Winnicott, 1960a, 1964, 1965b). This is because the environment – that facilitates the growth of the infant – is fixed initially in the maternal relationship. Winnicott (1960a, p. 589) elucidates the importance of the maternal relationship by stating that “…human infants cannot start to be” in the absence of certain conditions. As these conditions – either favorable or not – are indistinguishably and inextricably located in the maternal relationship, “infants come into being differently” (Winnicott, 1960a, p. 589) according to the characteristics and features of the maternal relationship. The features of the maternal relationship, at this stage, are distinguished by “maternal preoccupation.” Maternal preoccupation refers to the attitude of the caregiver of the infant (that is, the m/other) and her natural, primary role in acknowledging, adapting, and appropriately responding to the dependence of the infant on her to gratify her or his impulses and needs (Winnicott, 1960a). The m/other does so by assuming the functions of both an “environmental mother,” and an “object-mother” (Winnicott, 1963b, as cited in Summers, 1994). As an environmental m/other, she sets the context for development and growth by providing safety and support. As an object m/other, respectively, she empathically identifies with and orientates 76 towards the infant; and gratifies the infant’s impulses and needs that are physiologically and psychologically situated by offering an object to be used (Winnicott, as cited in Leckman, Feldman, Swain, & Mayes, 2007). As an example, the m/other affords a bottle or breast to feed the hungry infant, or comforts her or him when distressed. Characterizing the dyadic relationship at the stage succeeding this is a decrease in maternal preoccupation in that the m/other reasserts and resumes her separateness. There is a delay in the gratification of the infant’s needs (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b), denoting that the maternal relationship shifts to a dissatisfaction state (following from its fusion state, as with maternal preoccupation). This dissatisfaction is necessary, from a view that is Winnicottian, in the emotional growth of the infant as it impacts on her or his interaction with inner and outer reality, the objective and subjective, and the other and self. As the development and growth of the infant is located in the maternal relationship, there is a gradual recognition of her separate her separateness as she becomes less maternally preoccupied, or him (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). Following this gradual recognition of separateness, the infant moves to a stage in which he or she becomes increasingly independent

77 from the m/other and – in doing so – develops intellectual understanding, engages socially, and is involved in society (Winnicott, 1964, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004).

4.3.1.2. Ego formation and integration In the previous section it was considered how dyadic relationship shifts over time. As ego formation and integration is parallel to this relationship, this section summarizes: (a) the awareness of inner and outer reality, and changes in this over stages; (b) the domains of the objective and subjective, and shifts in this over stages; and, (c) the domains of the other and self.

4.3.1.2.1. Awareness of inner and outer reality In absolute dependence there is an attempt to “deal with inner reality” (Winnicott, 1958, p. 130). This is characterized by the experiences of the infant (that is, instinctual states of tension), and an experience of gratifying objects offered in response to these. However, as the infant does not have a perception of reality and/or how he or she relates to it, these objects are perceived and related to subjectively. There is an anticipation of discovering and/or finding a gratifying object in outer reality because of her or his gestures, impulses and/or needs (e.g., when he or she cries from hunger, and object is “offered”). In discovering and/or finding this object in outer reality (e.g., the bottle or breast), he/she “begins to believe in an external reality” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 71) as facilitated by the m/other (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1965b). This is because the hallucination that needs bring an object with them is made “real.” This hallucination means that there is a sense of control, effectiveness and impact (e.g., that he or she controls the m/other with her or 77 his needs) also known and/or referred to as “infantile narcissism” and/or “infantile omnipotence” (Winnicott, 1931, 1953, 1964, 1965b, 1975). This infantile narcissism and/or omnipotence suggests, then, that there is no awareness of inner and outer reality and/or a separation between these (Winnicott, as cited in Spelman & Thomson-Salo, 2015). This awareness begins with the establishment of object relationships. The establishment of object relationships supposes that he or she discerns “external objects” from her or his illusion omnipotence, and as separate from her or his subjectivity so that he or she can engage and relate to these successfully (Winnicott, 1960a, 1963, 1965b). Disillusionment is a gradual and necessary process for this to be successful, in that elements inherent to the illusion of omnipotence are renounced for elements in favor of objective reality (Winnicott, 1948). The implication of this is that outer reality is related to as separate from “fantasy, inner reality and self” (Winnicott, 1988, p. 52 as in Abram, 2004), and the infant’s “I” also includes “everything else [that] is not me” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 61). Here, dissatisfaction encourages a shift from where – in the gratification of the impulses of the infant and/or her or his needs, and the object-presenting that results from this – there is

“little to locate the object (in outer reality)” to where “the object, as it were, is in the way” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 76). Dissatisfaction evokes frustration, and this frustration helps to locate the object in outer reality in that the infant no longer has omnipotent power over it – making object-relating possible (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b).

4.3.1.2.2. Domains of the objective and subjective In absolute dependence the domains of the objective and subjective, are formed by the hallucination of the infant that her or his gestures, impulses, and/or needs bring with them a gratifying objects, because these are responded to (Winnicott, 1960a; 1960b; 1964; 1965b). This is facilitated by the m/other who repeatedly responds to her or him, with the first object relationships resulting from this. These first object relationships supposes for the infant an illusion of omnipotence – and that these objects are related to subjectively – with the paradox that they are not a projection, but that they are related to as such (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This infantile narcissism and/or omnipotence suggests, then, that there is no individuation from the objective and subjective and/or a separation from these (Winnicott, as cited in Spelman & Thomson-Salo, 2015). To differentiate and engage with the objective and subjective, the infant negotiates a space that is transitional (Winnicott, 1951). This is an area of experience that functions as an intermediate space between: (a) “absolute fantasy” (as inherent to the illusion of omnipotence); and, (b) “objective reality” (Winnicott, 1951; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 1999), in that it is not fantasy or objective reality – but a potential resting space between these. This further introduces objects that are transitional, such as a blanket or soft toy in that these are treated the m/other but are also recognized as being separate to her (Winnicott, 1965b). 78 That is, it connects fantasy and objective reality but also separates these (Winnicott, 1953) in the developmental journey of the infant in which illusion, objects, and symbols are used (Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008). For this developmental journey to be successful, differentiation between “external” objects – that is, objects that are objectively perceived – and “internal” objects – that is, objects that are perceived subjectively – must be successful (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008). This is facilitated by the gradual recognition of separateness between the objective and subjective, and the other and self (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004) – for which dissatisfaction of needs are necessary. This dissatisfaction introduces the principle of reality in that there is a shift from the apperception of the objective and subjective, to where the objective is perceived and related to separately from the subjective (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b). This encourages the infant to relate in such a way, that he or she is aware of the environment and her or his interaction, integration, and relation to it; and, that he or she can be genuine, real, and spontaneous without objects in outer reality (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004).

4.3.1.2.3. Domains of other and self In absolute dependence, there is no differentiation or integration of self so the infant has no “me.” Feelings impulses and/or needs, and states of tension cannot be held or integrated as parts of the self (Winnicott, 1945, 1962). Instead, all that exists for the infant is the dyadic relationship and, accordingly, her or his ego is embedded in the maternal relationship (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This implies that the infant is “merged with the m/other” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 74) in that the m/other is a projection that is not separate; and that the infant is in a state of “unintegration” (Winnicott, 1966, p. 113 in Winnicott, Sheperd, & Davis, 1992). To differentiate and individuate from the m/other, and have an increasingly organized self there must be the recognition of her separateness (Winnicott, 1962, 1963a; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). This is facilitated in the following stage by the decrease in maternal preoccupation. This is because, as there is a decrease in maternal preoccupation, there is also a delay in the gratification of the infant’s needs resulting in: (a) an awareness of her as the gratifying object; and, related to this (b) an awareness of the conscious need for her in the gratification of needs (Winnicott, 1975, 1986). Although anxiety may be experienced as a result of this, it is critical to the gradual integration of self (Winnicott, 1963). Here, the gradual integration moves to personal relating and/or personal wholeness. Contributing to the infant’s personal relating to self and/or personal wholeness, is the degree to which her or his emerging self is supported and validated (Winnicott, 1962, 1971). “[W]hen I look I am seen, and so I exist” (Winnicott, 1971, p. 114). This means that mirroring, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1971) engages the infant’s spontaneity and subjectivity – but also, forms a parental vision (Summers, 2013). The nature of this parental vision, for Winnicott (1965a, 1971), depends on the effectiveness of 79 mirroring as a process – but is, importantly, integrated into the self-structure. If distorted mirroring occurs, there is a failure in the maternal response – that is, she does not connect with the infant’s spontaneity and subjectivity, and/or does not display empathy in engaging with the infant – so the infant does not see her- or himself, but the m/other (Winnicott, 1967). The implication of this, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1967, pp. 2-3), is that: (a) there is an “atrophy” of gestural spontaneity, in that the infant learns other ways of “getting something” of her- or himself in the maternal response (e.g., by becoming aggressive, endangering her- or himself, and/or becoming ill the infant engages the m/other, who is not engaged in other ways); and/or (b) the infant’s needs “must be withdrawn” because the m/other’s needs become more significant. That is, the infant’s self is not supported and validated – but is instead met with a disproving, disregarding, and/or invalidating parental vision in that he or she is dominated in the expression of self, and/or the expectations of the m/other are internalized (Winnicott, 1960a, 1967; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013). The potential risk of this, from a view that is Winnicottian (1967), is that infant cannot locate – as part of the self – her or his spontaneity and subjectivity.

That is, he or she does not develop an increasingly integrated self as in the stage of towards independence (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b). This increasingly integrated self supposes that, with the introduction of the principle of reality, the infant learns that the other and self are separate; and, that the needs of the other must be prioritized at times. It is important for the infant, in this regard, to genuinely relate to others in a real and spontaneous way (Winnicott, 1950). However, for the infant to relate in this way he or she must also have the experience of a genuine and real self that can be spontaneous – that is, of a self that is true. This authentic self supposes that the adaptation to the infant’s needs has been satisfactory, and that embedded in the internalized maternal response is an experience of being held, safe, and supported so that there is expression of self (Winnicott, 1950, 1958). That is, he or she comes into being and/or into existence because there is a continuity of experiences in the expression of the self. If this continuity does not exist, he or she is dominated in the expression of self in that impingements have to be reacted and responded to. That is, because the environment is not holding, safe, and supportive the formation of an integrated self is not successful. He or she exists from a false self, with isolation and loneliness resulting from this (Winnicott, 1971).

4.3.2. Development, and the development of psychopathology In accounting for the authentic and false selves, it is theorized (Winnicott, 1960b, 1971; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014) that achieving an authentic self supposes a capability for creative living in that there is a sense of feeling alive, feeling real, and feeling in touch with the world. As considered in the previous section, to achieve an authentic self it is critical that the environment is facilitating. This encourages the infant to live from the “inside out” 80 (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013, p. 192). That is, the infant learns to rely on her or his feelings, impulses and/or needs – and, more specifically – affects, and excitement states to guide her or his life path and/or trajectory, and maturational processes. This, then, allows the infant to make use of her or his affects, and excitement states in relating successfully to others – he or she is able to, in the absence of anxiety and/or conflict, have full relationships that are satisfactory and that are characterized and/or distinguished by healthy affection, aggression, and erotism (Winnicott, 1960b). However, if the capability for creative living is impinged on in some way, defenses result. The self becomes split, and in order to protect “the kernel” there is a focus on the “shell” (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013, p. 42). That is, there is an emergence of a false self. The outcome of this is relative to the degree of the impingement, but could result in (a) clinical states or syndromes, and/or (b) impermanent manifestations (Winnicott, 1963). As noted by Summers (1994, 2014) Winnicott did not present a specific system of these. As such, it is not clear why certain impingements lead to clinical states or syndromes as more fixed and permanent states, and others to impermanent manifestations that are transient. However, he

81 conceptualized the effects of impingements sufficiently so that a theory of these, and their causes can be discerned from his work (Summers, 1994, 2014). This is discussed in the following sections.

4.3.2.1. The development of psychopathology in the stage of absolute dependence Environmental failures and/or impingements at this particular stage affect the most basic psychological structures, potentially resulting in the most disabling forms of psychopathology Winnicott (1952). These impingements are also referred to as “privation.” As defined by Winnicott (1956a, 1984), “privation” refers not only to the absence of an experience that is “good,” but also to the “non-experience” thereof – that is, not having impulses and/or needs responded to in any way. It is differentiated from “deprivation” – as pertaining to the stage of relative dependence – as this implies that there was some experience that was “good” but that this has been interrupted, or withdrawn. As explained by Winnicott (1956a, p. 124) “there has been a loss of something good that has been positive in a child’s experience up to a certain date and that has been withdrawn” whereas with “privation” such an experience is lacking as a result of environmental provision that is not satisfactory. As environmental provision is not satisfactory, the child cannot focus on “going on being” and the continuity of her or his existence is interrupted (Winnicott, 1960a). Furthermore, this interruption means that there is an assault on the infantile illusion omnipotence (Winnicott, 1960a). Such an assault disrupts the illusion of omnipotence and it is pierced by reality in some way. The infant realizes and recognizes that her or his existence does not fulfil and gratify 81 impulses and needs – but that the fulfilment and gratification of such impulses and needs is met by objects in reality. The differentiation between objects in reality and the self, as such, is introduced prematurely. The implication of this is that the infantile illusion of omnipotence is surrendered too soon; and there is an interruption in the maturational processes (Winnicott, 1960a). As stated by Winnicott (as cited in Summers, 2014), the dynamic of the interruption of these maturational processes results in all forms of originating psychopathology at this stage. It also further leads to annihilation anxiety – an anxiety that is intolerable and “unthinkable” caused by environmental failures and/or impingements to which the child must react and respond, thereby having her or his “going on being” interrupted (Winnicott, 1960b, 1962). If there is an excess of these reactions and responses this results not only in frustration – but to a “primitive” and real threat. This is of annihilation of which there are “few varieties” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 57). Winnicott (1962) delineates these few varieties as (a) falling forever, (b) going to pieces, (c) having no relationship to the body, and (d) having no orientation. As suggested by Winnicott

(1956), these states are so terrifying that the child must defend against it. However, as there is an interruption in the maturational processes, the “available” defense is that of infantile omnipotence and the child creates fantasies and illusions that are omnipotent to protect her- or himself from this state (Winnicott, 1952). As with development that is healthy, these cannot be progressively surrendered in favor of objective reality, because incursions or intrusions of objective reality are protected from in her or his subjective world. For Winnicott (1952), this means that he or she is “prisoner” of her or his fantasied and illusory omnipotence, and the omnipotent sphere. As such, any intrusion of objective reality is responded to by bringing it into, and contextually distorting it in relation to this sphere. This, then, accounts for the developmental origins of psychosis (Winnicott, 1952). As noted by Summers (2014) this does not mean that he does not account for constitutional factors in psychosis, or that he denies these. However, he emphasizes environmental failures and/or impingements in resulting in annihilation anxiety, and the consequent defenses of infantile omnipotence as protection from this. As summarized by Summers (1994, 2014), this annihilation anxiety (and the defenses in response to this) results in arrests in the child’s development. This is because the focus is not on the inherited potential but on the protection of the self. Furthermore, in protecting the self it is suggested that any disappointment and frustration in the future, as states of tension, threaten to become an annihilation anxiety likely to be denied and “magically relieved,” thereby “fixing her or his personality at the level of magical thought” (Summers, 2014, p.158). The implication of this is that there is limited and/or restricted contact with objective reality, and/or recognition thereof. 82 As such, the child is “driven further from (objective) reality and nearer to the outbreak of psychosis” (Summers, 2014, p. 158). However, as suggested by Winnicott (1960b, 1962), the defense of infantile omnipotence and the dynamic surrounding it does not always lead to psychosis. It may also lead to psychoses that are “encapsulated” – as with fetishism45 (Winnicott, 1951). As “encapsulated” psychoses, fetishism supposes that – as with the defense of infantile omnipotence – there is a denial of objective reality. Freud (1926) suggests that this denial is distinctively sexual, but Winnicott (1951) suggests that its origin is pre-sexual. In particular, he suggests that this denial is a defense against any incursions or intrusions of objective reality on the subjective world, in which the child has the fantasy or illusion of having created the gratifying object(s) in the gratification of her or his impulses and needs. That is, the child has the illusion that her or his impulses and needs bring with it, gratification and/or gratifying objects. As such, the fetishistic object must always be obtainable because there is no recognition of its separateness, suggesting that it is not transitional (Winnicott, 1951, 1965b).

45 Here, fetishism refers to attachments to objects that are not realistic.

The attachment to it is “delusional” as opposed to as “illusional,” with the implication that it is located in the omnipotent sphere, and is “pretransitional” (Winnicott, 1951, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014). Thus, the defense of infantile omnipotence and the outcome thereof depends on the impingement and severity thereof. The degree the impingement, then, determines the extent of the trauma. The most detrimental of these results in a self that is “unintegrated” (e.g., as with the outcome of psychosis). However, if some integration has occurred this may rather result in a defense of infantile omnipotence that is stable in that: (a) it is almost always in conflict with objective reality; but, (b) does not lead to the outcome of psychosis. Instead, states of tension are brought into the omnipotent sphere (Winnicott, 1960b). Examples of this include borderline and narcissistic personality structures (Summers, 1994, 2014). Individuals with these personality structures have expectations that are informed by, and reflective of, their fantasies and illusions of omnipotence. With no awareness of the differentiation between others and the self, they expect others to respond to them in the gratification of impulses and needs with no sense of “separateness.” The implication of this is that others are not regarded as having emotions, feelings and thoughts of their own – they are “pre-truth.” Individuals with these personality structures are, thus, also not aware that their emotions, feelings and thoughts – and rage, specifically – can affect, or injure others. As such, the capacity has not developed for guilt and they do not feel guilt for “injuring” others. Such injuries may be insults, physical violence, or rage and may occur when there are particular threats to their defense of infantile omnipotence.

As suggested by Summers (1994, 2014) the absence of guilt for injuries like these reflect – 83 from an ego psychological view – that there has been arrest in the development of the “superego” and that there is a deficit in the psychic structure. While Winnicott (1962, 1963b) agrees that such a deficit may exist, in his view, the absence of guilt for injuries like these stems from an arrest in development “before the capacity for concern has developed” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 167). The capacity for concern is the fact that the individual “accepts and feels responsibility,” and cares or minds for the other. He further states that the capacity for concern is a feature of the individual that is important to relationships and suggests that the word “concern” covers “in a positive way” that which “is covered in a negative way by the word ‘guilt’” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 167). He explains this further by suggesting that the capacity for concern and guilt are interrelated. In particular, he explains that guilt is related to a sense of anxiety and that this anxiety is further linked with ambivalence, implying that there has been some integration of self. More specifically, there has been enough integration of self so that there is a “good-object imago” (i.e., an image of the “good object” and/or object relationship, that has been internalized and

84 mentally represented). Furthermore, this “good-object imago” is retained and there is an idea that this imago can be injured; and guilt protects from this. Concern also implies that there has been some integration of self, but entails further growth and integration in that it positively relates to accepting and feeling responsible – specifically for interpersonal relationships and relationships into which drives have entered, or there is some investment. However, in the individual’s imaginative life it is also “at the back of all constructive play and work” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 167). As suggested by Winnicott this is because concern extends to other matters that are significant, and also relates to taking responsibility in all social spheres. The absence of concern implies that there is little to no responsibility-taking and suggests that there has been arrests in complex ego-integration and the maturational processes resulting in a distortion of the ego, or self. The most benign distortion of the ego is in relation to the authentic and false-self structures (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). According to Winnicott (1960a) the authentic and false-self structures develop when impingements are not too severe, and some integration has occurred suggesting that the child may not have to defend with infantile omnipotence. Rather, he or she is able to comply with environmental expectations. In doing so, the child may become disconnected from the self that is true, because the environment is offered a personality. That is, the authentic self is not discovered and feelings are forfeited. This further leads to the loss of a sense of “aliveness” and connectedness, creativity and/or for feeling genuine, real, and spontaneous in that the environment is offered a personality. This offered personality – the personality on the surface – is taken by the world to be “normal,” and real or true (Winnicott,

1960a). 84 However, as he or she is “acting” according to the false-self structure it is not experienced as such by the individual. However, it is further important to note that Winnicott differentiates this false self, from a false self that is “healthy” and “polite.” This degree is found in the healthy individual, who also complies with environmental expectations at times – but who also “exists” – meaning that he or she continues to be creative and/or feel genuine, real, and spontaneous. This is differentiated from the degree of false self that is severe. Such a false self, leads to a significant split where the false self hides the self that is true (Winnicott, 1960b). According to Winnicott (1960b) this may result in boredom, emptiness, and extreme restlessness. Furthermore, the individual may have a need to “collect impingements” from objective reality so as to fill her or his “living-time” with these and, more particularly, with responding to these. As explained further by Winnicott (1960b, p. 149), this is because there are “those who can be themselves and who also can act” (e.g., as with the false self that is healthy and normal); “whereas there are others who can only act – and who are completely at a loss when not in a role.” Thus, where there is a significant split, the individual may have the need to collect impingements from objective reality to respond to, to have a “role.”

Inherent to this “role” may also be states of “depersonalization” and “derealization.” A “depersonalization” state is defined by the deficit of having an inner, “lived psychic reality.” This deficit implies that the individual may not have a definite experience, or sense of belonging to the self – suggesting that there isn’t the integration of psycho-somatic relatedness or, specifically, that there is a lack of personalization (Winnicott, 1962, 1965b). Yet, the individual may have adapted to this lack of personalization, and may have effected a “healthy” and normal personality; but with the result that he or she is disconnected from the self. In a derealization state, the individual may similarly be disconnected from the self – but more specifically from the relationship between the self, and objective reality. Winnicott (1962) suggests that in such a state the individual’s awareness of objective reality and sense thereof, is fundamentally lacking. A brief summary of the development of psychopathology in the stage of absolute dependence is provided in the following figure.

Environmental Degree of Defense or failure and/or dependence Ego integration response Outcome or result impingement False self is severe with a significant split from the self that is true. - structure Authentic and false self There is an structures awarenessof the Compliance with differentiation environmental Healthy, normal false self. egree of false self false of egree

expectations. D The child's between objects Depersonalization dependence is in reality and the and derealization extreme, and self – and this significant. awareness is Environmental premature. provision must be Borderline and satisfactory, or The ego, or self is Conflict with "unintegrated." objective reality. narcissistic the infant's personality inherited structures potential towards development and growth cannot Privation. start. 85 Denial of Psychosis. objective reality.

Figure 4.1 The development of psychopathology in the stage of absolute dependence.

4.3.2.2. The development of psychopathology in the stage of relative dependence Environmental failures and/or impingements in this stage affect a “developing” self and not a fully integrated structure46, nor a self-structure that is “unintegrated47” (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014). That is, environmental provision might have been satisfactory in that it facilitated the growth of the infant and, more specifically, her or his formation of self

46 As, for example, in the phase and/or stage of towards independence where the impingement affects a fully integrated self. 47 As, for example, in the stage of absolute dependence where impingement affects a self structure that is “unintegrated.”

(Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004) – but then after this, the environment failed significantly in some way. If this environmental failure is not followed by repair, the growth of the infant is interrupted (Winnicott, 1958, 1960b). The child makes an effort to re-“find,” regain and/or seek that which has been interrupted or withdrawn – such as the “loss” of an object (Winnicott, 1960b, 1965b). These efforts may be expressed in a number of symptoms associated with “acting-out” behavior as seen with borderline personalities and/or character disorders [e.g., seen in individuals regarded as “antisocial, delinquent, or sociopathic” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 79)]. An expression of such symptoms is typically seen in an attempt to replace, or substitute the deprivation of maternal provision by taking other objects (e.g., as with stealing). In this regard stealing is an effort made to replace, or substitute the deprivation and – specifically – the loss of the m/other as an object (Winnicott, 1965b). Here, the adolescent or child makes an effort to steal “back what has been stolen from them” (Summers, 2014, p. 167). An effort to steal, then, reflects and/or signifies that – based on experiences that were “good” (i.e., the gratification of impulses and needs by an object), and the internalization of such (i.e., implicit memories of these at the unconscious) – there is a belief that there is an object (i.e., something of value) to be found, regained and/or sought (Winnicott, 1965b). As such, it is evidence of something positive (Winnicott, 1965b). Furthermore, if the environment is able to make meaning of this positive symptom and responds to this – stealing can be stopped (Winnicott, 1963d). However, it is also important to note that efforts to re-“find,” regain and/or seek that which has been experienced, or possessed previously is not always expressed in stealing. As stated by

Winnicott (1951), such efforts may be expressed by the gratification of impulses and/or needs 86 physically. This contributes to dependencies involving alcohol, drugs, food, illicit substances and promiscuity. Comparable to objects that are transitional, these represent and are treated as the m/other but are also recognized as being separate to her. Differing, however, from objects that are transitional such dependencies are not gradually and naturally surrendered. This is because they are a regressive response to deprivation – an effort to regain and/or seek an earlier maternal relationship, before impingement occurred and, as such, are fixed over time (Winnicott, 1951; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014). While impingements occurring in this phase may result from a loss of an object, Winnicott (1960a) insinuates that they may also result from maternal provision that does not shift. The absolute adaptation to the dependence of the infant and her or his impulses and needs (e.g., as in absolute dependence) does not shift to less maternally preoccupied responses. The implication of this is that infant-m/other relationship, or “set-up,” is based on excitement states and focus on instinctual objects (the gratification of the infant’s impulses and needs) rather than on the development of an “ego-relationship” (Winnicott, 1960a).

That is, it is based on contact that is physical rather than on psychological recognition. As discussed previously, the ego-relationship and the psychological recognition it signifies, is critical to the development of the recognition of other’s separateness (Winnicott, 1956d). If this ego-relationship is not satisfactory, the infant may not be psychologically recognized. He or she has a continual need to have contact that is physical so as to know that there is a relationship suggesting that he or she has not attained “the capacity to be alone” (Winnicott, 1958, p. 416). To be alone is considered an important sign of emotional maturity, and is regarded by Winnicott (1958, p. 420) as the ability to “be alone in the presence of someone.” This ability, as conceptualized by Winnicott (1958) is related to the ego-relatedness experienced within the maternal relationship. If this ego-relatedness is satisfactory, there is an experience of having ego-support that is that is protective and reliable; and “ego-immaturity” is facilitated in the infant. This is because the ego-integration and ego-organization of the infant is initially, and naturally balanced by the ego-support found in the maternal relationship. Gradually, over time, this ego-support is internalized or introjected and in this way the child develops the ego maturity to be alone in the absence of the maternal relationship, m/other, m/other representative and/or symbol. However, if this merger and separation is not successful, the child may not develop ego maturity because he or she is not able to have an experience or maintained sense of the m/other without her physical presence. That is, the child has enough of a “lived psychic reality” to be alive, and feel real or whole when the m/other is present (that is, he or she can relate in some way); but when she is no longer present, this lived psychic reality is not sustained (Winnicott, 1958). As suggested by Winnicott

(1958), a child fixated at this stage desperate for physical relating in seeking out the feeling of 87 life, reality and wholeness – without which he or she may feel isolated and lonely. The implication of this is that at a later stage, as an adolescent or adult, he or she may become “addicted to others” (Summers, 2014, p. 168). This is communicated in her or his dependence ties – either in that he or she depends excessively on others, or has a need to relate sexually. In this way, her or his dependence ties have a function, purpose and/or role similar to what “acting-out” behavior or addictions to alcohol, drugs, food, or illicit substances have for others (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014). Similarly, it also develops from an environmental failure or impingement at this stage – that is, some trauma (Winnicott, 1960b, 1963). As argued by Summers (2014), Winnicott’s conceptualization of these environmental failures or impingements at this stage as trauma – and his delineation of the effects of such trauma – are consistent with, and fit many borderline personalities and “character pathology.” As conceptualized by Winnicott (1960b, 1963) these characterized by the individual’s “acting- out” and/or dependence ties as way of “claiming” something in the world. This may be in demands that the individual make from others. Furthermore, others may experience this

88 individual as adopting an attitude that the environment “owes” her or him something (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004), as boundaryless and/or as entitled (Summers, 2014). However, as stated by Winnicott (1960b, 1963) it is important to keep in mind that such demands are an effort from the individual to re-“find,” regain and/or seek that which has been “lost” – that is, an object that was possessed previously. This object, specifically, is the maternal relationship. As such, there is an effort from the individual to make use of people or things as transitional objects in re-“finding,” regaining and/or seeking the maternal relationship that has been withdrawn. Thus, he or she functions in an intermediate space (Winnicott, 1961a). This is an area of infancy marked by merger and separation, and the back and forth between these states. During the merger state, the expectation of m/other is to gratify the infant’s impulses and needs without being told. However, in doing so – by empathically identifying with and orientating towards the infant – the infant’s need to separate might be stifled. The implication of this is that the infant’s needs are opposing at times. Moreover, these constantly fluctuate from merger and separation, and rapidly vacillate. As these are also not communicated or expressed at any moment, the experience of the m/other is that she cannot do anything right and she may be confused, dejected or feel intruded on. Collectively, then, this may enrage her and she may hate the infant at points in time – despite also having an intense love for her or him (Winnicott, 1947). For Winnicott (1947), this hate is normal but also precedes any hate that the infant may have for the m/other. This is because the infant learns from the m/other’s hate, to hate the m/other. In this regard, it is important for the infant to learn that without “destroying” her, he or she can hate the m/other. However, for this to occur successfully there has to be a “fusion” of hate and love for the m/other.

This fusion implies an integration of aggression or the aggressive impulse (hate), and the 88 erotic impulse (love) as parts of the personality (Winnicott, 1947, 1950). For Winnicott (1950), the aggressive impulse is necessary for constructive goal-related pursuits; and the inhibition of this impulse leads to these pursuits not being realized. This is because the aggressive impulse is a primary source for the drive of an individual. So, when it is not integrated as part of the personality this results in the diminishing and/or loss of the opportunity for excitement states and the full gratification of instinctual needs – that is, for fulfillment and instinctual satisfaction. As such, the individual may lose her or his motivation, passion and/or “zest” (Winnicott, 1950; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014). In considering contributing factors in the integration of this part of the personality, Winnicott (1950) emphasizes the importance of the m/other responding in such a way that the aggressive impulse can be “survived.” This implies that it is not only physically survived, but also that it is psychologically survived and tolerated. If this is not done effectively, the infant interprets – at the level of the unconscious – that her or his aggression destroyed or “killed” the m/other. This “fantasized injury” means that he or she responds by becoming anxious over this impulse, and disavowing this part of the personality. Moreover, a feeling of guilt over this is inevitable and may never be resolved.

The aggressive impulse is split, and the fusion between the instincts is not possible. This is also referred to as a “defusion of instincts.” The defusion of instincts may result in several defensive reactions resisting aggression, and/or the expression of this impulse, including: (a) depression; (b) the process of “splitting”; and, (c) reaction formation (Winnicott, 1950; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014).

4.3.2.2.1. Depression Winnicott (1950, 1963b) conceptualizes depression and the development thereof by emphasizing the importance of both constructive and deconstructive instincts, and the inextricable link between these. Constructive instincts can only be reached when destructive instincts are: (a) acknowledged; and, (b) experienced fully. For this to happen the injury to the m/other – as the love object – has to be repaired in some way. This is important in offering an opportunity for the resolution of any feelings of guilt the infant may have over this injury. If such feelings of guilt are not resolved, aggression cannot be constructively experienced and is then expressed not towards the love object but the self. This is seen, typically, in depression in the form of self-accusations, self-blame, and self-hatred. In its extreme form this may lead to a pattern in which there is an “implosion” and the individual’s rage is turned on her- or himself so as to keep the love object protected and/or safe (Winnicott, 1950). As suggested by Winnicott (1963b) this may lead to a real risk of suicide, because seeing that the individual’s aggression is not experienced fully, he or she also cannot make use of her or his constructive desires and energies.

4.3.2.2.2. The process of “splitting” 89 Aggression is also not constructively experienced and expressed fully in the process of “splitting” (Winnicott, 1950). However, rather than aggression being directed to the self – as in depression and suicidality – the impulses are separated or “split.” This is because the aggressive impulse, if not survived, actuates anxiety about the fantasized injury to the love object and/or anxious depression that follows from this. For this reason then, the aggressive impulse is split. Aggression cannot be directed to the love object, but is expressed to other objects in its place – that is, “bad objects.” These bad objects are objects in which aggression can be located or situated. Furthermore, to maintain this split it is necessary for these objects to be obtainable. As such, an individual may perpetually search for these objects in the object relationships that they seek. These relationships, then, are characterized by enemies being found and maintained. Conversely, dependent and/or love relationships remain conflict free because any disturbance is experienced as a potential threat. However, as the impulses are not integrated the intimation of this is that these will be lacking love relationships (Winnicott, 1950).

In another kind of split, aggression is defended from so that feelings of guilt over the injury to the love object are relieved (Winnicott, 1950). This achieved by having aggression, and all the “bad feelings” that follow from this – e.g., feelings of guilt – projected onto objects outside of the self, while all the good is kept within. The continued pattern of such projections, as viewed by Winnicott (1950), implies that objects outside of the self are then thought to be “bad” – creating an outside world that is filled with hostile objects and, particularly, persecutors.

4.3.2.2.3. Reaction formation Aggression and conflicts that follow from this are also seen when it is denied and expressed in its opposite. This is because the aggression cannot be expressed to an object at all – even if necessitated by a particular situation. As such, there is a compromise in constructive desires and energies and the integration of all parts of personality is not possible (Winnicott, 1950). An example of this is seen typically when conflict with others is denied in order to keep and/or maintain only positive relationships, with the implication that parts of relationships are suppressed. This means that parts of reality, and the self are suppressed too (Winnicott, 1950; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014).

However, there is also another potential source of pathology at this stage (Winnicott, 1950). This is because the fantasized injury may signify to the child that the demands of the m/other are more significant than her or his own. In this instance the m/other is not in a position to survive or tolerate any affect or aggression directed to her and the infant learns to respond by denying her or his emotional experiences and what it feels in order to please and/or protect her.

This means that the infant learns that he or she cannot rely on her or his feelings, impulses 90 and/or needs. In this way, and at the expense of her or his feelings, the infant is molded to the mother’s needs and the nascent personality is suppressed (Winnicott, 1960a). This results then, in emptiness and a feeling of “non-reality.” However, this feeling of reality may be searched or sought for. This could be in the form of “obstacles” as opportunities that provide for: (a) aggression to be directed to the environment; and/or (b) be expressed fully such as in hostile reactions or responses. Examples of this are seen, typically, in individuals that challenge, contend and continually fight over matters that are seemingly trivial. This, then, accounts for aggression of a chronic nature and explains hostility in individuals – and even rage. These, as viewed by Winnicott (1950), are attempts at connecting to parts of the personality that are true, and feeling real. If these attempts are not positively responded to, these parts of the personality cannot be reintegrated resulting in a splitting off from it48. The

48 As noted by Summers (2014), this conceptualization differs from ego-psychological views in which aggression is considered to be a lack and/or loss of control due to defective ego structures.

91 implication of this is that an individual may then respond with defensive reactions, or even seek to have the instincts “re-fused” (Winnicott, 1950).

Environmental failure Degree of dependence Ego integration and/or impingement Defense or response Outcome or result

"Acting-out" behaviours, Deprivation as seen in borderline cases. There is a loss of an Attempts and/or efforts object, and this loss is to re-"find," regain and/ Addictions as a fixed premature. or seek the lost object. symptom; and/or stealing, or theft as a As there is a decrease positive symptom. maternal preoccupation, the infant gradually A child fixated at this recognizes her or his An "addiction" to Maternal provision stage cannot be alone separateness. and is desperate for others, in that he or she There is a does not shift from a an physical relating in depends excessively on "developing," or absolute adaptation to others, or has a need to emerging self in that the infant's needs, to seeking out the feeling of life, reality and relate sexually. there is not an less maternally wholeness – without integrated self, but the preoccupied responses. self structure is also not which he/or she may Agression is disavowed "unintegrated." feel isolated and lonely. as a part of the There is a demand for personality, resulting in ego support, as depression, the process embedded in the The agressive and erotic of "splitting," and/or maternal relationship so instincts, or parts of the reaction formation. that the capacity of the personality become "de- ego of the m/other, Affect and/or Attempts at having these fused." effectuates the ego of aggression, expressed parts of the personality the infant. by the infant to the re-fused. mother, is not "survived" or tolerated. All feelings, and the nascent personality are False-self pathology. suppressed.

Figure 4.2 The development of psychopathology in the stage of relative dependence.

A brief summary of the development of psychopathology in the stage of relative dependence is provided in Figure 4.2, indicating that at this particular stage the development of psychopathology results from environmental failures and/or impingements that are not repaired

in some way (Winnicott, 1950). These include the loss of an object, maternal provision that 91 does not shift, and the m/other not “surviving” or tolerating any affect or aggression directed to her. As discussed previously, aggression is considered a healthy part of the personality and when it is not contained by the environment – that is, there is an environmental failure and/or impingement and this is not repaired in some way – it is defused from the erotic impulse. As examined in the previous section, this could lead to a number of regressive responses. In this regard it is important for the individual’s aggression to be expressed fully, and for it to be survived so that the blocked maturational processes can resume (Winnicott, 1950). This allows for the impulses to be integrated as parts of the personality resulting in a “healthy personality.” For Winnicott (1950), a healthy personality supposes that, because aggression and the erotic impulse are integrated it is possible to have ambivalent feelings towards objects. That is, the individual is capable of containing both hate and love for objects; and aspects that are both bad and good are integrated into these objects as they are not split.

4.3.2.3. The development of psychopathology in the stage of towards independence It is assumed that environmental provision has been satisfactory at this stage, in that it facilitated growth of the individual and the maturational processes have been successful (Winnicott, 1960a). There has been a formation of the self, and the organization of the personality into a structure or unit (Winnicott, as cited in Winnicott et al., 1992). As such, the individual is capable of defending against states of tension in establishing full relationships that are satisfactory (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). This is also known as neurosis, or psychoneurosis. However, as noted by Summers (2014), there is some confusion about this because the individual with neurosis, or psychoneurosis may also have arrests at the developmental stages of absolute and/or relative dependence. Although these arrests are considered to lead to states that are more transitory, they are indicative of moments of regression in returning to parts of the primitive self (Winnicott, 1960b, 1971). These are attempts at an organized reestablishment of, and tendency towards dependency at an earlier stage where an environmental failure and/or impingement occurred. This is to be relived; and then repaired in some way (Winnicott, 1960, 1965j) in that there has to be an environment that facilitates the individual’s inherited potential by meeting her or his needs (Winnicott, 1960a). When there is an increase in the individual’s independence – that is, environmental failures are not regressively responded to by having the false self hide the self that is true – there has been progress (Winnicott, 1954, 1958d). A brief summary of the development of psychopathology in the stage of towards independence is provided in the following figure. 92

Environmental failure Degree of dependence Ego integration and/or impingement Defense or response Outcome or result

Attempts at an organized reestablishment of, and tendency towards dependency at an Moments of regression. earlier stage, where an environmental failure Environmental failures and/or impingement and/or impingements occurred. The child comes to exist that have occurred have independently, and has a The infant comes into been repaired in some full life in that he or she being and/or comes into way, and the engages socially, and is existence by achieving an integrated self. environmental involved in society. provision has been Full, independent living satisfactory. in which the individual makes use of her or his Psychoneurosis. affects, and excitement states such as affection, aggression, and erotism in relating successfully to others.

Figure 4.3 The development of psychopathology in the stage of towards independence.

4.4. An evaluation of the object relations theory of Winnicott In the previous sections, it was considered how the development of psychopathology is viewed by Winnicott (1960a, 1960b, 1971). Briefly outlined, Winnicott aligns the development of psychopathology to the developmental stages. In this regard, he considers the development of psychopathology as a result of early environmental failures and/or impingements at a

particular stage. These environmental failures and/or impingements imply that the infant’s 93 impulses and/or needs are not responded to satisfactorily – with compromised object-relating resulting from this. For Winnicott, this compromised object-relating is evident in the individual’s presenting psychopathology, or symptoms; and his conceptualization of these suggest that they are a defense and developmental need (Newman, 2013). The defense, in particular, is a response to the environmental failure and/or impingement that occurred in that the person protects her- or himself from what is regarded as “re-injury” or “re-traumatization” (Winnicott, as cited in Newman, 2013). However, the developmental need persists – with a compromised personality structure, and/or moments of regression resulting from this. In moments of regression there attempts at an organized reestablishment of, and tendency towards dependency at an earlier stage – that is, the developmental need, so that this can be responded to (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1971). In the following section, the theory of Winnicott is evaluated, and its fittingness for psychobiographical research is reviewed.

4.4.1. An emphasis on the m/other, and neglect of the paternal role As commented by Stone (2008) it has been suggested [e.g., Phillips (1988)] that, in describing the development of object relationships, Winnicott emphasizes the m/other’s role – and in doing so neglects the paternal role. Dallos and Vetere (2012), and Stone (2008), however, note that this is not necessarily true. For Winnicott (1964), the paternal role and its significance is in the availability of the father to the m/other – he allows her to create an environment that is facilitating and holding for the infant by providing her with her safety and support. In addition to this, the father and infant have a relationship too; for Winnicott (1964, p. 81) “it depends on the mother…whether the father does or does not get to know the baby” – but if he does he becomes an internal model of what it is to ‘work.49’ Despite this, Phillips (1988) suggests that Winnicott does not address what the experience of being fathered is like for the infant. He also does not explore the implications of a paternal role that is not supportive, but that impedes on the infant’s and m/others relationship; and, as such, Phillips (1988) concludes that he neglects the paternal role in his theory. For Stone (2008), this criticism is disputed by the fact that he made mention not only of the paternal role in his theory, but also to the “attitude” and nature of parenting (Winnicott, 1968) – especially as this was modern and pioneering for the time.

4.4.2. A comprehensive model of psychopathology? Winnicott did not present a specific system, or comprehensive model of psychopathology (Summers, 1994). As such, it is not clear why certain environmental failures and/or impingements lead to clinical states or syndromes that are more fixed as permanent states, and others to impermanent manifestations as states that are transient (Newman, 2013; Summers, 94 2014). As contended by St. Clair and Wigren (2004) this means that it is sometimes difficult to extrapolate, and/or relate his theory to others – especially in explaining pathology and presenting symptoms. This is complicated further by what is regarded by St. Clair and Wigren (2004) as the “casualness” that he displayed in making a pertinent point to his theory, as well as the changes and growth in this theory and thinking. This criticism is further supported by Newman (2013, p. 60) – he maintains that Winnicott’s conceptualization of the effects of environmental failures and/or impingements are “insufficient” and “much too simple.” In this regard he states that Winnicott is neither compelling, nor comprehensive in describing how impingements at a particular stage could lead to the kind of pathology that results, and/or the need for “psychic reorganization” (Newman, 2013, p. 60). However, this is countered by Bonaminio (2012), Green (1977, 1978), Khan (1963), and Summers (1994, 2014). Collectively, they argue that he conceptualized the effects of impingements sufficiently so that a theory of clinical states or syndromes, and impermanent

49 This is because, from a traditional view, the father provides by going to work.

95 manifestations and their causes can be discerned from his work. It is also the belief of Bonaminio (2012) and Summers (1994, 2014) that Winnicott’s conceptualization is the most “consistent” and “detailed” of the object relations theories; and Cook (2013), Green (1978), and Khan (1963) maintain that it provides significant contributions to the knowledge of psychopathology. For Green (1977, 1978) these contributions include, most notably, Winnicott’s account of borderline personalities within psychoanalytic theory; while Cook (2013) acknowledges his contributions to Kohut’s notion of “healthy narcissism.” Khan (1963), respectively, values Winnicott’s conceptualization of environmental failures and/or impingements and how this leads to pathology. This is not only because it is comprehensive in describing the development of pathology from a psychoanalytic view, but because it also informs to reparative role and/or task of the therapist from this view (Bonaminio, 2012; Summers, 2014). That is, Winnicott’s conceptualization of environmental failures and/or impingements is not only valuable in describing the development of pathology from a psychoanalytic view, but also in explicating how the psychoanalytic setting in therapy could be used (Summers, 2014).

4.4.3. An evaluation of the implications for (psychoanalytic?) theory It is argued that he changed classical Freudian ideas and/or terms, and deviated from psychoanalytic theory to fit his model of pathology and treatment (Guntrip, 1975; St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). Although Summers (2014) concurs that psychoanalysis is “stretched” by Winnicott, he emphasizes the practical and theoretical value that it has. In this regard, Summers

(2014) highlights the influence that Winnicott has had on other psychoanalysts. He concludes 95 that, regardless of whether Winnicott’s work “deserves to be labeled psychoanalysis,” its contribution cannot be denied. These contributions include not only the success in his work, but also the influence that it has on the works of analysts such as Green (1975, 1977, 1978), Khan (1960, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1971), and Little (1981). This is seen, e.g., in how they applied some his concepts to their own work.

4.5. The selection of Winnicott’s object relations theory: A brief motivation, and implications for this research study Both Newman (2013) and Summers (2014) acknowledge that there are some conceptual difficulties in his theory. Newman (2013) argues that for the theory to be more “usable,” there has to be an elaboration and expansion on the interplay between environmental failures and/or impingements, and (a) the forming of the internal world, and (b) the need for a negotiated reorganization between objects and the self. It is Newman’s (2013) belief that this interplay is not satisfactorily spoken to by Winnicott.

Despite the conceptual inconsistencies in Winnicott’s work, Summers (2014) acknowledges that his contributions have practical and theoretical value. Of these contributions, he considers the most significant to be Winnicott’s “belief that meaning can be sought, even in the most bizarre clinical material” (Summers, 2014, p. 184). For Green (1978) this is because his concern is with the embodied experiences of the patient, rather than with schematizing it theoretically. As explained further by Alvesson and Sköldberg (2000), and Frogett and Trusman (2014) the implication of this is that the plausibility of his theory comes not from empirical research – but from extrapolations made from his own work. This means that much of Winnicott’s work is hermeneutic in that his ideas improve the interpretation of the person’s specificity (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2000). The interpretation of a person’s specificity, furthermore, is helpful in making meaning and sense of the clinical material that is presented (Frogett & Trusman, 2014; Green, 1978; Summers, 2014). As acknowledged by Hollway and Jefferson (2000) this clinical material – from an object relations view – begins from a conflicted and/or defended subject who is not transparent to her- or himself. This means that the subject cannot give an account of her or his embodied experiences in words (Hollway & Jefferson, 2000); and it is the role and/or task of the therapist to help her or him make meaning and/or sense of these (Winnicott, 1971). The psychobiographical researcher’s role is similar to this in that in the embodied experiences of the selected subject are also made sense of (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). In this regard, it is suggested that Winnicott is an appropriate fit for psychobiographical research studies (Anderson, 2003; Schultz, 2005a).

4.6. Chapter summary 96 This chapter introduced Winnicott’s (1960a, 1960b, 1964, 1965a, 1965b) work by: (a) briefly considering the contributions and development of object relations theories, and how Winnicott’s work contributed to the development of psychoanalytic theory; (b) briefly delineating his developmental model and theory; (c) discussing his model of psychopathology, as the framework particularly relevant to this research study; and, (d) evaluating the selection of his theory, and the implications and relevance of this to this research study. From this, it was reasoned that his theory allows for the description and exploration of the formation of the identity and personality of the research subject, and the implications that this had for her later in life. In the following section, these descriptive and exploratory findings on the personality of the selected subject are discussed and presented.

5. CHAPTER 5 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 5.1. Chapter preview This study adopted the methodological principles of psychobiographical research. As comprehensively discussed in Chapter 2, the approach of psychobiographical research is aligned with the methodological principles of qualitative research. Qualitative research, more specifically, is defined as any research or study that achieves conclusions and/or findings that are, characteristically, not achieved by procedures that are quantificational and/or statistical (Berg, 2001; Durrheim, 2006; Patton, 2001; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). For this reason, it is characterized by different, and often opposing, analytical objectives, and methods and procedures to quantitative research studies (Mack et al., 2005). This chapter delineates these analytical objectives, and methods and procedures as applied to this qualitative research study; and in particular, addresses and describes: (a) the aims and objectives; (b) the design, method and procedure; (c) data management and processing; (d) limitations of methodological rigor, and measures of quality; and, (e) considerations of ethical practices.

5.2. Aims and objectives of this research study The aim of this research study was to achieve a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of Chanel’s entire life narrative in order to describe and explore the development of her identity and personality. This was accomplished by analytically employing psychoanalytic theory – and especially object relations theories – to deliberately and systematically extrapolate, illuminate and understand the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguish her life. Accordingly, 97 objectives of this research study were: (a) to consult, examine and review biographical information on the selected subject by accessing assorted available data sources that were potentially valuable; (b) to develop extrapolations and inferences about Chanel’s life narrative; (c) to discuss, and develop an understanding of object relations theories; and, (d) to employ object relations theories as the descriptive and exploratory framework for this research study. This research study, therefore, adopted an approach that is characteristically descriptive and exploratory by employing the methodological principles of psychobiographical research. As acknowledged by Sey (2006), Wallace (1989), and Yin (2003), the methodological principles psychobiographical research is aligned with case report research. For this reason, Edwards (1990) notes, it is distinguished by the comprehensive and holistic description and exploration of that which is individual and unique about a context-specific subject. Accordingly, additional intentions of this research study were to acknowledge any cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on Chanel’s life narrative, and to emphasize her individuality and uniqueness. As the emphasis was on her individuality and uniqueness, the aim of this research study was not to generalize any conclusions and/or findings

98 about the development of her identity and personality to the general population, but to adopt an approach that is descriptive-dialogical (Stroud, 2004) in the analytical generalization of the descriptive and exploratory findings to object relations theories (Yin, 2009). In accomplishing this aim, this research study constructed the first psychological understanding of Chanel; and it is, accordingly, concluded that it contributed to the academic development of psychobiographical research.

5.3. Design, method, and procedure 5.3.1. Design and method This research study is paradigmatically post-positivist (Sey, 2006), and accepts the characteristic flexibility of reality. In particular, it is acknowledged that a case’s reality is not stable – but continually constructed and co-constructed between the case (i.e., a phenomenon, situation, and/or subject) and the context in which it is situated. In the examination and study of a case – that is, the selected subject – across her or his lifespan, more specifically, it is acknowledged that there is not an objective, single truth but, instead, that there are many subjective truths. To access the subjective truths that exist for the selected subject, this research study employed the methodological principles of psychobiographical research [and, in particular, is defined as single-case lifespan psychobiographical research (Fouché, 1999)]. Psychobiographical research, more specifically, is an approach to life narrative research (Plummer, 1983; Runyan, 1982a, 1988b). Life narrative research, specifically, allows for the examination and study of the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguish the entire life narrative of the selected subject in an attempt to comprehensively and holistically describe and explore that which is individual 98 and unique (Plummer, 1983; Runyan, 1982a, 1988b). As it aims to achieve a comprehensive and holistic description and exploration of individuality and uniqueness, this research study also adopts an approach that is idiographic (Runyan, 1983); and is characterized as morphogenic, qualitative research (Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1983). As morphogenic, qualitative research it is complemented by a single-case design that emphasizes the individuality of the selected subject, and achieves conclusions and/or findings by adopting an approach that is comprehensive and holistic (McAdams, 1988; 1994) in the extrapolation, illumination and understanding of a context-specific phenomenon, situation, and/or subject (Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1982b, 1983; Schultz, 2005a). As these conclusions and/or findings are not generalized to the general population, but to the constructs and propositions of a theory [this also referred to as analytical generalization, and is aimed at the development of a particular theory (Yin, 1994)], the single-case design is further complemented by the descriptive- exploratory and descriptive-dialogical nature of this research study. More specifically, this research study is considered to be descriptive-exploratory because it aims at the comprehensive and holistic understanding of a case, and the case’s context

99 specificity (Fouché & de Vos, 2005; Neuman, 2003). In particular, any cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on the life narrative of the selected subject are acknowledged in the description and exploration of the development of her identity and personality. As this description and exploration is aimed at achieving an accurate and comprehensive depiction of the particular selected subject, and is applied to the clarification and critical evaluation of the constructs and propositions of a particular theory this research study, furthermore, is also characteristically descriptive-dialogical (Edwards, 1990; Yin, 1994). For the purpose of this research study, a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of Chanel – and in particular, the development of her identity and personality across her entire lifespan – was achieved by analytically employing object relations theories.

5.3.2. Procedure This research study adopted Elms’ (2005) principal procedures and/or processes of psychobiographical research studies and was, accordingly, conducted in eight phases. In the first phase, Chanel was identified and selected as psychobiographical research subject due to her historical significance as an established fashion icon and more specifically, due to her attributes and characteristics. This was followed by the formulation of an initial hypothesis, stating that Chanel’s critical early experiences influenced her adult functioning and more specifically, the development of her identity and personality. Next, to delineate and emphasize the complementary and complex activities, experiences, and relationships that characterize and distinguish her life, available biographical information on her was accessed by examining and reviewing accessible data sources (and in particular, biographies, documentaries, films, newspaper articles). This was complemented by the next phase, in which the researcher of this 99 study adopted a focused and refined approach in the collection of additional data that was not as easily retrieved (such as interviews and letters). Appropriate and/or suitable theories were then identified and selected as descriptive and exploratory frameworks to be analytically employed by the psychobiographical research study; and based on the analyzed data and descriptive and exploratory framework(s), the hypothesis was developed further, and refined. Lastly, conclusions and/or findings about the selected subject – which were, in consideration of the analyzed data and descriptive and exploratory framework, plausible and valid – were identified and stated.

5.4. Sampling: Selecting the psychobiographical research subject Chanel was identified and selected as the psychobiographical research subject for this research study by means of non-probability, purposive sampling. As acknowledged by Kendall and Kendall (2002) and Ray (2012), the criteria for a non-probability, purposive sample is determined by the researcher of a study. Accordingly, the researcher of this study identified and selected Chanel as the psychobiographical research subject due to her historical significance as

100 a celebrated couturier and established fashion icon and more specifically, due to her attributes and characteristics. Her attributes and characteristics, in particular, were determined to ensure the richness of this psychobiographical research study, and allowed for the description and exploration of her identity and personality. This description and exploration was identified as an aim of this research study because, although there is a continued interest in Chanel’s establishment of an empire, as well as in the intimate particulars of her life (Chaney, 2011; Vaughan, 2012), the available, and extensive literature does not address the development of her identity and personality psychologically. As the aim of this description and exploration was to emphasize her individuality and uniqueness, it is argued that Chanel was the case considered in this psychobiographical research study that is aligned with case report research. As acknowledged by Neuman (2003, 2006), case report research is complemented by non-probability, purposive sampling in (a) accomplishing a deep and meaningful understanding of a case, which is characteristically complex and context-specific (as opposed to accomplishing conclusions and findings that are generalizable to the general population); (b) conducting research on members of a population that are select and/or specialized; and, (c) describing and exploring a case that is characteristically individual and unique. As these advantages of non-probability, purposive sampling in case report research is aligned with, and reflective of the aims and objectives of this psychobiographical research study, it is concluded that it was the appropriate method of sampling.

5.5. Data management and processing As stated, one of the distinctive features of psychobiographical research is the collection of data and information on the individual – and in particular, the selected subject. More 100 specifically, available biographical information is accessed, examined and reviewed for its historical and psychological significance and/or value (van Niekerk, as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). Anderson (1981a), McAdams (1994), and Schultz (2005b), however, acknowledge that available biographical information on the selected subject is frequently infinite, and that this is a challenge to psychobiographical research studies. Similarly, challenges to qualitative research studies are: (a) accessing data that is rich, and of value; (b) accurately documenting analyses of data; and, (c) after completion of the research study, for the analyses of data, and data to be retained (Miles et al., 2014). To address these challenges, Miles et al. (2014) accentuate the importance of data management and processing. Data management and processing, more specifically, is the analytical approach to data collection, and retrieval and storage. This research study’s adopted approach to the collection of data is addressed below.

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5.5.1. Collection of data As suggested by Anderson (1981a, 1981b) and Stroud (2004), the researcher of this study consulted, examined and reviewed assorted available data sources to achieve a comprehensive and holistic understanding of Chanel’s life narrative. The available data sources included both primary sources [defined as any material produced by the selected subject (Babbie & Mouton, 2001; Hamilton, 2005; Strydom & Delport, 2005)], and secondary sources [defined as the analysis or interpretation of a primary source (Hamilton, 2005)]. However, existing analyses and interpretations such as biographies, documentaries, films, journal articles and newspaper articles (secondary sources), were predominantly utilized. This is because a number of primary sources, such as interviews and letters, presented linguistic limitations and/or restrictions. Furthermore, the number of primary sources is extremely limited and does not offer adequate biographical information on, and/or insight into the development, life narrative and personality of Chanel. Nonetheless, as primary sources are critical in the examination of experiential, subjective accounts and/or narratives (Simonton, 2003; Strydom & Delport, 2005), this research study adequately collated Chanel’s experiential, subjective accounts and/or narratives in the extensive literature review by consulting, examining and reviewing materials that were already published - also referred to as archival data (Elder, Pavalko, & Clipp, 1992). As noted by Rudestam and Newton (2001), and Yin (1994) the consultation, examination and review of archival data is advantageous in qualitative research studies as: (a) it is accessible; and (b) can be consulted, examined and reviewed at any convenient time for the researcher; (c) it allows the researcher to corroborate and/or contradict factual information; (d) it can be reviewed repeatedly, and allows the researcher to engage with the information for an extended period; and (e) it is valuable in the verification of dates, names and/or titles. However, the 101 limitation of archival data is that is that it is disposed to author bias, which compromises the credibility of the information (Yin, 1994). To address this concern the researcher of this study consulted, examined and reviewed available information by accessing multiple sources. This is also referred to as data triangulation (Willig, 2001; Yin, 1994). As acknowledged by Willig (2001) and Yin (1994), data triangulation enhances the objectivity and internal validity of the research study. For the purpose of this research study, the data was triangulated by comprehensively and extensively examining multiple sources. As recommended by Fouché (1999), and Lincoln and Gubba (1985), the researcher of this study documented the multiple sources, for the purpose of retrieval and storage (Miles et al., 2014), in an attempt to enhance the reliability of the research study. Although the multiple sources are clearly indicated in the list of references, the most informative and illuminating sources are listed here so that these can be consulted, examined and reviewed by other researchers (Yin, 1994): § Chaney, L. (2011). Coco Chanel: An intimate life. London, UK: Penguin Books.

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§ Charles-Roux, E. (1976). Chanel: Her life, her world, and the woman behind the legend she herself created (N. Amphoux, Trans.). New York, NY: Knopf Doubleday Publishing. § Delay, C. (1974). Chanel solitaire (B. Bray, Trans.). Paris, France: Éditions Gallimard. § Galante, P. (1973). Mademoiselle Chanel (E. Geist & J. Wood, Trans.). Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing. § Haedrich, M. (1972). Coco Chanel: Her life, her secrets (C. L. Markmann, Trans.). London, UK: Robert Hale. § Madsen, A. (2009). Coco Chanel: A biography. London, UK: Bloomsbury. § Morand, P. (2008). The allure of Chanel (E. Cameron, Trans.) (2nd ed.). London, UK: Pushkin Press. § Parker, R. (2013). The improbable return of Coco Chanel: As witnessed by her assistant, Richard Parker. Narragansett, RI: eBook Bakery. § Picardie, J. (2011). Coco Chanel: The legend and life. London, UK: Harper Collins. § Vaughan, H. (2012). Sleeping with the enemy: Coco Chanel’s secret war. New York, NY: Vintage Books.

5.5.2. Data analysis and extraction After the collection of data, the researcher of this study adopted an analytical framework for the analysis of data. As argued by Miles et al. (2014), this enhances the reliability of a research study’s conclusions and/or findings. The analytical framework adopted for the purpose of this research study, in particular, was Miles et al.’s (2014, p. 12) ‘view of qualitative data analysis’. Within this analytical framework the analysis of data is considered to be comprised of the concurrent and iterative processes of: (a) data condensation; (b) data display; and, (c) 102 conclusion drawing and verification (Miles et al., 2014). These processes, as implemented in this research study, are addressed below and are, additionally, complemented by data condensation and data display methods and procedures, as applied to this psychobiographical research study.

5.5.2.1. Data condensation Data condensation is the process of abstracting, focusing, selecting and/or simplifying the body of collected data; and is a continuous process in any qualitative research study (Miles et al., 2014). As acknowledged by Miles et al. (2014), condensation initially occurs in (a) the adoption of a conceptual framework; (b) the formulation of particular questions to be addressed by the research study; (c) the identification and selection of a case(s) to be studied; and, (d) the selection of approaches to the collection of data. As the collection of data proceeds, condensation further occurs in data transformation and more specifically, in (a) the categorization of data, (b) the development of themes; and/or, (c) the formulation of analytic memorandums, or summaries. For the purpose of this study, Alexander’s (1988) approach to

103 data transformation was adopted and, accordingly, the analysis of collected data entailed the methods and procedures of: (a) allowing the data to reveal itself, and (b) addressing particular questions.

5.5.2.1.1. Allowing the data to reveal itself Allowing the data to reveal itself is an approach to data extraction, and is the methodical and systematic identification of information that psychologically relevant and/or salient to a psychobiographical research study. This is achieved by categorizing data according to indicators of psychological saliency (Alexander, 1981, 1988; Elms, 1994). These indicators include: (a) emphasis; (b) error, or distortion; (c) frequency; (d) incompletion; (e) isolation; (f) negation; (g) omission; (h) primacy; and (i) uniqueness, and are addressed below. (a) Emphasis. This refers to information that is either over- or underemphasized, or emphasis of information that is misplaced (Alexander, 1988). (b) Error, or distortion. This refers to any errors in the information (for example, distortions of events or persons and/or errors in factual information); and as argued by Alexander (1988), is occasionally reflective of concealed motives – especially from a perspective that is psychoanalytic. (c) Frequency. This refers to information on frequent occurrences (activities, events, experiences, and/or relationships), which is an indication of the importance thereof. More specifically, there is an assumption that a correlation exists between frequency and importance (Alexander, 1988); and, accordingly, continued reference to an activity, event, experience, and/or relationship is considered to be emblematic of its importance and/or

significance. Correspondingly, Alexander (1981) advises the psychobiographical 103 researcher to acknowledge and examine any fixations, or obsessions that exist for the psychobiographical subject as this is, characteristically, also demonstrative of the associated importance, or significance that exists for the psychobiographical subject. (d) Incompletion. This refers to inconclusive information, and is often distinguished by the absence of closure. As suggested by Alexander (1981) and Schultz (2005b) this could be indicative of an avoidance of an activity, event, experience, and/or relationship; and more specifically, the effects, or emotional impact of an activity, event, experience, and/or relationship on the psychobiographical subject. (e) Isolation. This refers to information on any inconsistent or noteworthy activity, event, experience, and/or relationship that challenges the logic and/or soundness of context- specific information on the psychobiographical subject (Elms, 1994). As argued by Schultz (2005b), information on any inconsistent or noteworthy activity, event, experience, and/or relationship is important and/or significant in also discovering and examining fragments that are isolated in psychobiographical subject’s unconscious.

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(f) Negation. This refers to information that is denied, or inversed (Alexander, 1988; Elms, 1994); and in psychoanalytic terms is considered to be demonstrative of the repressed (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b). Accordingly, information that is denied, or inversed is important and significant in discovering and examining beliefs that are critical to the psychobiographical research subject’s unconscious (Elms, 1994). More specifically, it is argued that – in discovering and examining the idealized representation of psychobiographical research subject – the conceptualization of what and who he/she is not, is just as important and significant as the emphasis on the actual attributes and characteristics of the psychobiographical research subject (Elms, 1994). (g) Omission. This refers to information that is insufficient, or lacking – especially in examination of the life narrative of the psychobiographical research subject (Schultz, 2005b). As acknowledged by Alexander (1988), it is critical to consider omission type in achieving a comprehensive and holistic understanding of the psychobiographical research subject. For example, the absence of appropriate affect is more important and significant than cognitive omissions (Alexander, 1988). (h) Primacy. This refers to information that is initially presented and is, accordingly, also considered to be significant (Elms, 1994). More specifically, Elms (1994) notes that information that is initially presented [such as, in the initial interaction between a client and psychotherapist (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b), or in the introductory sentence of an entry in a journal, or even paragraph (Elms, 1994)] is often critical in exploring and identifying communicated themes that also determine the disposition of future interactions, and/or themes. For this reason, initial occurrences (activities, events,

experiences, and/or relationships) in the life narrative of the psychobiographical research 104 subject, are also considered critical – especially in the formation of her or his beliefs and values (Elms, 1994). (i) Uniqueness. This refers to information on odd, or singular occurrences (activities, events, experiences, and/or relationships) in the life narrative of the psychobiographical research subject.

5.5.2.1.2. Addressing particular questions Once the collected data was examined to identify psychologically relevant and/or salient information, the data was reviewed to address particular questions. More specifically, the researcher of this study employed extracted information in ascertaining “core identifying units,” “schemas,” or “themes”; and determining the relevance of these themes in addressing particular questions (Alexander, 1988, p. 265). As suggested by Alexander (1988) these particular questions were conceptually and theoretically constructed to ensure the accomplishment of the aims and objectives of this research study. In particular, the researcher of this study addressed the following questions:

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(a) What body of the data will allow for the comprehensive description and exploration of Chanel’s development of identity and personality? (b) To what extent does this body of data confirm, or deny the development of identity and personality as conceptualized by object relations theories?

To address the first question, the researcher of this study constructed an extensive literature review on both the life narrative of the psychobiographical research subject (consult Chapter 3), and the concepts inherent to object relations theories (consult Chapter 4). The concepts inherent to object relations theories, more specifically, were comprehensively discussed in Chapter 4; and the researcher of this study examined and reviewed the concepts inherent to object relations theories – both conceptually and theoretically – by concentrating on critical early experiences and, more specifically, development that occurs between the ages of 0-12 months in the description and explanation of the development of identity and personality. To address the next question, the concepts inherent to object relations theories were compared with the collected data on the life narrative of the psychobiographical research subject; and, the collected data on the life narrative of the psychobiographical research subject was, conversely, compared with the concepts inherent to object relations theories. More specifically, it was acknowledged that this research study is characteristically descriptive-dialogical (Fouché & de Vos, 2005), and that, accordingly, there is a dialogue between (a) the concepts inherent to object relations theories, especially as a descriptive and exploratory framework, and (b) the collected data on the psychobiographical research subject. By analytically comparing collected data to object relations theories, the researcher of this study actively engaged in the dialogue and was, for this reason, able to critically evaluate the (a) 105 applicability of constructs in object relations theories in describing the development of identity and personality of the selected subject; and, (b) extent to which the life of the psychobiographical research subject, as a case study, is generalizable to psychological theory. This is also referred to as analytical generalization (Yin, 2009). As acknowledged by Carlson (1988) and Schultz (2005a), analytical generalization is critical to the development of psychological theory, because existing hypotheses about a particular psychological theory are confirmed, or contradicted.

5.5.2.2. Data display Following the adopted approaches to data transformation, as discussed in the previous section, the researcher of this study carefully considered data display. Data display, more specifically, is consecutive to data transformation, and is the assembling of data into a concise and organized structure that allows for data examination and review in the construction, and consecutive verification, of conclusions and/or findings (Miles et al., 2014; Stroud, 2004). As acknowledged by Miles et al. (2014) this concise and organized structure is most commonly

106 and frequently arranged as extended text. Yet Miles et al. (2014), and Yin (2003) caution that extended text is a challenge to the qualitative researcher, because the amount of data displayed in extended text complicates, or detracts from an accurate analysis of data. Accordingly, it is recommended that the qualitative researcher carefully considers alternative, and/or complementary methods and procedures for data display – for example, charts, graphs, matrices and/or networks (Miles et al., 2014). The researcher of this study approached data display by making use of extended text [especially in the construction of extensive literature reviews on both the life narrative of the psychobiographical research subject (consult Chapter 3), and the concepts inherent to object relations theories (consult Chapter 4)], and – as suggested by Miles et al. (2014), and Yin (2003) – graphs, matrices and networks. Accordingly, it is concluded that data was displayed both textually and visually. Visually, the researcher of this study (a) displayed information on the life of the selected subject by making use of graphs and networks (consult Appendices D, E, and F), and (b) developed a conceptual matrix in applying, integrating and organizing components of object relations theories across Chanel’s lifespan. This conceptual framework is attached in Appendix G, and was employed in (a) identifying information that adequately addresses the development of Chanel’s identity and personality; and, (b) applying the constructs of development of identity and personality – as constructed in object relations theories – across her lifespan in extrapolating and illuminating individual patterns that emerge and extend over a period of time. As noted by Miles et al. (2014), these individual patterns are critical in the consecutive process of conclusion drawing and verification.

5.5.2.3. Conclusion drawing and verification 106 Conclusion drawing and verification is the analytical process of critically interpreting individual patterns – causal flows, explanations, and/or propositions – that arise from the condensed and displayed data (Miles et al., 2014). As advised by Miles et al. (2014) any conclusions and/or findings that are constructed from these interpretations are to be approached with openness and scepticism. This is because the analysis of data is, characteristically, concurrent and iterative; and, for this reason, conclusions and/or findings are continuously revised. More specifically, conclusions and/or findings are continuously revised for apparent confirmability, plausibility and sturdiness. This is also referred to as the process of verification (Miles et al., 2014). For the purpose of this research study, verification consisted of acknowledging and addressing limitations of methodological rigor in qualitative research. This is comprehensively discussed in the following section, and complements and supplements the limitations of methodological rigor in psychobiographical research – as addressed and discussed in Chapter 2.

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5.6. Limitations of methodological rigor in qualitative research Although there are advantages to the methodological principles of qualitative research, it is acknowledged that the methodological principles of qualitative research studies are also critically evaluated (Miles et al., 2014). More specifically, the methodological principles of qualitative research studies are censured for certain limitations of methodological rigor in achieving authenticity, quality and/or trustworthiness (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). These limitations of methodological rigor are addressed below, and complement and supplement the considerations of methodological rigor in psychobiographical research – as addressed and discussed in Chapter 2.

5.6.1. Audibility Audibility refers to the reliability of a research study’s methods and procedures, and more specifically, the extent to which the methods and procedures – and any associated processes – of a research study are consistent and reasonably stable across researchers, and over time (Fouché, 1999; Miles et al., 2014). For a research study to be consistent and reasonably stable across researchers, and over time, Fick (2006) and Yin (2009) suggest that the employed methods and/or procedures of the study, and in particular the collection, processing, and transformation of data are carefully delineated and documented. To achieve this, Yin (2009) proposes the construction of a data matrix that clearly displays and/or presents data in relation to an appropriate and congruent design, and/or exploratory framework. Additional, complementary measures suggested by Miles et al. (2014) include: (a) the adoption of an appropriate and congruent design to achieve the aims and objectives of the research; (b) the delineation of the aims and objectives of the research, as relevant to research problem(s) and/or 107 question(s); (c) the comprehensive discussion of analytic constructs and paradigms; (d) the demonstration of meaningful parallelism across data sources in the conclusions and/or findings of the research, also referred to as data triangulation; and, (d) the employment of applicable measures of quality for addressing concerns of methodological rigor.

5.6.1.1. Measures of quality: Addressing audibility in this research study To achieve audibility, the researcher of this study constructed a data matrix that clearly displays and/or presents data in relation to the exploratory framework, and more specifically in relation to the analytic constructs of psychoanalytic theory50. Additionally, the researcher of this study applied the additional, complementary measures suggested by Miles et al. (2014). These measures were comprehensively discussed in the preceding section.

50 Please consult Appendix G.

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5.6.2. Authenticity Authenticity refers to the credibility of a research study, and its conclusions and/or findings (Miles et al., 2014). As acknowledged by Krefting (1991), the credibility of a research study, and its conclusions and/or findings is the most critical determinant of methodological rigor; and is also referred to as internal validity. Internal validity, characteristically, refers to causality and more, specifically the accurate establishment of a causal relationship between conditions and/or variables (Neumam, 2003). It is, accordingly, considered to be a construct that is distinctively, and paradigmatically quantitative. For this reason Yin (1994) concludes that the establishment of internal validity and its associated components [content validity, face validity, predictive validity, etc. (Miles et al., 2014)] is of more significance in the critical evaluation of causal or explanatory research studies, as in the critical evaluation of descriptive or exploratory research studies. Wolcott (1990, 1994) similarly suggests that the critical evaluation of descriptive and exploratory research studies does not call for an evaluation of its internal validity, but for its achieved understanding. This achieved understanding, Maxwell (1992) further notes, is evaluated for its (a) descriptive, (b) evaluative, (c) interpretive, and (d) theoretical value (Maxwell, 1992). Accordingly, Miles et al. (2014) conclude that the authenticity of a characteristically descriptive and exploratory research study – as is the case with this research study – is ascribed to conclusions and/or findings that are context-rich, meaningful, and “thick” (Geertz, 1973). To accomplish this, Willig (2001) proposes triangulation – that is, the assessment of complementary data sources and methods in achieving analytically convergent findings and/or propositions. This, Flick (2009) suggests, allows for (a) a comprehensive examination of the phenomenon, situation and/or subject, and (b) the extrapolation and illumination of themes 108 and/or theories; and, accordingly, abates bias in conclusions/and or findings. Patton (1987) identifies four triangulation types: (a) data triangulation; (b) methodological triangulation; (c) theoretical triangulation; and, (d) investigator, or researcher triangulation. Data triangulation is the complementary examination and review of assorted data sources, such as both primary and secondary sources, and allows for a comprehensive and holistic understanding of a context-specific phenomenon, situation and/or subject. As acknowledged by Schultz (2005a), this comprehensive and holistic understanding abates for bias in conclusions and/or findings; and, accordingly, contributes to the accuracy and credibility of a research study. Methodological triangulation, correspondingly, also contributes to the accuracy and credibility of a research study by approaching the collection of data comprehensively and holistically; and critically evaluating the data in the confirmation of conclusions and/or findings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). As noted by Tindall (1999), this critical evaluation is complemented by theoretical triangulation. More specifically, theoretical triangulation is characterized by the acknowledgement of contextual subjectivity, and accordingly accounts for the complexity and multiplicity of a phenomenon, situation and/or subject. Additionally, it is acknowledged that

109 the complexity and multiplicity of a phenomenon, situation and/or subject is associated with certain challenges to the evaluation of an individual phenomenon, situation and/or subject. To account for these challenges, Krefting (1991) suggests that all conclusions and/or findings about an individual phenomenon, situation and/or subject are critically, and externally reviewed. This is also referred to as investigator, or researcher triangulation (Patton, 1987). As noted by Tindall (1999), investigator, or researcher triangulation allows for acumens into conclusions and/or findings, but also into the development of a research study. The development of a research study, Taylor (1999) acknowledges, is critically influenced by the researcher’s affective states, assumptions, biases and values. For this reason, it is important for the researcher to engage in personal reflexivity (Willig, 2001).

5.6.2.1. Measures of quality: Addressing authenticity in this research study This research study adopted an approach that is characteristically descriptive and exploratory, and for this reason aimed at achieving authenticity and credibility – as opposed to internal validity. To achieve authenticity and credibility, the researcher of this study actively employed the methods of (a) data triangulation; (b) methodological triangulation; (c) theoretical triangulation; and, (d) investigator, or researcher triangulation. More specifically, the researcher of this study examined and reviewed of assorted data sources, such as both primary and secondary sources, over an extended period of time. Any conclusions and/or findings from this examination and review, furthermore, were critically evaluated in the confirmation of conclusions and/or findings, and alternative descriptions and explanations were, additionally, explored. As acknowledged by Flick (2009), this wed the 109 researcher of this study to address any biased and/or distorted conclusions and/or findings. Biased and/or distorted conclusions and/or findings were additionally addressed by adopting methods of theoretical triangulation. More specifically, the researcher of this study analytically employed psychoanalytic theories in the complementary description and exploration of aspects that are both interpersonal, and personal in the development of identity and personality. Additionally, in acknowledgement of the complexity and multiplicity of the selected subject, the researcher of this study aimed at achieving a culturally empathic understanding of the selected subject. This was achieved by conducting an extensive and holistic examination and review of applicable cultural, economic, political and social texts. Additionally any cultural, economic, political and social factors and/or influences on the life narrative of the selected subject were acknowledged and comprehensively discussed in the extensive literature review. The researcher’s supervisors, furthermore, critically evaluated any conclusions and/or findings that were constructed from this literature review. This critical evaluation did not only offer the researcher of this study with acumens into the conclusions and/or findings about the

110 selected subject, but also into the development of the research study. More specifically, the researcher of this study was able to acknowledge the influence of her affective states, assumptions, biases and values on the development of the research study by actively engaging in personal reflexivity.51

5.6.3. Confirmability Confirmability refers to a research study’s accomplished neutrality, or objectivity; and more specifically, the absence of bias in any conclusions and/or findings that are stated by the study (De Vos, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). It is, characteristically, an analytical objective of a paradigm that is positivistic; and assumes the neutrality, or objectivity of the researcher (Miles et al., 2014). More specifically, in a paradigm that is positivistic the researcher adopts an approach that is epistemologically objective; and accordingly, is considered to be distinct from her or his contextual subjectivity. For this reason any conclusions and/or findings about the research subject are established neutrally or objectively, by adopting experimental and quantitative strategies (Golafshani, 2003; Miles et al., 2014; Van der Riet & Durrheim, 2006). In a paradigm that is post-positivist, however, the researcher is not considered to be distinct from her or his contextual subjectivity, because it is acknowledged that the researcher is a subject within her-/himself (Sey, 2006). It is contended that any conclusions and/or findings about the research subject are, accordingly, continually constructed and co-constructed between the researcher and research subject; and that this construction is embedded in changing discourse and textuality (Sey, 2006). For this reason any conclusions and/or findings about the research subject are established heuristically, by adopting exploratory and qualitative strategies

(Golafshani, 2003; Miles et al., 2014; Van der Riet & Durrheim, 2006). 110 By adopting exploratory and qualitative strategies that are paradigmatically post-positivist – as is the case with this research study – the neutrality, or objectivity of the researcher is, in conclusion, difficult to ensure. This is because the researcher is not considered to be distinct from her or his contextual subjectivity; and, accordingly, is biased in any conclusions and/or findings that are stated by the study (Miles et al., 2014). This does not, however, mean that the researcher is not able to abate, or account for her or his bias. More specifically, Miles et al. (2014) argue that the exploratory and qualitative researcher is able to achieve confirmability of the research study by acknowledging her or his bias explicitly, and examining how this affects the research study. This is accomplished by detailing and documenting the employed methods and/or procedures of the study, and in particular the collection, processing, and transformation of data; the careful construction of conclusions and/findings, as corroborated by the data; and, the careful consideration of alternative conclusions and/or findings.

51 Consult Appendix A for excerpts from the journal that was implemented for the purpose of personal reflexivity.

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5.6.3.1. Measures of quality: Addressing confirmability in this research study The researcher of this study acknowledged that bias exists in any conclusions and/or findings of this study. To abate, and account for the bias, the researcher of this study applied Miles et al.’s (2014) proposed strategies for achieving confirmability52. More specifically, the researcher of this study carefully detailed and documented employed methods and/or procedures of the study, and comprehensively discussed the collection, processing, and transformation of data. Additionally, all conclusions and/or findings were constructed carefully, and the researcher also considered alternative conclusions and/or findings. The researcher also engaged in personal reflexivity to continually determine the influence of her affective states, assumptions, biases and values on the research study.

5.6.4. Construct validity Construct validity refers to a research study’s operational processes, and more specifically, the careful consideration of the constructs that are being studied in the identification and implementation of applicable, correct operational processes (Yin, 2009). As noted by Neuman (2003), it is important for the researcher of the study to carefully conceptualize these constructs in consideration of the aims and objectives of the research study. In doing so, the researcher of the study is able to clearly establish indicators that are operationalized in the collection of data. This, accordingly, ensures that the correct constructs are measured (Neuman, 2003).

5.6.4.1. Measures of quality: Addressing construct validity in this research

study 111 This researcher of this study adopted an approach that is characteristically descriptive and exploratory by employing the methodological principles of psychobiographical research. Accordingly, it is acknowledged that there are certain limitations in achieving construct validity (Fouchè, 1999; Yin, 2014). However, in an attempt to address these limitations, the researcher of this study carefully considered the aims and objectives of the research study in the conceptualization of the constructs that were studied. The conceptualization of these constructs, more specifically, were comprehensively discussed in the extensive literature review object relations theories; and the identification and implementation of applicable, correct operational processes were carefully considered, and paralleled with Chanel’s life narrative in development of her identity and personality.

52 These implemented strategies complement and supplement the considerations of methodological rigor in psychobiographical research – as addressed and discussed in Chapter 2.

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5.6.5. Fittingness Fittingness refers to the transferability of a research study’s conclusions and/or findings to other contexts and more specifically, other phenomena, situations and/or subjects (De Vos, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Miles et al., 2014). As noted by Lincoln and Guba (1985, 1988), it is a critical determinant of methodological rigor; and is also referred to as external validity. External validity, however, is considered to be a construct that is distinctively, and paradigmatically quantitative because it assumes that any conclusions and/or findings about a phenomenon, situation and/or subject are generalizable, or transferable to other phenomena, situations and/or subjects; and, accordingly does not account for the context-specificity of a phenomenon, situation and/or subject. As this context-specificity is, however, accounted for by qualitative research studies, it is argued that any conclusions and/or findings about a phenomenon, situation and/or subject, that are qualitatively structured, are also context-specific and, accordingly, contextually subjective (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). This context-specificity and contextual subjectivity of conclusions and/or findings that are qualitatively structured, denotes that there are limitations to its generalizability, or transferability. However, as argued by Miles et al. (2014), these limitations to the generalizability, or transferability of conclusions and/or findings that are qualitatively structured do not imply that conclusions and/or findings that are qualitatively structured are not fitting to a particular research study. More specifically, it is contended that conclusions and/or findings that are qualitatively structured are fitting if the methods and/or procedures of the research study, and in particular the collection, processing, and transformation of data, are carefully delineated and documented. In doing so, the researcher acknowledges the limitations of the adopted methods and procedures; and clearly identifies the context to which the conclusions and/or findings are 112 transferable (Miles et al., 2014). This allows other researcher to critically evaluate the fittingness of the conclusions and/or findings, and to determine applicability of the conclusions and/or findings to other phenomena, situations and/or subjects (De Vos, 2005; Krefting, 1991).

5.6.5.1. Measures of quality: Addressing fittingness in this research study The researcher of this study adopted an approach that is paradigmatically qualitative. For this reason, it is acknowledged that there are certain limitations to the generalizability, or transferability of any conclusions and/or findings about the selected subject (Runyan, 1988b). However, it is critical to note that the aim of this research study was not to generalize, or transfer any conclusions and/or findings about the selected subject to other contexts and more specifically, other phenomena, situations and/or subjects. The aim of this research study was to, rather, comprehensively describe and explore that which is individual and unique about the selected subject. This was achieved by adopting the methodological principles of psychobiographical research; and, accordingly, external validity was not a concern of methodological rigor (Fouché, 1999; Stroud, 2004).

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This is because psychobiographical research adopts an approach that is idiographic in achieving a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of the selected subject. As this is accomplished by the analytical employment of psychological theory, it is argued that analytical generalization is an alternative, and appropriate determinant of methodological rigor in psychobiographical research (Yin, 2014). Analytical generalization, more specifically, is the generalizability, or transferability of descriptive and exploratory findings to a selected theory; and is critical in the evaluation of that theory (Yin, 2014). For the purpose of this research study, descriptive and exploratory findings about Chanel, and in particular the development of her identity and personality were compared with, and generalized to object relations theories.

5.6.6. Utilization Action orientation, or utilization, is considered to be a category of “evaluative validity” (Maxwell, 1992), and refers to the assessment and critical evaluation of a research study’s applied contributions and/or value. As argued by Miles et al. (2014), evaluative validity complements and enriches a research study’s authenticity, quality and/or trustworthiness; and it is, accordingly, important for the researcher of a study to acknowledge, and address concerns of beneficence and non-maleficence. This is achieved by (a) carefully considering, and delineating the measures of best ethical practice, as applied to the research study; and (b) the critical evaluation of the application of conclusions and/or findings of the research study in the clarification, or elucidation of particular problems and/or questions (Miles et al., 2014).

5.6.6.1. Measures of quality: Addressing this research study’s utilization

As recommended, the researcher of this study established evaluative validity by critically 113 evaluating the application of conclusions and/or findings of the research study in the clarification, or elucidation of particular problems and/or questions53. Additionally, the measures of best ethical practice, as applied to this research study are addressed below.

5.7. Ethics This research study was approved and cleared by the Faculty of Humanities’ Higher Degrees Committee (HDC), denoting that it adequately conforms to the ethical requirements of the University of Johannesburg. However, it is important to note that this approval and clearance necessitated certain considerations of ethical practices. These considerations of ethical practices complement and supplement the ethics of psychobiographical research – as addressed and discussed in Chapter 2 – and include: (a) beneficence and non-maleficence; (b) confidentiality; and, (c) consent (Wassenaar, 2006).

53 For a comprehensive discussion on the contributions and limitations of this research study, consult Chapter 7.

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5.7.1. Beneficence and non-maleficence 5.7.1.1. Beneficence This research study acknowledged and emphasized Chanel’s individuality and uniqueness, and contributed to a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of her life narrative. This was the first psychological understanding of the selected subject. It is contended that, for this reason, this research study actively contributed to the academic development of psychobiographical research – both internationally and in South Africa. More specifically, the academic development of psychobiographical research was accomplished by the critical evaluation of psychoanalytic theory – and especially objects relations theories – and its applicability and particular relevance to psychobiographical research. Furthermore, this research study examined the limitations and value of psychobiographical research as a particular type of case report research.

5.7.1.2. Non-maleficence As particular type of case report research, available data sources on the selected subject were consulted, examined and reviewed assorted. In this consultation, examination and review, the researcher of this study accessed information that was already available in the domain of the public. Since this information was on the life of a deceased individual with no close family and/or friends that are living, considerations of maleficence were moderated (Köváry, 2011). Still, this research study adopted Elms’ (1994) ethical policies for ensuring that the dignity, protection and rights of Chanel were continuously acknowledged and defended. Accordingly, this study employed accessed information on Chanel’s life in a manner that respected her character and reputation. 114

5.7.2. Confidentiality Although this research study was concerned with the character and reputation of Chanel, confidentiality was not achieved/ensured. This is because, as stated by van Niekerk (as cited in Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010), a distinctive feature of psychobiographical research is that it clearly identifies the individual – and in particular, the selected subject. Fittingly, this psychobiographical research study clearly identified Chanel as the selected subject. As Chanel, the selected subject, is a deceased individual with no close family and/or friends that are living, Köváry (2011) notes that considerations of confidentiality are moderated. Still, the researcher of this study acknowledged that the invasion of privacy of the selected subject was a concern of this research study. For this reason the researcher of this study explored information that is intimate and/or personal to the selected subject, with compassion, empathy and respect (Elms, 1994; Stroud, 2004).

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5.7.3. Consent Elms (1994) and Köváry (2011) suggest that, as the selected subject of this research study was a deceased individual with no close family and/or friends that are living, the researcher of this study did not have to obtain permission to explore information that is intimate and/or personal to the selected subject. It is also important to note that the researcher of this study explored information that is intimate and/or personal to the selected subject for academic purposes, and that this research study is not likely to be consulted, examined and/or reviewed by the general public. Accordingly, it is concluded that considerations of consent were adequately moderated (Köváry, 2011).

5.8. Chapter summary In this chapter it was acknowledged that the approach of psychobiographical research is paradigmatically post-positivist, and classified as morphogenic, qualitative research. Accordingly, this chapter carefully considered the methodological principles of qualitative research studies – complementary to the comprehensive discussion on the methodological principles of psychobiographical research studies in Chapter 2 – in addressing and describing: (a) the aims and objectives of this research study; (b) the design, method and procedure of this research study; (c) data management and processing in this research study; (d) limitations of methodological rigor, and measures of quality in this research study; and, (e) considerations of ethical practices. In the next section, the conclusions and findings of this research study are presented, and comprehensively discussed.

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6. CHAPTER 6 FINDINGS, INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION

6.1. Chapter preview Chanel was introduced as this psychobiographical research study’s subject, and her life narrative was previously presented and reviewed (Chapter 3). By describing and exploring this within the framework of this research study – that is, the object relations theory of Winnicott (Chapter 4) – the findings that followed from her life narrative are presented and reviewed. These are generalized to the object relations theory of Winnicott, and his notion of the self specifically. From this it is inferred that, as viewed by Winnicott, Chanel had both authentic and false self-structures. To comprehensively explore these from a psychological view, these are discussed in the framework of potential selves. Identified as parts of the self, it is suggested that her authentic self is theorized from: (a) her creative self, and (b) her rebellious self; and that her false self is theorized from: (c) her adored, favored and loved self, (d) her collapsed self, (e) her fragile and injured self, and (f) her pretend self. The findings and interpretations made from this are then reviewed and summarized. Next, the object relations theory of Winnicott – and the fittingness and relevance of it to this research study – is reviewed by: (a) considering its contributions to this, and other psychobiographical research; and (b) exploring its limitations to this, and other psychobiographical research.

6.2. The authentic self

The authentic self supposes for Winnicott (1960a, 1960b) that affects and excitement states 116 (that is, feelings, impulses and/or needs) guide an individual’s life path and/or trajectory. This allows the individual to relate successfully – both to the other (in that, in the absence of anxiety and/or conflict, he or she can have full relationships) and, the self (in that he or she can rely on these states). This also characterizes a healthy personality (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1971) in that: (a) affection, aggression, and erotism are integrated as parts of the personality; and (b) it allows the individual to live from the “inside out” (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013, p. 192). This implies that he or she has a maintained a sense of feeling alive, feeling real, and feeling in touch with the world (Winnicott, as cited in Jacobs, 1995). As is consistent with a focus on the individual’s inherited potential [as with the object relations theory of Winnicott (1960a)], and the identification of normative processes and psychological strengths [as with psychobiographical research (Wilson & Blum, 2005)] the next section suggests that Chanel maintained this sense, as is evidenced by: (a) the creative self; and, (b) the rebellious self.

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6.2.1. The creative self For Cattani, Colucci and Ferriani (2015) there is an alignment between “creativity” and/or “expression” and fashion; and for Li (2015) it is about the “extension of the self.” An expression and manifestation, visually, of where an individual – colored by culture, emotions, history and politics – “stands” (Li, 2015). As a fashion icon known for her revolutionary style (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), it is argued that Chanel creatively expressed herself in her fashion and that by “fighting for [it]” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 219) she also fought for a self that was true (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1971). This is further implied by her statements that “[She did not] do fashion, [she was] fashion” (Chanel, as cited in De Fabianis, 2010, p. 8), and that “[she] could never have given [it] up” (Chanel, as cited in Vaughan, 2012, p. 54). However, more than this, it is also seen through her work. A collective consideration of this suggests that: (a) Chanel was an artistically creative individual; (b) Chanel could and/or did not “betray” her self for an “expected self,” and she was resolute in her style and vision; and, (c) there was congruence between her fashion, and her positioning of self. This is explored further in the next sections. The importance of this, from a view that is Winnicottian, is that this is evidence of the expression of a self that is true in that: (a) by creatively expressing her self in her fashion, she was able to express parts of the self; (b) this expression likely provided it her with a sense of aliveness, feeling real, and feeling in touch with the world; and, (c) she could be independently from the other, in that she did not allow the attitudes and expectations of others to prohibit her but rather relied on her feelings, impulses and/or needs – that is, her instincts (Winnicott, 1960b). This, it is inferred, is a positive symptom and may be regarded as a strength (Winnicott,

1960b) in that she allowed her feelings, impulses and/or needs to guide her life path and/or 117 trajectory – from the “inside out” (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013, p. 192) – as indicative of her inherited potential (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This suggests, for Winnicott (1960a), that Chanel (a) came to exist independently and had a full life, and (b) that ego integration occurred in that she had a ‘self.’

6.2.1.1. Chanel as an artistically creative individual In addition to creatively expressing herself in her fashion, it is argued that Chanel’s creative expression extended to other parts of her work. An example of this includes her brief career as a performer (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel’s ambition to become a cabaret performer surfaced in her twenties, and she established herself as an independent performer with a regular slot. To audition for lyrical opera, variety shows and vaudeville she expanded on her repertoire, and moved from Moulins to Vichy (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Chanel also collaborated with others in creating, designing, and making. Examples of this include her and Beaux’s collaboration on the creation and launch of Chanel No. 5 in 1921

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(Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012)], and her collaboration with the International Guild of Diamond Merchants in the design of diamond jewelry in 1932 (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013)]. She was also extensively involved in, and supported the arts – Chanel created the costumes for the Ballet Russes’ productions (that included Le Train bleu and Œdipe roi), and was also a sponsor for 15 years (Picardie, 2010)]. It is also further interesting to note that Chanel established friendships and/or relationships with other creatively expressive individuals (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010) – such as acclaimed artists (e.g., Pablo Picasso, and Salvador Dalí); ballet dancers (e.g., Serge Lifar); and playwrights (e.g., Jean Cocteau) – in that it is possible to reason that this allowed her to express parts of her self that are true, or that she appreciated the expression of their fantasy, inner reality, and self. Collectively, this creative expression – from a view that is Winnicottian – is aligned with “fantasy, inner reality and self” (Winnicott, 1988, p. 52 as in Abram, 2004), and is an elaboration of the feelings and/or functions of parts of the self that are true (Winnicott, 1954, 1966, 1971). This elaboration is explored further in the next section, with a focus on her as resolute in her style and vision.

6.2.1.2. Chanel as resolute in her style and vision On her entry into the fashion industry, Chanel challenged conventional “femininity” and “masculinity” – described by some as the feminization of masculinity (Banta, 2011; Spirito, 2010; Zoccoli, 2011). Considering that this was during an era when gender lines and mores were outlined by patriarchal values (Madsen, 2009; Parker, 2013; Picardie, 2010), and when fashion was hegemonized by men, this was rebellious – but also revolutionary. This can be 118 considered an example of an expression of a self that was true, because she did not “betray” her self for an “expected self” (Winnicott 1986, p. 65); and was concerned with remaining resolute to her self, and her style and/or vision – as is also evidenced by her return to work. After the closure of the fashion house in 1939 – and her exile of 15 years – Chanel again began designing fashion in 1954. Alluding to the closure of the fashion house, and her exile she stated that that time was “a filthy mess” (Chanel, as cited in Galante 1973, p. 212), implying perhaps that – in the absence of creatively expressing herself, as an example, in her fashion – she was not provided with a sense of aliveness, feeling real, and feeling in touch with the world (Winnicott, as cited in Jacobs, 1995). In this regard it seems that her exile in reality became symbolic of her inner psychological world – she was just as out of touch with the self, as what she was with the world. It is further interesting to note that she was not as personally reflective of this time. In this regard, her absence from fashion perhaps relates to the absence and/or lack of narratives that are more personal – collectively creating the impression that she was not as ‘real’; and, possibly, prompting her return.

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On her return, Chanel continued to control her designs despite the fact that the fashion house was owned by Pierre Wertheimer by the time; and she handed over ownership strictly on these terms (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Her designs were not positively received and/or responded to, but she persisted and remained resolute in her style (Madsen, 2009). As explained further by Madsen (2009), cinched and constructed designs and silhouettes were the trend – but Chanel continued to design fashion as she always had despite disapproval from the fashion industry [her fashion was no longer regarded as “innovative” or “progressive” (Bellafante, 1998), but as insipid], and financial loss. That is, her designs were not modified to be reflective of styles of the time, but rather to be reflective of her style and vision (Bellafante, 1998). It is further interesting to note, in this regard, that her designs and fashion were marked by the body’s cumulative exposure (Brumberg, 1988) in that it is possible to reason that this was her way of also ‘exposing’ parts of herself – that is, parts of the self that were true – and that, following from when she was not as real, or in touch she became more in touch with the world. This could also explain her motivation for continuing to display these at fashion shows, twice-yearly, in that it was an expression of the self that were true and that it made her feel more real and in touch with the world. Approaching her death in 1971, she was also busy with a collection that was to be displayed at a fashion show in spring of that year (Madsen, 2009). Although she again established her influence and prominence by that time (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), what is perhaps most remarkable is that she stayed true to her vision.

6.2.1.3. The congruence between Chanel’s fashion, and positioning of self 119 An exploration of her fashion suggests that she abandoned cinched and constructed designs for loose silhouettes and that – in doing so – she abdicated the conventions of femininity in the freedom of movement that it permitted (Dunne, 2013). This extended into her positioning of self, in that freedom was important to her. That is, her fashion and the freedom of movement that it permitted seemed to be symbolic of her desire to be ‘free’ in other ways, and/or not to be restricted. This particularly pertained to her role as a woman, as reflected by her rejection of traditional values (Spirito, 2010; Sun, 2012). Her aspiration to financial independence is an instance of this. In accounts to Haedrich (1972) and Morand (1976), Chanel detailed her humiliation when Capel informed her that what she considered to be Chanel Modes profits, was in actuality an overdraft permitted by his securities. She expressed that “…[She] began to hate this man who was paying for [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 42). This extended not only to him, but to the idea of a “kept woman” – as reflected by her statement that “[She] said to [herself], ‘Are you going to become like them? A kept woman?...[She] didn’t want it” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 42). From this it is possible to reason that financial independence meant to her that she could

120 be her “own master” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 43) and/or rely on herself, and did not have to be a patriarchally restrained woman. This extended further to her work (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), in that she was dedicated to it and even favored it to her relationships stating that “…[she] chose the dresses… the moment she had to choose between [the dresses]…” and a man (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 183). Seeing that at the time it was not “…[understood] that a woman, even a rich woman, might want to work” (Chanel, as cited in Parker, 2013, p. 54), this can be regarded as a rejection of tradition values – but, also, as expression of a self that was true. Here, it is possible to reason that she “chose the dresses” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 183) because she identified with it as a part of her self and/or it provided her with a sense of aliveness, feeling real, and feeling in touch with the world that, perhaps, was not provided by her relationships. This could also explain, perhaps, her disavowal of marriage – Chanel did not have children and did not marry (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), and declared that “[she] could never have given up the House of Chanel” (Chanel, as cited in Vaughan, 2012, p. 54). She further implied the insignificance of marriage by stating that there “…[was] only one…Chanel” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 163). This, it is inferred, is perhaps reflective of the significance she ascribed to: (a) being herself independently from the other, and (b) continuing to express the self that is true. Collectively, this implies that – just as she defined fashion for herself – she also defined her own role as a woman. Furthermore, the congruence that existed between her fashion and this role – that is, the feminization of masculinity (Banta, 2011; Spirito, 2010; Zoccoli, 2011) – was also an expression of a self that is true. That is, it is evidence of a ‘healthy personality’ (Winnicott, 1960b, 1971).

120 6.2.2. The rebellious self Despite this evidence of a ‘healthy’ personality – as explored in the previous section – it is important to keep in mind that, for Winnicott (1960b, 1971), a healthy personality may also have arrests in development, causing ‘moments of regression.’ In the following section is suggested that Chanel experienced these moments of regression, in expressing parts of her primitive self. This includes her rebellious self. In exploring the potential rebellious self, to rebel – in the view of Winnicott (1950, 1965b) – is an attempt at the fusion of instincts so that affection, aggression, and erotism are: (a) expressed positively in relating successfully to others; and (b) are integrated as parts of the personality. This, however, implies that there was not an integration between these parts of the personality and/or self – but that there was a ‘developing’ or emerging self in that the self structure was also not ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1950). This is a positive symptom from a view that is Winnicottian in that there has been a formation of self (Winnicott, 1958b, 1960, 1965b) and, as such, is included in the next section as part of the self that is true.

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In exploring this as part of the self that is true, however, it is acknowledged that this differs from the previous section in that it concerns the developing and/or emerging self, and not the fully integrated self. In this context, the following section suggests that Chanel’s emerging self was suggested by: (a) acting-out behaviours; (b) her fashion; and, (c) her need to protest – as parts of the rebellious self.

6.2.2.1. Acting-out behaviours and the rebellious self The acting-out and/or “antisocial” behaviours that Chanel displayed include, most notably, deceit and minor theft (Winnicott, 1984). Chanel admitted that “[she] behaved badly…[she] lied...” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 39), with her deceit encompassing many themes – such as her age, her background and history, and individuals she did and/or did not have relations with; and extending over many relationships – such as familial relationships, friendships, and personal relationships (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Of these, Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) contend that her deception of her family members are the most notable, in particular reference to her brothers – she contacted them with the closure of her fashion house with the onset of war in 1939, and claimed that due to her financial insecurity she could provide them with stipends – despite the fact that she was immensely wealthy, and earned an income from the Chanel No.5 profits at the time (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). For Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) this is an example of her inconsideration, manipulativeness and/or vindictiveness. From a view that is Winnicottian, however, this is a “hopeful” symptom (Winnicott, 1986) in that is indicates the preservation the self (Winnicott, as cited in Lemma, 2005).

Here it is possible to reason that there was a break in the continuity of her experience of 121 self with the closure of her fashion house. She could not creatively express herself in her fashion and/or could not express parts of the self – causing her feel out of touch with the world. From this it follows that the function of the lie was to obtain the other and return to a satisfying state (Winnicott, 1965b). An example of this is potentially suggested by her brother’s concern for her, as elicited by the lie [e.g., in that Lucien offered her his savings (Madsen, 2009) – and in doing so he became the obtainable object]. This further implies that by having him as an obtainable object, she was provided with a self (e.g., ‘I have the evidence that I exist because of the other’). However, it is also possible to suggest that another function of the lie was to be seen for a self that is true. In this regard, the break in the continuity of her experience of self, may have prompted a return to self. By expressing in that she did not want to be a “last resort” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 229)] to her brothers, it seems that she had a need to not only be recognized for her role in supporting them – but for a self that was true (e.g., ‘I hate that I have to meet the needs of others in order to be seen’).

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In addition to being deceitful at times, Chanel also admitted to minor theft. In an account to Charles-Roux (1976), Galante (1973), Gidel (2000), and Morand (1976)] Chanel detailed one of her earliest memories in which she, aged 6, acted out her childhood fantasies in a Courpiére churchyard. She considered herself to be the graves’ ruler, and often referred to “her dead, and her tombs” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 8). Accompanied by her dolls, she conversed with her dead subjects – but to the dismay of her family members. Chanel clearly detailed their attempts at keeping her from “her dead” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 8); and maddened by this, she presented the tombs with “…flowers, and forks and whatever else [she] could steal at home” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24). This can be considered an effort to steal “back what has been stolen from [her]” (Summers, 2014, p. 167); and reflects and/or signifies – based on experiences that were “good” and the internalization of such – a belief that there was an object, something of value, to be found, regained and/or sought (Winnicott, 1965b). It is interesting to note, in this regard, Chanel’s declaration that “…the first persons to whom [she] opened [her] heart were dead people” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24); because from this it is possible to reason that: (a) the ‘dead’ were a psychological representation of her first object relationships, with the implication that others were not obtainable in her psychological world; and, (b) that the experience of feeling heard is what was being “re-found,” regained and/or re-sought. However, the environment was not able to make meaning of this – as a reprimand for stealing, Chanel was forbidden from the graveyard. As suggested by Winnicott (1963c), the implication of this was that the stealing did not stop. In her accounts to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974) and Haedrich (1972), she admitted to minor theft (e.g., bread, cherries and other food items) – as an adolescent – while living in 122 the orphanage. This minor theft, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1965b, p. 125), is not an attempt at “looking for the object stolen…but the mother over whom she has rights.” As suggested by Winnicott (1965), this also explains why she did not express guilt over her theft (Madsen, 2009). This is because this behavior was a to claim the “mother over whom she has rights” (Winnicott, 1965b, p. 125), but who was not obtainable. This extends to her mother in part – in that she was deceased and was no longer obtainable physically and/or psychologically – but also, more importantly, the mother representative(s). Here, the mother representative(s) – that is, the nuns at the orphanage – were cold-hearted and cruel, and Chanel insisted that they did not love or welcome her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Here it is interesting to note that, at the orphanage, her theft comprised mostly of food items. This can be regarded as a return to, symbolically, the empathic m/other who – as an example – adapts to the infant’s impulses and needs by feeding her or him when hungry. Here, Chanel expressed her ‘hunger’ perhaps by stating that “[She] knew no home, no love, no father and mother” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 30), further implying – at the level of symbolic

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– that the food items were likened to being loved and/or ‘satiated’ in some way. From this it is inferred that her theft, from a view that is Winnicottian (1965b), was an indicative of her need for the other to respond satisfactorily.

6.2.2.2. Fashion and the rebellious self Chanel also further had a need for the other to see her for a self that was true, as evidenced by her fashion. It has already been considered how Chanel creatively expressed herself in her fashion, and that this evidence of a self that is true in that: (a) she challenged conventional ideals; (b) there was a congruence that existed between her fashion and positioning of self; and, (c) she remained resolute in her style and vision. As this is explored further, however, it seems that her fashion was also in part rebellious. Chanel abjured the conventions of femininity, and androgynous ideals and principles were promoted by her style (Banta, 2011; Brumberg, 1988; Picardie, 2010). It is argued that examples of this include: the body’s cumulative exposure (Brumberg, 1988); her “breastless and hipless” ideal – that is, the promotion of slimness (Picardie, 2010, p. 76); and, the cutting of her hair short (Picardie, 2010). Although this challenge of conventional ideals may be regarded as rebellious, it was also revolutionary. For Winnicott (1969) this can be considered an expression of fantasy and/or inner reality as relating, specifically, to the aggressive impulse and/or “death” and “life” matters (Winnicott, 1969, p. 166). If this were to be explored further it may be possible to reason that – for Chanel, and as experienced in her fantasy and/or inner reality – conventional femininity related to “death” matters; and that to rebel from this related to “life” matters. Here, her experiences of what it meant to be woman, in that she “…learned that [her] father ruined [her] mother” 123 (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 21), perhaps support this. Extending from this is the possible presupposition that to: (a) be abandoned [e.g., consider Chanel’s description of her father and mother’s relationship in she “…always had to go looking for him” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 21)]; and, (b) humiliated [e.g., Chanel described extreme humiliation at others speaking of her mother as ‘poor Jeanne’ (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972)] related in some way to being a woman. Here Chanel’s aggressive impulse, as a possible response to this, was seen in her denial of traditional values. This is evidenced further by her statement that she cut her hair – as possibly symbolic of what it meant to be a woman – because it was “crushing [her] to death” and “…the cutting of the hair short goes with the modern woman” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 45). From this it is inferred that the impulse was integrated in such a way that Chanel “altered” and/or challenged society at the time (Winnicott, 1969), and this is considered positive and/or a relative strength. However, it is also important to note that it possibly represents – from a view that is Winnicottian (1969) – a belief that a lost object can be re-found, regained and/or re-sought, but not in the context of the family because they have not responded to this. For this reason it is re-

124 found, regained and/or re-sought in society (Winnicott, 1969). In this regard it is suggested that Chanel’s denial of traditional values may have been an attempt to re-find, regain and/or re-seek in society that which her family did not respond to – that is, the need to be seen. Here, her fashion meant that – as rebellious and revolutionary – she was seen.

6.2.2.3. The need to protest and the rebellious self It is contended that this dynamic existed in her general need to protest too. For Chanel, this was aligned to being cared for “out of charity and pity” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29), in that she claimed to deny everything that was offered to her from then. That is, she had a desire for the other to not only “pity” her – but to respond to and/or see her for a self that was true. In addition to denying everything that was offered to her, her behavior could also be destructive and harmful at times (Chaney, 2011). Examples of this include narratives in which she: (a) admitted to calculatingly damaging the frogs of the horses, by galloping and riding them without shoes so that they would not be taken (Charles-Roux, 1976; Madsen, 2009); (b) described how she and her sisters, after being locked in a room, “…peeled off [the plaster] from the walls” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 22); and, (c) fantasized about of harming the nuns (Delay, 1974). Although these are examples, from a view that is Winnicottian, of antisocial behavior, it is a positive symptom in that it is “ …an S.O.S. to society” (Winnicott, 1966, p. 6). That is, it is an expression of a need for stability – and because the family does not provide this, it is re- found, regained and/or re-sought in society (Winnicott, 1956). From this it follows that Chanel, too, sought stability from society. 124 As this is explored further it is inferred that her narratives are, respectively, symbolic of: (a) what is done, in her experience, to vulnerability (e.g., the ‘damaging’ of the frogs of the horses may symbolize how she, too, has been ‘damaged’ and/or hurt) and/or her fear of having her horses, as representative of something of value, taken from her; (b) being ‘locked out’ – both emotionally, and physically from provision; and, (c) the potential to wound. The implication of this, perhaps, is that: (a) and (b) are associated with deprivation in that it involves the loss of an object and its obtainability and, in response to this, seeking stability (e.g., by ensuring that the horses will not be taken); and, that (c) is an expression of an impulse in response to this. Here, the impulse particularly refers to aggression as directed and/or expressed to the mother and/or the mother representative – in this narrative, the nuns at the orphanage. This aggression can be considered an expression of her hate for the m/other, where this hate from the m/other preceded this (Winnicott, 1947, 1950). An expression of this is a positive symptom (Winnicott, 1950), in that this part of reality, the relationship(s), and self was not split. Another positive symptom is that Chanel also felt guilt in response to some of her behaviors – here, the damaging of the frogs of the horses – by expressing her fearfulness when being found

125 out by an officer, and as reflected by her statement that “[she] didn’t dare look at him” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 24). This guilt, from a view that is Winnicottian, alludes to the capacity for concern in that “concern” covers “in a positive way” that which “is covered in a negative way by the word ‘guilt’” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 167). For Winnicott (1962) this denotes that there is a “good-object imago” (an image of the “good object” and/or object relationship, that has been internalized and mentally represented); and this “good-object imago” is retained. From this, there is an idea that this imago can be obliterated; and guilt protects from this. As such, it is indicative of an integration of self in that the self-structure is not ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1962).

6.3. The false self Chanel’s degree of integration of self, however, is explored further in this section. From this it follows that she had moments of regression, resulting from: (a) deprivation, and a distortion of her ego and/or self; and/or, (b) privation, and a self structure that was ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1960b). This, it is inferred, most notably relates to an authentic and false self split, where the false self hides the self that is true; and, the defenses and/or responses that result from this split (Winnicott, 1960b). The influence of this on her life narrative is reviewed in this section by: (a) considering the degree to which her false self hid her self that was true; and, (b) by examining the defenses and/or responses that resulted from this – that is, false-self pathology and/or other pathology as viewed by Winnicott (1950). As with the previous section, this is done by exploring parts of her ‘self’ – including: (a) the adored, favored, and loved self; (b) the collapsed self; (c) the injured self; and, (d) the pretend self.

125 6.3.1. The adored, favored and loved self When the authentic and false self become significantly split, individuals may have a need to “collect impingements” from objective reality to fill their “living-time” with these and, more particularly, with responding to these so that they always have a “role” (Winnicott, 1960b). As explained further by Winnicott (1960b, p. 149), this is because there are “those who can be themselves and who also can act” (e.g., as with the false self that is healthy and normal); “whereas there are others who can only act – and who are completely at a loss when not in a role, and when not being appreciated or applauded (acknowledged as existing).” It is interesting to note in this regard that, earlier in her life (at La Rotonde), Chanel was a performer; as this is perhaps suggestive of her desire and/or need – in Winnicott’s (1960b, p. 149) words – to be “applauded” and/or “appreciated.” Considering that she first performed with her aunt but then established herself as independent performer with a regular slot (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), it is suggested that she had to be the focus of others’ recognition, and that this was her ‘role.’

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As this is explored further, part of this Familial relationships Familial Albert Chanel (Father) ‘role’ – from a view that is Winnicottian

(Winnicott, 1960b) – was: (a) to be adored, Eugénie Jeannes Chanel (Mother) Chanel as the object of “Evil servant” affection/desire/love Julia Bertha Chanel (Sister)

Serge Diaghilev favored and loved; and, (b) to “collect Friendships

Serge Diaghilev

impingements” from objective reality to Pierre Reverdy Chanel as the object of affection/desire/love Misia Sert respond to. Here, the dynamic inherent to

Chanel as the object of affection/desire/love Misia Sert most of her relationships support this. In Ètienne Balsan Love and/orpersonal relationships this dynamic she expressed a need to be the

Boy Capel Chanel as the object of Èmilie d’Alençon object of adoration, desire and/or love – affection/desire/love Boy Capel

Josep Maria Sert Chanel as the object of Diana Wyndam suggesting, from a view that is affection/desire/love Mistresses

Pierre Reverdy Chanel as the object of Winnicottian, that in most of her Misia Sert affection/desire/love

Igor Stravinsky relationships she sought to be “applauded” Chanel as the object of affection/desire/love Henriette Reverdy

Duke of Westminster and “appreciated” – that is “acknowledged Chanel as the object of affection/desire/love Catherine Stravinsky as existing” by the other (Winnicott, Paul Iribe Chanel as the object of Loelia Mary Ponsony affection/desire/love Violet Mary Nelson

1960b, p. 149). However, this also meant Chanel as the object of Maybelle Hogan affection/desire/love that her relationships were strikingly trilateral (Figure 6.1), in that she established herself as the loved object in particular relation to a ‘rival.’ This pattern Figure 6.1 Chanel’s relationships as trilateral. is seen in (a) her familial relationships, (b) friendships, (c) love and/or personal relationships, and, (d) professional relationships.

In this section, consideration is given to examples of how her relationships were trilateral. 126 This is followed by an interpretation of what this meant, psychologically, for her relationships and self.

6.3.1.1. An exploration of familial relationships as trilateral An exploration of familial relationships suggest that Chanel depicted herself as her father’s favorite (Picardie, 2010) and, in doing so, established herself as the loved object in particular relation to a ‘rival.’ The first of these ‘rivals’ was her sister (Julia Bertha Chanel) – Chanel stated that “…[she] loved [her] father because he preferred [her] to [her] sister. [She] couldn’t have borne for him to feel the same about the both of [them]” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 19). As noted by Picardie (2010) it is significant, that in this statement, (a) Chanel directly expressed love – although reserved and transactional – towards her father, because she did not do so towards any of her other family members; and, (b) that Chanel did not mention any of her other siblings. The significance of this, for Chaney (2011), is that Chanel was able to directly express love towards her father as a representation of her creative fantasy in which he did not abandon her – but adored, favored and loved her in her reinvented remembrance of him

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[as is also evident in her statements to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974), and Haedrich (1972) that he, always present, affectionately kissed her on her forehead; and always brought her gifts from his trips]. To be adored, favored and loved in this reinvented remembrance is also evident in her narratives about a ‘rival’ servant [e.g., Charles-Roux, (1976), Delay (1974), and Haedrich (1972)], who “[she] knew slept with [her] father…” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 30). Although it is extremely implausible that they had a servant (Chaney, 2011; Picadrie, 2010), Chanel insisted that the servant – who allegedly had an affair with her father – also attempted to poison her, and that she and sister escaped from her (Delay, 1974); explaining that, when they finally got to their parents, Chanel fell asleep on her father’s shoulder (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010). In this narrative, too, Chanel established herself as the favored and/or loved object – both in relation to the ‘rival’ servant, and to her sister. As this is explored further this is indicative, perhaps, of the process of splitting. Chanel depicted her father as her protector and savior (Chaney, 2011), with her mother being “split.” As noted by Picardie (2010) this seen specifically in Chanel’s descriptions of her father as ‘all- good’ – in her fictitious narratives he addressed countless letters to her, affectionately kissed her, and called on her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Even in narratives that were more reflective of the truth – that is, that he abandoned her and her siblings – she asserted that she comprehended her father’s judgment, and did not express envy at the “new family, and new life, ” “…he was right. [She] would have done the same thing. No one…could have coped with the situation… He loved [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29). As the “bad object,” however, her mother was described as an invalid, and – as a parent – unavailable, uninterested, and unloving (Chaney, 2011; Madsen 2009; Picardie, 2010). The 127 implication of this split, then, was that this “badness” was extended to her other relationships with women; as inferred from her positioning them as a potential threat (as with the ‘servant’ and her sister). This, it is inferred, is also supported by an exploration of her friendships in the next section in that is suggested that: (a) her friendships were also notably trilateral, and (b) that in these friendships the relationships were split between “all-good” male objects, and the “badness” as projected in her relationships with women (as the m/other representative). It is further interesting to note, in this regard, that as “bad objects” they were positioned as a potential threat (just like the m/other who does not respond satisfactorily).

6.3.1.2. An exploration of friendships as trilateral Chanel established herself as the favored and/or loved object in particular relation Misia Sert. As argued by Picardie (2010), not only was she favored and loved by Sert [she admitted that she had an “astonishing infatuation…for her friend (Chanel)” (Sert, as cited in Gold & Fizdale, 1992, p. 98) and also further stated that “[she] found her (Chanel) irresistible” (Sert,

128 as cited in Gold & Fizdale, 1980, p. 98)] – but she also contended with her for the favor and/or love of others. Examples of this are seen in friendships between (a) Chanel, Diaghilev and Sert; and, (b) Chanel, Reverdy and Sert. As noted by Picardie (2010), both Diaghilev and Reverdy were Sert’s close friends, and were first introduced by her to Chanel. At the time Chanel and Diaghilev were first introduced, Sert was both a patron and sponsor of Diaghilev’s ballet company, and enjoyed a close relationship with him (Picardie, 2010). Chanel was covetous of the doting relationship and resentfully stated that “Misia never left Diaghilev’s side” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 68). In response to this resentment it is suggested that Chanel encroached on the friendship and – on the condition that he did not disclose her involvement to Sert – inappropriately interceded as a sponsor of Diaghilev’s production of Le Sacre du printemps (The Rite of Spring) (Picardie 2010). Chanel also inappropriately interceded on the relationship between Reverdy and Sert. Chanel was first introduced to Reverdy by Sert – they had a close relationship, and she was considered to be his muse. Evocative of the envy she expressed at the relationship between Diaghilev and Sert, Chanel also intruded on this relationship and with Sert – establishing herself as his muse in the place of Sert (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). It is proposed that the significance of this is not only that Chanel established herself as the favored and loved object – but, more significantly, that this may have been important in maintaining her relationship with Sert. As she stated, “We love people only for their faults, and Misia (Sert) gave [her] ample and numerous reasons for loving her” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 86); implying that the purpose of the relationship was to establish herself as the object of affection, desire and/or love in particular relation to her as a ‘rival.’

Here, it is possible to reason that there was also a split – though subtle – that existed 128 between her, and: (a) Diaghilev and Sert; and, (b) Reverdy and Sert. Here, Sert was the “bad object” [consider, as examples, Chanel’s descriptions of her as clingy and with “faults” (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010)] with Diaghilev and Sert being the “good objects.” However, more than this it is possible to reason that Sert (symbolically) became the m/other representative (Winnicott, 1947, 1950) in that: (a) aggression could be directed towards her (e.g., in that Chanel described her as having ‘faults’); and, (b) that, contrary to her fragile mother, she could ‘survive’ and ‘tolerate’ this (e.g., in that she and Chanel had a friendship of many years).

6.3.1.3. An exploration of love and/or personal relationships as trilateral As considered previously, Chanel established herself as the loved object in particular relation to ‘rivals,’ where these ‘rivals’ were women. In an exploration of her love and/or personal relationships these were the men’s mistresses, partners and/or spouses. As this is explored further it is inferred that she responded to these rivals by: (a) diminishing their significance [e.g., by not acknowledging the marriage in any of her narratives (as with the Duke

129 of Westminster)]; and/or (b) further implying that the men – such as Capel, Reverdy and Stravinsky – were discontented in their marriages. The function of this was to protect the self, as with the process of splitting. However, not only were the ‘rivals’ split – depending on the nature of the relationship, these were split too. This is seen, as an example, in her paradoxical statements in which Balsan is described as ‘generous’ and ‘kind’ in her narratives, but then portrayed as not treating her well [e.g., by not allowing her to leave, and by having her eat with the servants (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010)]; and how, at the end of their relationship, Capel was depicted as the “good object” in his place. She also had inconsistent and often opposing views on her relationship with Iribe. To Morand (1976) she appeared to be aggravated by the dominance he exerted over her, and claimed that “he drained [her], ruined [her] health” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 156) – as an example of him as a “bad object”; whereas in alternative accounts she suggested that she had an implicit love for him and that following his death, she was discontent – as an example of him as a “good object.” It is important to note that in these relationships, the other was not available entirely in meeting her needs (e.g., in that these men had mistresses, partners and/or spouses) – perhaps similar to her early experiences of the other and (not) having her needs responded to. This meant that as ‘objects’ they were not obtainable and, that: (a) her aggression could not be expressed to them as objects at all, because of her anxiety over the expression of this impulse; because, (b) the ‘fantasized injury’ to the other meant that, as an object, the other would withdraw (Winnicott, 1950). This explains, then, why Chanel became submissive at times. Examples of this include her relationships with Balsan, Capel, and Iribe in particular. In her and Balsan’s relationship, specifically, she depicted herself as a “lost youngster” (Chanel, 129 as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 29); Capel commented on her conduct, and edified her (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976; Picardie, 2010); and to maintain a positive relationship with Iribe she “became simple” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, p. 210), because he criticized “[her] for not being simple” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 210). Collectively these examples suggest, from a view that Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1950), that the conflict with others was denied and/or expressed in its opposite in order to keep and/or maintain only positive relationships. However, as this is explored further, it is clear that Chanel was able to express her frustrations with these men at times; implying that she did not necessarily only rely on this defense, but more so on the process of splitting.

6.3.1.4. An exploration of professional relationships as trilateral In consideration of her professional relationships, this split suggests that Chanel abjured the conventions of femininity (Banta, 2011; Brumberg, 1988; Picardie, 2010) and embodied ‘maleness’ – not only in her fashion and style, but also perhaps in her personal traits (e.g., as with her aspirations to financial independence, her devotion to work, and disavowal of

130 marriage) – in establishing herself as the “good object” (the “star”) with her potential rivals being split. Of these, her and Elsa Schiaparelli’s rivalry was of significance in that Chanel condescendingly described her as “that Italian woman who makes dresses” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 199) – inferring that the ‘insipid’ and ‘invalid’ m/other was possibly projected into this relationship with another woman. As is consistent with this possible split, it also meant that her professional relationships were trilateral with Chanel establishing herself as favored and/or loved object in the relationship. At the beginning of her career this was evidenced particularly in relation to the relationship between her, Balsan, and Capel. With the adoration and love of both men, Balsan and Capel entered into a negotiation about pecuniary responsibility for Chanel (Haedrich, 1972). Balsan was more affluent than Capel at the time, but Chanel also expressed her reluctance to return to Compiégne – so Capel agreed to finance her milliner’s shop as a signee. Balsan – as his farewell gift to her – allowed Chanel to configure his apartment on the Boulevard Malherbes (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010); and, collectively, they made the establishment of her fashion house (Chanel Modes) possible. Another example of a professional relationship as trilateral, is in the form of her frequent legal proceedings against Pierre Wertheimer (Vaughan, 2012). As previously stated (Chapter 3), Chanel and Wertheimer agreed to establish a business dedicated to the distribution and production of all Chanel cosmetics and fragrances – launching Les Parfums Chanel in 1924. Although a division of the Chanel company, Chanel absolved herself as a director and financier; and ceded her copyright to the designs, formulas and methods of production – exclusively permitting Les Parfums Chanel to distribute, produce, and sell these under the Chanel name and trade (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). With the immediate 130 success of Chanel No.5, Chanel became aware that she was divested of a fortune – and, perhaps, “money as a symbol of success” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 161) – and instantly regretted this; with her proceedings against him resulting from this. As implied by Mazzeo (2010) and Vaughan (2012), her antagonism with him continued and escalated for the following 28 years; she employed a full-time lawyer (René Aldebert Pineton de Chambrun) in engaging in frequent and increasingly obsessive (Vaughan, 2012), proceedings against Wertheimer. She also implicated Iribe in these proceedings [in that she assigned plenipotentiary powers to him – and in collaboration with her lawyer – he led the proceedings against Wertheimer (Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012)]. This can be regarded, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1960b, 1971), as an attempt to “collect impingements” in filling her “living-time.” This is because by establishing most of relationships as trilateral, these functioned as “obstacles” that provided for aggression to be directed to the environment and be expressed fully, such as in aggressive reactions or responses (e.g., by responding to a ‘rival’). From this it follows, then, that Chanel might not have been able to express her feelings previously – perhaps over something, over which she

131 had “rights,” being taken from her [e.g., as with “…the mother over whom she has rights” (Winnicott, 1965b, p. 125)]. In this example, then, her legal proceedings are regarded as an attempt at connecting to parts of her personality that are true and/or feeling real (that is, the fusion of instincts) – but also indicates that parts of reality, relationships and/or her self were suppressed (Winnicott, 1950).

6.3.2. The collapsed self Chanel’s collapsed self is a further indication that parts of reality, relationships and/or the self were suppressed. The collapsed self suggests, from a view that is Winnicottian, that Chanel did not have enough of a “lived psychic reality” – that is, an experience and/or maintained sense of self – to feel whole (Winnicott, 1958, 1960b). In examining this further the implication of this, perhaps, was that there was a collapse in the domains of inner and outer reality, the objective and subjective, and the other and self in that she did not interact with, integrate and/or relate to these successfully at times (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971). In examining this further it is suggested that this contributed to: (a) depersonalization, (b) and derealization states, with defenses forming to protect her subjective world (e.g., fantasies and/or fetishism); and (c) that this also had implications for many of her relationships (e.g., in that she ‘found’ herself in the other). These are explored in the next sections.

6.3.2.1. The collapse into a depersonalization state Chanel claimed that “…to look at one’s own bare body” was “sinful” (Chanel, as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 44). She also explained that – for this reason – her ‘aunts’ forbid mirrors, and that she bathed in a dress (Chanel, as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976). Collectively, 131 these can be considered early examples of her experiences of relating to the self, with the implication that relating to the self was ‘sinful’ in some way. This, it is contended, could have contributed to a depersonalization state in that there was a disconnect and/or divorce from the self – especially as pertaining to her psycho-somatic relatedness (Winnicott, 1962, 1965b). The implication of this is that her lived psychic reality of relating to the self was also split (Winnicott, 1962, 1965b). This is because her belongingness in, and to her body was disconnected and/or divorced from the self. This is evidenced particularly by what Picardie (2010, p. 76) refers to as Chanel’s “breastless and hipless” ideal, as reflected by: (a) her adopted appearance [e.g., in that cut her hair short and promoted slimness (Picardie, 2010)]; and, (b) the androgynous ideals and principles that were promoted by her style (Banta, 2011; Brumberg, 1988; Picardie, 2010). This is because this ideal may represent, symbolically, Chanel’s disconnect and/or divorce from the self – and especially from the self as a woman – in that there was a negation of her own psycho- somatic situatedness. It is interesting to note, in this regard, that mirrors became a significant symbol to her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013).

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This may be regarded, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1962), as an attempt by Chanel to locate her own psycho-somatic situatedness. This is because her belongingness in, and to her body could be proven by the reflection of the self. That is, there could have been ‘evidence’ of existing in the mirrors’ reflection with the implication that this could be integrated as a part of the self (physically, and symbolically). However, it is contended that this integration did not necessarily occur successfully in that Chanel’s disconnect and/or divorce from the self, extended further into objective reality and its relationship to the self being split. This derealization (Winnicott, 1962) is explored further in the next section by considering (a) her creative fantasies, and (b) fetishism.

6.3.2.2. The collapse into a derealization state As acknowledged by Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010) and Vaughan (2012) – in an absorbing amalgamation of falsehood and truth – Chanel created a ‘creative fantasy’ in her narratives. She denied and “distorted and exaggerated” factual information; fabricated her life as “romance,” “making things up”; and, parted “…with people who knew…[her real] story” (Madsen, 2009, pp. 3-4). For Madsen (2009) this is because Chanel denied her own truth, with the fabrications maintaining her self-esteem, self-regard and self-worth. From view that is Winnicottian (1962), however, this implies and is indicative of a disconnect from the self; and, specifically, from objective reality and its relationship to the self. This disconnect is evidenced most notably by Chanel’s accounts of her childhood and her father, in particular, in which he did not abandon her and her siblings – but was always present, brought her gifts from his trips, and was her protector and savior (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009;

Picardie, 2010). She also claimed that because her father loved her she was not an orphan, and 132 described him as a man below the age of 30 (he was approaching 40) in reinventing her remembrance of him. It is contended that, by doing so, she defended against any incursion or intrusion of objective reality in protecting her subjective world (Winnicott, 1952) – especially as involving her being orphaned. In this protected subjective world, her father “loved [her]” and “[she] represented an exceptional period in his life, fun, happiness…” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 29). From this it is inferred that the possibility that this was not true – and that he did not love her and/or that she did not represent this to him – was significantly threatening. This means that it may have resulted in states of anxiety, disappointment and/or frustration that were not only intolerable, but also “unthinkable” (Winnicott, 1952), and that she regressively responded to these. Here, her creative fantasies, denial and/or distortion of factual information, and fabrications – as regressive responses to these states – suggests from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1952) that she defended with infantile omnipotence. In doing so it is implied that her anxiety, disappointment and/or frustration was ‘magically relieved’ by the contextual distortion of objective reality in relation to this sphere (Winnicott, 1952) – that

133 is, where she was ‘loved.’ This is interpreted as a psychological separation from the threat of this not being true, with a resulting split between ‘Coco’ and ‘Gabrielle.’ Chanel, in her “detached” and “dissociative” narration (Picardie, 2010), referred to herself as ‘Coco’ – as an adult, ‘Coco Chanel’ and as a child, ‘Little Coco’ – when depicting a loved self. This was differentiated from ‘Gabrielle’ – a name suggestive of that which her father did not choose, and did not like (Madsen, 2009), as further implied by her statement “the Little Coco cried when…they called her Gabrielle” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 34). From this it is inferred that ‘Coco’ was likened to a loved self, and ‘Gabrielle’ likened to a rejected self. This means that objective reality and its relationship to the self was split – and that ‘Gabrielle’ was not integrated as a part of reality, and/or as a part of the self (Winnicott, 1952). As such, it is suggested from a view that is Winnicottian, that she was fixed “at the level of magical thought” (Summers, 2014, p. 158); and, for her not to ‘go to pieces’ pieces she was a “prisoner” of this sphere (Winnicott, 1952). This also explains why her ‘magical thinking’ persisted, as seen in her fetishism54 with wheat. This fetish, it is noted, persisted through her adult life in that she always had to have a bunch close to her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). This followed from a narrative in which she recalled that, as a child, she feared a man who reportedly threw wheat at her from beneath her bed at night – but that her father protected and soothed her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). In this narrative, he responded by assuring her that the man was not “…bad, that he wouldn’t do anything to [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 21); he also emphasized that fortune and prosperity was symbolized by wheat. Since then, she always had some wheat with her (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010).

From a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, Winnicott, 1951, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited 133 in Summers, 2014), this is characteristic of the defense of infantile omnipotence in that there is a denial of objective reality. Here – as with Chanel’s creative fantasies – the denial implies that any incursions or intrusions of objective reality represented a subjective threat. From this it inferred that she metaphorically referred to this subjective threat – e.g., by expressing her fear in the narrative. Further interpretation suggests that symbolically, this fear was linked to a need to be protected and soothed (e.g., in that her father protected and soothed her) – and, in objective reality, not having this responded to. For Winnicott (1962), her ‘going on-ness’ may have been interrupted, meaning that there was a “primitive” and real threat. Chanel possibly responded to this threat by creating the illusion that her need (e.g., to be protected and soothed), brought with it gratification (e.g., having her father respond to her) and/or a gratifying object (e.g., the wheat) (Winnicott, 1962). This supports, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1951, 1965b), her continued fetishism with wheat in that – as the

54 Here, fetishism refers to attachments to objects and from a view that is Winnicottian (1951), this is pre-sexual.

134 fetishistic object – it was accessible, and always available in the gratification of her needs. It is further interesting to note the representation and/or symbolism of the wheat. Here, its association to prosperity and wealth contrasts notably with Chanel’s objective reality. As a child, and later as an orphan, this was a reality in which she faced many hardships, poverty, and rejection because of her social status (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). In this regard it seems that – as with her creative fantasies – her fetishism was form of ‘magical thinking’ in that she could protect her subjective world from all the things she could not have, but could create with an illusion of omnipotence – that is, prosperity and wealth (Winnicott, 1962). However, that Chanel relied on this response suggests that her ego-maturity – that is, ego-integration and ego-organization – was not established fully in that she could not be independently from this illusion of omnipotence (Winnicott, 1958). This implies from a view that is Winnicottian, that for Chanel the domains of inner and outer reality, and the objective and subjective – and the merger and separation of these – were threatened (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971). This also means that the merger of the other and the self – and relating to, and separating from these successfully – was threatened (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971).

6.3.2.3. The collapse into the other In exploring the merger of the other and the self – and how Chanel related to, and separated from these – it is suggested that, for Chanel, there was a collapse of these domains in that she could not be independently from other (Winnicott, 1958). Examples of these most notably relate to her ‘collapse into the other,’ with the implication that: (a) she adopted the beliefs, ideals, and/or interests of the other in her relationships; and, (b) that she had a need for physical relating 134 so as to have a ‘self.’ Chanel’s adoption of the beliefs, ideals, and/or interests of the others – it is suggested – can be considered on a continuum, as evidenced by her relationships with Balsan, Diaghilev, Iribe, Reverdy, Stravinsky, and von Dincklage. On this continuum differentiation is made between domains of the ‘other’ and ‘self’ as related to successfully, and as not related to successfully. From this it is inferred that if relating was successful, Chanel could creatively express herself and maintained a self-sense; but, that if this relating was not successful Chanel could not creatively express herself and – to feel real – gathered impingements to respond to (Figure 6.2).

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Example of relationship

Balsan Diaghilev Reverdy Stravinsky Iribe von Dincklage

The collapse into the other on a spectrum

Ego maturity Ego immaturity

The domains of the ‘other’ and The domains of the ‘other’ and ‘self’ are ‘self’ are related to successfully. not related to successfully.

Creative expression is possible, and Creative expression is not possible and, to feel real, there is a maintained ‘self.’ gathered impingements are responded to.

Figure 6.2 Chanel’s collapse on a continuum.

In consideration of this it is possible to reason that in her relationship with Balsan, Chanel ‘collapsed’ into him in that she adopted his interests as her own so that he would positively respond to her – with his desireExample to ofenter relationship into equestrianism linked to her own (Parker, 2013). Balsan Diaghilev Reverdy Stravinsky Iribe von Dincklage By doing so it is implied that she was merged with the other in that her ‘self’ and sense thereof,

The collapse into the other on a spectrum in that she located in him a part of the self (Winnicott, 1958). Despite this she maintained a Ego maturity Ego immaturity self, as suggested by her alteration of a discarded jockey’s uniform (Parker, 2013) – with this The domains of the ‘other’ and The domains of the ‘other’ and ‘self’ are ‘alteration’‘self’ are related metaphorically to successfully. symbolizing how she notcould related to‘borrow’ successfully. from the other but make it her

own, Creativeand expression creatively is possible, and express herself. In this regardCreative relating, expression is not possiblein this and, to feel relationship, real, was relatively there is a maintained ‘self.’ gathered impingements are responded to. successful.

Chanel and Diaghilev’s, Chanel and Reverdy’s, and Chanel and Stravinsky’s relationships 135

were similar in that she ‘collapsed’ into them and their interests, locating in the other a part of the self. This accounts for her contributions to Diaghilev’s productions – both as a ballet costume designer, and financial sponsor of 15 years (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). It also accounts for her behavior in her relationship with Reverdy in that she bought his manuscripts from publishers, collaborated with him on numerous titles, and funded his literary magazine Nord-Sud (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010); ‘collapsing’ into his interests at the time. Further indemnifying the musical performances and purchases by Stravisnky, this pattern persisted in this relationship too. From this it is possible to reason that in these relationships, Chanel had the desire to make the other a part of the self. Considering that she also financially supported them – e.g. by accommodating them and their families, contributing as a sponsor, and/or granting stipends (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010) – it could be further implied that she positioned herself in these relationships so that they would rely on her, meaning that as ‘objects’ they were obtainable and could be made part of the self. However, it is also important to keep in mind that in these relationships she continued to creatively express herself [e.g., by creating costumes

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(as in her and Diaghilev’s relationship), and publishing her writings (as in her relationship with Reverdy)], with the implication that she also maintained a self and/or sense thereof separate from these. This differentiates these from relationships in which her ‘collapse’ into the other meant that she could not maintain her own self, such as in her and Iribe’s relationship and in her relationship with von Dincklage. Accounts of her and Iribe’s relationship, specifically, suggest that Chanel adopted his beliefs and ideals, and – despite her indifference to politics previously – she espoused the nationalistic principles that he supported, and financed his political publication (Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). She also “became simple” after he criticized “[her] for not being simple” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 210) – further implying that, as the other, he became a part of the self. Her declaration that “he drained [and] ruined [her]…” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 156), in this regard, further implies that she did not maintain a self and/or sense thereof. This could explain her involving him in the proceedings against Wertheimer in that this filled their “living- time” and provided her with a role (Winnicott, 1960b). This is also consistent with a pattern in her relationship with von Dincklage – she also adopted his beliefs and ideals in that she collaborated with the German Nationalist Party (contemporarily referred to as the Nazis) and espoused their ideals in her proceedings against Wertheimer (Vaughan, 2012). With this collapse into him and his ideals it is interesting to note, then, that she became increasingly obsessive in her proceedings. As implied previously this provided her with a “role” (Winnicott, 1960b). As this is examined further it is suggested that – in the absence of creatively expressing herself, after the closure of the fashion house with the onset of WWII (Picardie, 2010) – she 136 had to fill her “living-time,” as provided by this role so as to have a self and/or sense thereof. That she was in exile for a major part of her relationship with von Dincklage (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), then, may extend into a metaphorical parting from the self. This metaphorical parting of the self is suggested by both her disappearance from the fashion industry at the time (especially as fashion was a part of the self that was true); and, importantly, the lack of narratives from this time. In her accounts to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974), and/or Haedrich (1972) Chanel did not mention, or refer to this time; and her accounts were also less personal, reflective and rich. From this it is inferred that her lack of narratives possibly related to and/or represented, a lack of relating to the self. This could also explain why she made her return in 1954, in that – after the end of her relationship with von Dincklage – fashion meant that she could re-relate to the self and her sense thereof, in returning to a self that was true. Doing so explains why she ended her proceedings against Wertheimer, in that she also no longer need this role so as to have a lived psychic reality in relating to the ‘self’ (Winnicott, 1958).

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Although this may be considered as a positive symptom from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1958), it is argued that Chanel’s lived psychic reality in relating to the self was not sustained. This is because Chanel had a continued need for physical relating – and relating sexually, specifically – in that she had concurrent and numerous relationships, which earned her a paramour’s reputation when she was younger (Picardie, 2010). This was followed in her later life by rumors that she was engaged intimately with her models and that they had relationships that were sexual (Madsen, 2009); and, that she extended a marriage proposal to her servant (with this indicating, metaphorically, how the other had to ‘serve’ her). From this it is inferred that she was isolated and lonely in relating to the self, and that she needed physical relating in seeking wholeness (Winnicott, 1958). For Chanel, however, this meant that she had more of a need to relate sexually than what she depended excessively on the other (Winnicott, 1958). In fact, for her it was important to be independent in that she did not want to be a “kept woman” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972), and that she wanted to be her “own master” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976). From this it is inferred that though she made the other a part of the self, the merger between the other and self was also threatening. This threat, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014), alludes to an ‘annihilation anxiety’ because of the availability and/or endless giving-ness needed by the other, and – as with a borderline organization of relationships – she defended from the merger with the other as a result of this (e.g., as with splitting). An example of this includes a narrative in which she reported that the Duke of Westminster demanded her departure from her fashion house to become his full-time partner, and possibly wife – but that she was opposed to both propositions (Parker, 2013; Picardie, 2012; Vaughan, 137 2012). Here, the demands of a merger with the other represented a threat. This is because – in departing from the fashion house, and/or merging with the other as a partner, and possibly wife – she could ‘go to pieces’ and/or lose her self and/or sense thereof in meeting the needs of the other. This also explains why she protected from this, in that her self was threatened. This implies – from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1963) – that although ego formation and integration may have occurred, her formation of self was suspended and that there was a fragility of self.

6.3.3. The fragile and injured self This fragility of self suggests from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1963) that her “being” and the continuity thereof was interrupted as a result of environmental failures and/or impingements – that is, an injury and/or trauma. These are explored further in the next section by considering: (a) her early experiences and injuries to the self; (b) injuries in relation to relationships; and (c) injuries in relation to work. From this it is inferred that these

138 injuries led to responses that, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, as cited in Newman, 2013), are an admixture of both a defense and developmental need. It is argued that Chanel’s defenses – and her defense of denial, in particular – were possible responses to earlier environmental failures and/or impingements that occurred, in that she protected herself from what she regarded as a “re-injury” or “re-traumatization” (Newman, 2013). It is also considered how her developmental needs from when this occurred, persisted – with moments of regression resulting from this so that it could be responded to (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1971). It is also explored how, and/or if these needs were responded to; and how this impacted on the organization of her personality structure, or self. Keeping in mind that this organization resulted – for Winnicott (1960a, 1960b) – from critical early experiences, and environmental failures and/or impingements that occurred, these are explored first.

6.3.3.1. Early experiences and injuries to the self Although there are contradictions and errors in her narratives about her critical early experiences, “…the truth of an event for Chanel lay not in the fact but in the feeling” (Chaney, 2011, p. 20-21). In consideration of her critical early experiences these feelings included: (a) frustration at her powerlessness; loneliness; and, (b) rejection (Chaney, 2011; Gidel, 2000; Madsen, 2009; Morand, 1976; Picardie, 2010). Examples of this include her stating that the word “childhood…[made] her shudder” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 22) and that “…[she] lived with insensitive people” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24). As this is explored further it seems that, for Chanel these experiences and the feelings related to these represented to her that she was not accepted and appreciated for the expression of her self that was true – but invalidated by the other and/or rejected. Keeping in mind that this would have 138 occurred, for Winnicott (1960a), during early infancy the nature of this can only be speculated. In her narratives to Charles-Roux (1976), Delay (1974) and Haedrich (1972), however, Chanel gives some suggestion of this by telling of how she abandoned her first name because “…[her] father didn’t like the name Gabrielle at all – it hadn’t been his choice. So he called [her] ‘Little Coco’ instead” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 18); and how she then became Coco (Chanel) to both her father and the world. From a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1960a, 160b, 1971), this is considered an environmental expectation on her to be a pretend self so as to be greatly loved and positively responded to – that is, seen. The implication of this, perhaps, is that from her early experiences, she learnt that she would be loved only for her pretend self and that she would not be positively responded to when she is a self that was true. That is, it was communicated to her that she was not ‘enough’ [as is evidenced further not only by her only adopting a different name but, perhaps, also in always having her hair rinsed “…three days ago, with lye soap” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 30) because her father did not like the smell] – a narrative that was perpetually strengthened. This, it is contended,

139 contributed to an internal psychological representation of herself as not being enough, and others as being rejecting. Jointly this suggests that she did not have the experience of being positively responded to. This also extended to narratives in which she reported that she was not allowed to go to her churchyard and “her dead” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 8), and that she was locked in a room (with this as likely a metaphor of how the other was not ‘obtainable’). She also expressed resentment at always having to be silent, because of the fragility and illness of her mother; and “the humiliation…[she] never forgot” for being “whipped” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 23). There is also a focus on her being orphaned, specifically, because – after the death of her mother – her father left her and her siblings (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). In her narratives this rejection – as representative of a trauma, from a view that is Winnicottian – was followed by the perceived rejection of the ‘aunts’ who cared for her and her sisters [the elderly nuns at the orphanage she was sent to (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010)]. In a possibly remarkable statement she voiced that “[her] aunts were…absolutely without tenderness,” and that “[she] got no affection because [she] was not loved…” by them (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 25). In reference to this it is suggested that this, too, was a possible re-traumatization. This is because it again communicated to her that she was not ‘enough’, experienced by her feeling that she was not ‘loved’ and/or ‘welcomed.’ The importance of this, it is suggested, is summarized in her own words – “children suffer from such things” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 25). Still, Chanel experienced other rejections of significance too. After the age of 18, Chanel was not accommodated further at the orphanage so she and her sister (Julia 139 Bertha Chanel) stayed with their grandparents in Varennes – but were not necessarily received warmly (Picardie, 2010). As explained further by Picardie (2010), Chanel’s grandmother in particular was not in a position to and/or was not willing to assume care for Chanel and her sister, so with help from the nuns at the orphanage secured, on aid, entry to the Nôtre Dame Pensionat in Moulins (a finishing school for women). Chanel remained there to the age of 20, and her ambitions to become a performer surfaced at the time. As explored previously, she was not successful in this (Madsen, 2009). The implication of this is that in this instance, too, she was rejected in some way. It is interesting to note, then, that in accounts to Charles-Roux (1976) she denied ever having lived or worked in Vichy, as this could be indicative of a response that is – from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, as cited in Newman, 2013) – an admixture of both a defense (e.g., denial) and need (e.g., to be ‘seen’). Here, the defense of denial is indicative, perhaps, of the fragility of the self. As with a narcissistically organized personality structure (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 1994, 2014), this suggests that: (a) there was a conflict with objective reality, in that any possible rejection was a threat; so (b) this was “magically” and omnipotently relieved (Winnicott, 1960b).

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6.3.3.2. Injuries in relation to relationships This also had implications for her personal relationships in that in these, too, experiences of rejection were shielded from – possibly to protect a self that was vulnerable. Examples include her relationships with Balsan, Capel, and the Duke of Westminster – all of whom had aristocratic connections and/or relations at the time, which impacted on the nature of the relationships. As explained further by Picardie (2010), Chanel did not have the appropriate aristocratic connections and/or relations, and this had implications for these relationships and her role in these. In her and Balsan’s relationship she ate her meals with the servants, and was isolated from the other residents and visitors at Château de Royallieu because of her social status (Madsen, 2009). In this relationship she was also second to Émilienne d’Alençon – an actress with notable social status in French high society, and Balsan’s mistress at the time (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Capel demanded that they were not out in public together, and was diffident to any public recognition of their relationship (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010); and in this relationship she was secondary too. First, to the many women he had affairs with (and that Chanel had knowledge of, but trivialized); and later to Diana Wyndham (nèe Lister) – the daughter of a lord with notable social status, who he married in the passage of his and Chanel’s relationship of 8 years (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). The Duke of Westminster also married while in a relationship with Chanel and it can be contended that she was second to his wife, Loelia Mary Ponsony – also with notable social status at the time – and the many mistresses that he had while in a relationship with her for 5 years. As this is explored further, Picardie (2010) suggests that in many of her relationships she was secondary in that – due to her lack of social status – she could not borne heirs to, and/or 140 was not fitting for marriage to the men that she had relationships with. A pattern in these relationships it seems, then, is abandonment, infidelity, and the latent shame because of her social status (Picardie, 2010). However, Chanel did not express, or imply this in her narratives. Instead, her narratives were reshaped and retold as a “romance” (Madsen, 2009, p. 4) in which she diminished the importance of the other women; and, in doing so, established herself as the loved object (as explored previously in section 6.3.1). In her narratives to Charles-Roux (1976) and Morand (1976) she described Émilienne d’Alençon as an old woman, and inferred that she was a prostitute – further insisting that Balsan’s family hoped instead for her and him to marry. To Haedrich (1973) and Morand (1976), Capel’s marriage was mentioned only in stating that he was discontented in his marriage, and that he favored her to his wife; and, to Morand (1976) she suggested that the Duke of Westminster asked her to marry – but as noted by Picardie (2010) there is no proof supporting this. It seems, then, that the ‘injured self’ shielded from any threats – and, more so, was in a position to reject rather than to be rejected. Examples of this include narratives in which Chanel

141 described being gifted jewels by Balsan’s brother as incentive to return to Château de Royallieu (Morand, 1976), and in protest returning these (Chaney, 2011). She also expressed hatred and humiliation at being informed that was financing her, and was firm on being independent. She further implied the insignificance of marriage by stating that there “…[was] only one Coco Chanel” (Chanel, as cited in Picardie, 2010, p. 163). From this it is possible to suggest, then, that by positioning herself as the one rejecting – and not the one rejected – she maintained a self that was not vulnerable in any way. In this regard it is further important to note that in the relationships that followed from these, she assumed a particular role. Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and Picardie (2010) note that in this particular role she established ‘financial relationships’ so that she could be in a position of power, and in a position where she could not be rejected. As discussed, examples of this include her relationships with Diaghilev, Reverdy, and Stravinsky (see section 6.3.2) – and also her and Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich’s relationship in that she accommodated him and his family at her Bel Respiro villa, and granted him monthly stipends (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). Although these could be examples of her generosity and kindness (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010) it is interesting to note that these relationships were all after Capel’s death in 1919. To Morand (1976) she stated that “his death was an awful blow to [her]” and that “in losing Capel, [she] lost everything” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 54). As this is explored further, it is possible to reason that the significance of this was that it communicated to her that to be dependent on the other did not lead only to rejection (Picardie, 2010) – but also to vulnerability. In losing the other, she also lost a part of the self – suggesting that she established relationships in which she did not rely on the other and did not have to be vulnerable in any 141 way. That is, she protected from what is regarded as ‘re-injury’ or ‘re-traumatization.’ For Chanel, this ‘re-injury’ or ‘re-traumatization’ was in being dependent on, needing and/or relying on the other. Still, for Winnicott (1960a, 160b, 1971) this need would have persisted and resulted in attempts at an organized reestablishment of, and tendency towards dependency at an earlier stage – that is, the developmental need, so that it could be responded to. This certainly corresponds to how she depicted herself in many of her relationships. To Morand (1976) she claimed that “[she] told Balsan that [she] was 20, in actual fact [she] was 16 (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 28) when she arrived at Château de Royallieu. This, however, was a lie and in reality she was 22 when she arrived at Château de Royallieu (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), meaning that she portrayed herself to be significantly younger than what she was – a pattern that persisted throughout. In doing so, she presented herself as someone with no certainty or control of her future – a dependent girl, “a lost youngster” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 29) who relied on him for support; and, had a desire to leave – but was discouraged from doing so, and did not have “a home” to return

142 to (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 28). This is indicative, perhaps, of her dependency needs and her desire for these to be responded to. This is also evidenced in her narratives about her relationship with Capel. In these narratives she also portrayed herself to be much younger than she was, claiming to be 18 when they first met; in reality, though, she was 27 (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010). As further noted by Picardie (2010), these narratives also suggest that Chanel was dependent on him, and that she demanded reassurance in the relationship in the shape of adoration – that is, affection, attention, and emotional support. This is consistent with the idea that in this relationship, there was a tendency towards dependency at an earlier stage – that is, the developmental need, so that it could be responded to. This dependency is elucidated further by her statement that Capel commented on her conduct to edify her, and that he “…treated [her] like a child” because he implicitly loved her, and “really understood [her]" (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 39). By presenting the relationship in this way, it is suggested that Chanel herself alluded to her ‘child’ self – that is, her dependency at an earlier stage; and her desire to have her needs responded to by someone who addressed her as “[his] beloved child” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 34) and, likened to this, was in a position to respond to her in a specific way. Also considering, as an example, her fantasy of her father as a figure who rescued her (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010) it is suggested that this was in a way where she had the experience of the other positively responding to her, so that – in Winnicott’s (1962) words – she got back the evidence she needed that she has been recognized. That is, “seen and understood to exist by someone” Winnicott (1962, p. 61). Perhaps this was not present in some of her other relationships.

As implied by her narratives about her relationship with the Duke of Westminster, for 142 instance, she stated that he could afford her exquisite gifts including art, jewels and numerous properties – but “didn’t understand [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Parker, 2013, p. 54). From this it is inferred that the need that persisted in her relationships, was not only to be adored, favored and loved (as explored previously in section 6.3.1) – but to, really, be recognized, seen and understood. However, as mentioned previously, in these relationships her social status meant that she was often rejected and/or in a role that was secondary. As such it is suggested that she did not have the experience, in these relationships, of being seen for a self that was true (Winnicott, 1962, p. 61). Her narratives suggest that, in her and Capel’s relationship, she came closest to this experience; however, as noted by Picardie (2010), she was rejected in this relationship too – his actions and behaviours were just justified and interpreted by Chanel as an explicit manifestation of his tenderness. In reality the relationship was in a bind and he began to disengage from her even before his marriage to Diana Wyndham (nèe Lister) – expressing his frustration with her at times (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). As such it is suggested that even

143 in this relationship – the closest experience she had of being “seen and understood” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 61) – she was not ‘enough’; explaining why she protected the self.

6.3.3.3. Injuries in relation to work However, the implication of this was she persisted with regressive responses – and just as with her past and personal relationships – in her work, she also: (a) avoided potential rivalry and/or threats (Parker, 2013), and devalued the other; (b) defended with denial (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010); and, (c) established herself in a position of power so as to reject. These are explored further in this section. Parker (2013) argues that by 1939 Chanel was consumed and exhausted by her work; and that her control over the fashion industry was also potentially threatened. Couturiers and designers such as Balenciaga, Balmain, Cardin, Courréges, Lanvin, Piguet, and Vionnet were successful at the time, and destabilized her own prominence and success. From this it is inferred that her inability and/or reluctance to continue competing for prominence and success, contributed to the closure of the fashion house. Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) support this – further implying that her rival, Schiaparelli was a specific threat at the time. Chanel, however, devalued Schiaparelli [e.g., by referring to her to as “that Italian woman who makes dresses” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 199)], and exited from fashion for 15 years (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Vaughan, 2013) – perhaps to protect the self from any threat and/or vulnerability. It is further interesting to note, in this regard, that she only returned after the closure of Schiaparelli’s fashion house in 1950 in that she returned at a time when she could reclaim and restore her success without any threat (Madsen, 2009; Vaughan, 2013).

It follows then that what was most important for her, was to protect the self. This also meant 143 that she often responded with the defense of denial – as noted by Picardie (1010) she pretended not to remember those who were responsible for some of her success. Chanel also denied that her employees participated in the protests of May 1st 1936 because she did not treat them well. Of the event, Chanel declared to Morand (1976) that her employees were paid well – further insisting that they were privileged to work for the House of Chanel (Vaughan, 2012). Furthermore, to Morand (1976) she positioned the protest as a protest “…for love” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 154) stating that it was as an attempt from them to get attention and contact from her – establishing herself as ‘loved’ and not as ‘rejected’ and/or ‘shamed.’ However, in further narratives she opposed this by suggesting that it was an act of betrayal and that she was exasperated and experienced it as humiliating and, perhaps, rejecting and shaming in some way (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). This, moreover, possibly represented a re-traumatization in that she experienced humiliation previously [consider – as examples – her expressed humiliation, as a child, for hearing others making mention of her mother as ‘poor Jeanne’ (Haedrich, 1972); and, she herself being named an orphan and being pitied as such (Charles-Roux, 1976)], and was rejected in relationships

144 that were significant. So, to protect her self she refuted the significance of her employees’ protests. From a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1965a, 1965b, 1970), the motivation for this response then is the derivative fear from previous traumas (environmental failures and/or impingements that occurred previously – e.g., experiences of being humiliated and/or rejected), exaggerated by the fear of having to re-experience and/or re-live these traumas – and, more significantly, the feelings related to these (Winnicott, as cited in Newman, 2013). As such, it is suggested that Chanel’s denial was a possible response to direct experiences of rejection and shame, and shielding from these; further implying that she also had a need to be in a position of power. Examples of this include reports suggesting that Chanel dismissed all but a few of her 4 000 members of staff, because of their participation in the protests (Vaughan, 2012); and that she dismissed a seamstress who worked for her for 10 years, following her request for a ₣50 raise (Madsen, 2009). As with the defense of denial, these can also be regarded as regressive responses to shame (e.g., in that she was again not ‘enough’ and/or that to need the other meant that she could be rejected – so she established herself in a position of power so as to reject, in protecting the self from vulnerability) – but, also as an act of “claiming” something in the world (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2014). Here, Chanel’s ‘claim’ was on others in that they “owed” her for the privilege of working for her (Vaughan, 2012). However, her ‘claims’ on others also extended to her proceedings against Wertheimer in that she wanted to accomplish control and exclusive financial rights to Les Parfums Chanel.

Although she was not successful with this (Mazzeo, 2010; Vaughan, 2012) – and her attempts 144 concluded in 1954 with her handing over her ownership of Chanel Couture, her estate holdings in her Rue Cambon premises, as well as her interests in the industries of publishing and textiles to Wertheimer; she did so on the basis that he capitalized her couture collections, and ceded to her what she desired the most in her proceedings against him – a claim to the global profits of Chanel No.5 (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). However, Chanel’s claim to the global profits of Chanel No.5 – and the increasingly obsessive proceedings that resulted from this – may also metaphorically represent, from a view that Winnicottian (1961a), her claim to that which has been ‘lost’ but possessed previously. As this is explored further, it is inferred that what she lost was a part of the self that was true – and that she, instead, perpetually pretended to be someone (Chaey, 2011; Madsen, 2009).

6.3.4. The pretend self It is contended that by perpetually pretending to be someone, Chanel “acted” according to a false-self structure, in offering a personality – that is, the personality of the ‘self-made woman’ and “star” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 45) – to the world. Distinguishing this

145 personality of the self-made woman and star, was Chanel’s need for prominence as also referred to by Parker (2013) and Picardie (2010). This is expressed, possibly, in her statement that “It’s not money for money’s sake that [she was] interested in, but money as a symbol of success” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 161). Further keeping in mind her statement that “[she] didn’t so much love as want to be loved” (Chanel, as cited in Delay, 1974, p. 19), it further seems that to “be loved” meant that the other would only recognize and/or ‘see’ her as long as she had this symbol of success. This could explain why she closed her fashion with the onset of WWII, in that she was ambivalent about the attainable commercial success thereof (Haedrich, 1972). In the absence of this success was the threat that the other may not recognize and/or see her and/or that the other may reject and shame her. As discussed previously in section 6.3.3, this also explains why her fashion house was only reopened at a time when she could reclaim and/or restore her success without any threat (Madsen, 2009; Vaughan, 2013). It also explains her persistence in her proceedings against Wertheimer, in that the Chanel No.5 global profits represented success. From this it is inferred that success, for Chanel, was to be “acknowledged as existing” as aligned to being applauded and appreciated (Winnicott, 1960b, p. 149). Although it is argued that this fostered and/or maintained her own self-esteem, self-regard and self-worth (Madsen, 2009), the implication from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1960b) is that there was no real self – only the role of the self-made woman and star. This role, as viewed by Winnicott (1960b), alludes to an authentic and false self split in that the false self hid the self that was true. This is differentiated from the degree of false self that is “healthy” and “polite” [this degree is found in the healthy individual, who also complies with environmental expectations at times

– but who also “exists” – meaning that he or she continues to feel genuine, real, and spontaneous 145 (Winnicott, 1960a)]; and represents a significant split. This split suggests, for Winnicott (1960b), that there will be boredom, emptiness, and extreme restlessness. Alluding to this boredom, Capel – as an example – mentioned that he did not agree to finance her new premises in support of Chanel’s commercial success, but because he was displeased by her idleness and indolence. Although she could also be considered dedicated, industrious and productive in her work (Madsen, 2009; Vaughan, 2012), it is further implied that there was a restlessness to her (as metaphorically represented by her sleep- walking). In exploring her statement that “[w]ork has always been a drug for [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 183), it seems that she immersed herself in maintaining her role. From this it follows that her productivity was related to a restlessness of being the self-made woman and star, because she did not experience it as real or true – even if perceived as such by the world (Winnicott, 1960b). In addition to this restlessness she also alluded to feelings of non-reality, and not feeling real and/or true. Chanel expressed that it would have been “…best for her to adhere to conventional morality…” because she was extremely lonely, and that “…[t]here’s nothing

146 worse…” (Chanel, as cited in Vaughn, 2012, p. 198). This extreme loneliness suggests for Winnicott (1965b; 1975) that she was not connected with others and the world and – as an expression of a false self – she did not feel real and/or true. The implication of this from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1965b; 1975) is that she was directed and dominated in the expression of self and/or that the expectations of others were internalized and, as such, she was molded into a preformed vision (Winnicott, 1965b; 1975). As explored previously in section 6.3.3 this was a vision in which she adopted a different name; could not engage freely in her play (e.g., as with being forbidden from the graveyard); had to have her hair rinsed; had to be quiet; and, was reprimanded. From this it is implied that she had to live “from the outside” (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013, p. 192); and that an “implosion” – in which her rage was turned on herself – resulted from this (Winnicott, 1950, 1963b). An example of this was her ideation of suicide (Charles-Roux, 1976; Delay, 1974; Haedrich, 1972). She expressed “that [she] fed on her sorrow…[she] wanted to kill [herself] many times” (Chanel, as cited in Charles-Roux, 1976, p. 42). She also further implied that this was a response to her ‘aunts’ – in that it would demonstrate to them “how wicked they were” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 36) – and the rage she had towards them. From this it is inferred that they are a metaphor for the m/other, and that her rage was towards her m/other for not “surviving” or “tolerating” any affect or aggression that Chanel directed to her – as demonstrated figuratively by how fragile she was in most of the narratives; and that feelings of guilt resulted from this. Keeping in mind her mother’s passing, and the narratives that surround this – these were likely never resolved.

An example illustrating this is reports suggesting that the Chanel children discovered the 146 death of their mother, and that they were with the corpse for an extended period of time (Chaney, 2011; Picardie, 2010). From this it is possible to reason that this is symbolic, from a view that is Winnicottian (1950, 1963b), of Chanel’s experience of (figuratively) killing her mother, and feeling guilt in response to this – especially as there was no one to help her make meaning of it and/or process it. This was followed by an incident where she was instructed to kiss the lips of her motionless mother and her reports that, since then, she was appalled by anything evocative of filth (Delay, 1974) – illustrating, perhaps, how her feelings of guilt were not resolved and/or how her hate could not be integrated with love. For Winnicott (1950) this would have led to this part of the personality being split. In its extreme form this leads to a pattern in which there is an “implosion” and the individual’s rage is turned on the self, to keep the love object protected and/or safe (Winnicott, 1950). This could explain her narratives in which she reported that she made herself bleed by chafing her face at night, and that it dripped on her nightgown and stained it (Madsen, 2009). Here, her feelings of guilt for killing the love object had the potential to “stain”; and meant that all her feelings – and nascent personality (Winnicott, 1960a) – had to be suppressed, with her

147 imploding on herself so as to keep the other protected and safe. The implication of this was that her “kernel” was sacrificed to “shell” (Winnicott, 1960a). This also accounts for her addiction and dependency, in that emptiness and feelings of non- reality possibly resulted from this (Winnicott, 1960a). Chanel was addicted to cigarettes for most of her life (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010); and after Capel’s death (in 1919), she developed a dependency on morphine (Sedol). Although described as “destructive” by Madsen (2009), Picardie (2010), and Vaughan (2012), this is regarded by Winnicott (1951) as an effort to re-“find,” regain and/or seek that which has been experienced, or possessed previously. That is, it is evidence of an experience that was “good” but that has been interrupted, or withdrawn (Winnicott, 1956a, 1984) – and that by gratifying her impulses physically she re- ‘found,’ regained and/or sought this. It is interesting to note, in this regard, that Chanel’s dependency on morphine specifically started after Capel’s death in that this relationship represented her closest experience of being “seen” for a self that is true (Winnicott, 1962) – that is, her “kernel” did not have to be sacrificed for the “shell.” From this it is possible to reason, then, that this relationship signified an experience of re-“finding,” regaining and/or seeking that which has been possessed previously [to be “seen” for a self that was true (Winnicott, 1962)]; and that with Capel’s death this was ‘re-lost’ and ‘re-withdrawn.’ Having this experience ‘re-lost’ and ‘re-withdrawn,’ then, accounts for her dependency on morphine that resulted from this. As with Winnicott’s (1951) conceptualization of dependency as fixed over time – this continued to her death in 1971 (Gold & Fizdale, 1992). From this it is inferred that she persisted in searching for evidence that she existed; that is, someone to ‘hold,’ love, ‘see,’ ‘survive,’ ‘tolerate’ and ‘understand’ her – not for her pretend self as the self-made 147 woman and star, but for a self that was true.

6.3.4.1. Conclusions, findings and interpretations in summary By considering Chanel’s life narrative from a view that is Winnicottian, this chapter comprehensively discussed and explored parts of her personality and the selves that were theorized from this. The findings and interpretations that resulted from this are revisited in this section, and summarized. In considering the parts of her personality and the selves that were theorized from this, however, it is important to keep in mind that for Winnicott (1960a, 1960b) this would have been determined by development in early infancy. The implication of this is that the nature of this can only be speculated; and that the inferences made about this are only theoretical. As such, the fittingness of this with what is known about her life is also reviewed.

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6.3.5. Chanel’s potential selves in summary Chanel’s authentic self was testified to by: (a) her creative self (section 6.2.1); and, (b) her rebellious self (section 6.2.2). Her creative self suggested that: she was an artistically creative individual, and that she creatively expressed a self that was true; she could and/or did not “betray” her self for an “expected self,” and she was resolute in her style and vision; and, there was a congruence between her fashion, and her positioning of self. From this it was further inferred that she came to exist independently and had a full life, and that by expressing herself from the ‘inside out,’ she was guided by her ‘kernel’ on her life path and/or trajectory. That is, there was integration of a self (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This was explored further in relation to the rebellious self. From this it was inferred that when this integration of self was threatened, Chanel’s inherited potential resulted in her seeking the fusion of her instincts so that: (a) affection, aggression, and erotism could be expressed positively in relating successfully to others; and, (b) could be integrated as parts of the personality. From this it was reasoned that – from a view that is Winnicottian – that her acting- out behaviours, fashion, and need to protest were positive symptoms; and, evidence of a healthy personality in that the self was not ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1950). In exploring this further, however, it was also inferred that her self was threatened at times, as with: (a) deprivation, and a distortion of her self-structure; and/or, (b) privation, and a self structure that was ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1960b). From this it followed that she had moments of regression, and that pathological responses resulted from this. The most notable of these pathological responses suggested that there was an authentic and false self split (in that her false self hid the self that was true); and, that consequent defenses resulted from this split

(Winnicott, 1960b). 148 This false self was theorized from: (a) the adored, favored and loved self (section 6.3.1); (b) the collapsed self (section 6.3.2); (c) the fragile and injured self (section 6.3.3); and, (d) the pretend self (section 6.3.4). From the adored, favored and loved self it was suggested that Chanel had to be “acknowledged as existing” (Winnicott, 1960b, p. 149) – that is, applauded and appreciated – by the other to have a self and/or sense thereof (and this was differentiated from existing independently as with a self that was true). As such, she ‘collected impingements’ from objective reality to fill their ‘living-time’ with these and, more particularly, with responding to these so that they always has a ‘role’ (Winnicott, 1960b). This was of the loved object in particular relation to a ‘rival’; meaning that her relationships were strikingly trilateral. However, that she had to fill her ‘living-time’ with these relationships and responding to them also suggested that Chanel did not have enough of a “lived psychic reality” – that is, an experience and/or maintained sense of self – to feel whole (Winnicott, 1958, 1960b). That is, there was a collapse in the domains of inner and outer reality, the objective and subjective, and the other and self in that she did not interact with, integrate and/or relate to these successfully at times (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971). By examining this further it was suggested that this

149 contributed to depersonalization, and derealization states – with defenses forming to protect her subjective world (e.g., fantasies and/or fetishism); and that this also had implications for many of her relationships (e.g., in that she ‘found’ herself in the other). The defenses formed to protect her subjective world, however, also implied that her self was threatened. This was explored with the fragile and injured self, and from this it was inferred that Chanel’s critical early experiences – followed by early injuries and traumitizations – communicated to her ‘child self’ that her dependency needs would not be positively responded to, and that she had the experience of not being ‘seen’ (Winnicott, 1962). This, it was contended, contributed to the development of internal psychological representations of both the other (e.g., ‘Others will humiliate, hurt and/or reject me’) and the self (e.g., ‘I am not enough’). This was followed – at a later stage – by attempts at an organized reestablishment of, and tendency towards her dependency at an earlier stage – that is, the developmental need – so that it could be responded to. Further re-injuries and re- traumitizations, it is proposed, again communicated to her that to be dependent on the other is to get humiliated, hurt and/or rejected; and feelings of frustration at her powerlessness, loneliness, and rejection resulted from this. From a perspective that is Winnicottian, the derivative fear from previous traumas – exaggerated by the fear of having to re-experience and/or re-live these, and the feelings related to these, motivated particular responses (Winnicott, as cited in Newman, 2013). Although these were explored previously in relation to the selves (e.g., as with the adored, favored and loved self; and, the collapsed self) it was suggested that these led to a pretend self, in that she perpetually pretended to be someone. She ‘acted’ according to a false-self structure, in offering a personality – that is, the personality of the ‘self-made woman’ and “star” (Chanel, 149 as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 45) – and although others took this to be true, she did not experience it as such. This contributed to her extreme feelings of loneliness, feelings of non-reality, and restlessness (Winnicott, 1960a). With her dependency on morphine and depression resulting from this, she searched – to her death – for evidence that she existed from the ‘inside out’ and to be positively responded to for a self that was true.

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Authentic self False self

The creative self The rebellious self The adored, favored and The collapsed self The fragile and The pretend self loved self injured self

! Chanel as an artistically ! Acting-out behaviours ! An exploration of ! The collapse into a ! Early experiences ! The role of the creative individual. and the rebellious self. familial relationships, depersonalization and injuries to the self-made ! Chanel as resolute in her ! Fashion and the friendships, personal state. self. woman and style and vision. rebellious self. relationships, and ! The collapse into a ! Injuries in star. ! The congruence between ! The need to protest and professional derealization state. relation to Chanel’s fashion and the rebellious self. relationships as ! The collapse into relationships. positioning of self. trilateral. the other. ! Injuries in relation to work.

Chanel came into being and There was a developing The self was Defenses: existence in that there was an and/or emerging self. “unintegrated.” ! Avoidance of potential threats. integrated self. ! Denial. ! Distortion of factual information. ! Established the self in a position to reject and not be rejected.

Feelings of aliveness, realness and Boredom, emptiness, loneliness and wholeness. restlessness.

Addiction, and depression and suicidality Figure 6.3 Chanel’s selves in summary.

6.3.6. Does this fit with what is known about her life? In considering the parts of her personality, and the selves that were theorized from this, however, it is important to keep in mind that for Winnicott (1960a, 1960b) this would have been determined by development in early infancy. The implication of this is that the nature of this can only be speculated; and that the inferences made about this are only theoretical. Although these were considered from Chanel’s embodied experiences, narratives and statements, as subjectively told – and evoked a fundamental, but subjective understanding – the fittingness of this, to what is known about her life, supports this. This is explored further in this 150 next section. The reader is reminded in this regard, that although there was also an authenticity of self, Chanel had moments of regression resulting, theoretically, from: (a) deprivation, and a distortion of her ego and/or self; and/or, (b) privation, and a self-structure that was ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1960b). With deprivation there was an experience that was “good” but this was interrupted, or withdrawn; and is differentiated from privation, referring to the “non-experience” thereof – that is, not having impulses and/or needs responded to in any way (1956a, 1984). These impingements most notably related to a significant split between her authentic and false self- structures, where the false self hid the self that is true; and, the defenses and/or the pathological responses that resulted from this split (Winnicott, 1960b). However, as these impingements are located in maternal provision and relationship and the m/other’s response to these (Winnicott, 1960b), this is reflected on in this section. From this it is inferred that it is likely that the maternal provision and relationship suffered; as further influenced by the paternal role (Winnicott, 1961).

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In exploring this further it is possible to reason that – because of the availability of Chanel’s father to her mother, and the limitations thereof – he did not provide her with safety and support. Examples of this include narratives that suggest that he abandoned her and his family in that he was frequently ‘on the move’ travelling, and that he had extramarital relationships – with the implication that she “…always had to go looking for him” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 21). This extends to further narratives that suggest that he was also not there with the birth of Chanel, with the implication her mother perhaps could not provide and/or respond satisfactorily to her – because she herself did not have the needed safety and support (Winnicott, 1960b, 1961). This continued and during Chanel’s early infancy her mother had her as “a baby at her breast” and at her feet, her sister as a toddler (Chaney, 2011, p. 15), while working – with Chanel’s father travelling. In this context of a dysfunctional parental relationship and extreme poverty (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010), it is easy to grasp how impingements may have occurred. This is because, in this context, mother may have been occupied and overwhelmed by her own concerns, fears, and feelings (e.g., frustration at her powerlessness, loneliness, and rejection) – and she may not have been able to create an environment that was facilitating because she herself was not supported. This, then, corroborates the inferences made about Chanel’s development in early infancy and the influence this had on her personality and self-structures; and in this regard it is suggested that her ‘adult analysis’ is congruent with the developmental model, and model of psychopathology as viewed by Winnicott.

6.4. An evaluation of the object relations theory of Winnicott

To achieve the aim of this psychobiographical research study, this chapter considered 151 Chanel’s life narrative from an object relations view. In doing so, it described parts of her personality, and the selves that were theorized from this; and the findings that followed from this were presented and reviewed. An additional aim of this psychobiographical research study, however, is to evaluate the object relations theory of Winnicott. This is done in this following section, in that both the contributions and limitations of this – to this and other psychobiographical research – are reviewed.

6.4.1. Contributions of the object relations theory of Winnicott Generally, the object relations theory of Winnicott accounted for many of Chanel’s activities, behavioural patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships. That is, it addressed many facets of her life narrative, and was notably pertinent in its versatility. This demonstrated its relevance, practically and theoretically, to the understanding of the development of her identity and personality – and the implications that this have for her life narrative – as pertaining to her ‘selves.’

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Here, the concepts and delineation of the ‘authentic self’ and ‘false self’ (Winnicott, 1960b, 1965b, 1975) were of particular significance in that these did not describe parts of the ‘self’ and/or personality structures – but evoked a “fundamental, but subjective” (Anderson, 2013, p. 80) aspect of Chanel’s embodied experiences, rather than with schematizing it theoretically (Anderson, 2013; Green, 1978). The implication of this was that his ideas improved the interpretation of her specificity and subjectivity (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2000; Frogett & Trusman, 2014), in making meaning of her narratives (Frogett & Trustram, 2014; Green, 1978; Summers, 2014). In this regard, it is suggested that Winnicott was an appropriate fit for not only for this study – but that it is an appropriate fit, in general, for psychobiographical research studies (Anderson, 2003; Schultz, 2005a). The particular relevance of Winnicott to psychobiographical research studies, it is suggested, is that: (a) As an analytic framework it improved the authenticity of findings and interpretations [in that it had descriptive, evaluative, interpretive, and theoretical value (Maxwell, 1992)], and the reliability of the study (Fouché, 1999; Miles et al., 2014). (b) Both consider the context and definite setting of the subject; encourage the identification of individualized pattern and process over time; and, explore the personal reality of the subject. Furthermore, in doing so, both psychobiographical research studies and Winnicott adopt an approach that is appropriately empathic and/or sympathetic to the subject – as is demonstrated in the discussion of findings. (c) A focus on the ‘inherited potential’ of the subject (Winnicott, 1960a) allowed for the analysis, extraction, and interpretation of ‘positive symptoms’ – and encouraged a

eugraphic, rather than pathogenic perspective (Fouché, 1999; Stroud, 2004). 152 (d) Though Winnicott (1965a, 1965b, 1975) considers critical early experiences and/or development during early infancy to influence personality and self-structures, he also describes and explores the formation of the identity and personality – as pertaining to the ‘self’ – and the implications that this has for the individual later in life. In this regard, it is suggested that the suitability of Winnicott’s work was in its application to the adult analysis of Chanel, in that it also considered influences during later life (Bonaminio 2012); and, in doing so, encouraged and facilitated a lifespan perspective in the psychological understanding of her.

6.4.2. Limitations of the object relations theory of Winnicott Despite the immense significance of Winnicott’s object relations theory to psychobiographical research and, specifically, this study (as reviewed in section 6.5.1) it is acknowledged that are concerns and/or limitations to this theory too. These are explored further in this section.

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As argued by Newman (2013) and Summers (2014), there are conceptual difficulties and/or inconsistencies in the object relations theory of Winnicott. These concern his delineation of moments of regression, interpretations made about these (in therapy), and the function of interpretation (in therapy). Although the researcher of the study cannot comment on the function of interpretation and/or interpretations in therapy – as this was not the focus of the study – there were no difficulties in exploring moments of regression, and the implications and/or reasons for these. There was also congruence between the developmental theory of Winnicott, and the her expressed personality in that her critical early experiences, and the hypothesized impingements that resulted from these, fit with what was known about her life and selves. Another concern, however, is that he did not present a specific system, or comprehensive model of psychopathology (Summers, 1994). As such, it is not clear why certain environmental failures and/or impingements lead to clinical states or syndromes that are more fixed as permanent states, and others to impermanent manifestations as states that are transient (Newman, 2013; Summers, 2014). As contended by St. Clair and Wigren (2004) this means that it is sometimes difficult to extrapolate, and/or relate his theory to others – especially in explaining pathology and presenting symptoms. In the experience of the researcher of this study, however, he conceptualized the effects of impingements sufficiently so that a theory of clinical states or syndromes, and impermanent manifestations and their causes could be discerned from his work (Bonaminio, 2012; Green, 1978; Khan, 1963; Summers, 1994, 2014). This is evidenced, in particular, by how this related to Chanel’s activities, behavioral patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships; and how this fit with what was known about her life, and inferred about her personality as pertaining to her selves. 153

6.5. Chapter summary In this chapter the descriptive and exploratory findings that followed from the life narrative of the selected subjected, Chanel, were presented and reviewed. By analytically generalizing these to the object relations theory of Winnicott, it achieved the aims of (a) a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of Chanel, and (b) a critical evaluation of the object relations theory of Winnicott, and the fittingness and relevance of it to this research study. In the next section (Chapter 7), the conclusions that followed from this are summarized by (a) considering the contributions of this research study, (b) examining the limitations of this study, and (c) exploring future recommendations.

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7. CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION, LIMITATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

7.1. Chapter preview This chapter concludes this research study, and considers and critically examines the purpose of this research study and its value. For this reason, the aim and objectives of the research are restated and/or revisited; and the findings that resulted from these are summarized. This is followed by a reflection on both the contributions and limitations of the study, in particular relation to: (a) the methodological principles of psychobiographical research, (b) the selected subject, and (c) the selected theory. This also further informs recommendations and suggestions for future research, to be stated.

7.2. The aims and purpose of the research revisited By adopting an approach that is characteristically descriptive and exploratory (Edwards, 1990, 1998; Sey, 2006; Wallace, 1989; Yin, 2003), and employing the methodological principles of psychobiographical research this study aimed at a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of Chanel. It considered her entire life narrative in order to: (c) Describe the development of her identity and personality as pertaining to her potential ‘selves’ (self-structures); and, (d) Employ the object relations theory of Winnicott to explore, extrapolate, and illuminate – purposely and systematically – the activities, behavioral patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships that characterized and distinguished her life narrative; as

contextualized by the culture, economy, politics and social standards of the time. 154 Accordingly, objectives of this research study were: (a) to access assorted available data sources in the consultation, examination and review of biographical information and materials on Chanel; (b) to develop extrapolations and inferences about her life narrative; (c) to discuss, and develop knowledge of the object relations theory of Winnicott; and, (d) to employ his object relations theories as the descriptive and exploratory framework for this research study. As the general purpose of research is also to contribute to the development of theory (e.g., by corroborating, disproving, or extending on theory), another purpose of this research study was to contribute to the development of the object relations theory of Winnicott. This was done by evaluating, and informally ‘testing’ this – here, the descriptive and exploratory findings and interpretations of the study, were generalized to the propositions of his theory (Fouché, 1999; Stroud, 2004).

7.3. Conclusions, findings and interpretations – a summary Chanel’s life narrative was considered from a framework informed by the object relations theory of Winnicott. This accounted for many of her activities, behavioural patterns,

155 experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships. That is, it addressed many facets of her life narrative, and was notably pertinent in its versatility. This demonstrated its particular relevance to this study in that it was valuable in describing and exploring her identity and personality as pertaining to her self-structures – that is, the authentic and false self-structures as viewed by Winnicott (1960a, 1960b, 1965b, 1975). These were discussed in the findings and interpretations section of this study (Chapter 6), with a focus on her potential ‘selves’ such as: (a) the adored, favored and loved self; (b) the collapsed self; (c) the creative self; (d) the injured self; (e) the rebellious self; and, (f) the pretend self. From this it was inferred that these ‘selves’ were congruent with her critical early experiences – and extrapolations made from these – as interpreted from an object relations view; and that this was consistent with the developmental theory of Winnicott. From this it was reasoned that there were signs of both authentic and false self-structures (Winnicott, 1971). Chanel’s authentic self was testified to by: (a) her creative self (Chapter 6, section 6.2.1); and, (b) her rebellious self (Chapter 6, section 6.2.2). Her creative self suggested that: she was an artistically creative individual, and that she creatively expressed a self that was true; she could and/or did not “betray” her self for an “expected self,” and she was resolute in her style and vision; and, there was a congruence between her fashion, and her positioning of self. From this it was further inferred that she came to exist independently and had a full life, and that by expressing herself from the ‘inside out,’ she was guided by her ‘kernel’ on her life path and/or trajectory. That is, there was integration of a self (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This was explored further in relation to the rebellious self. From this it was inferred that when this integration of self was threatened, Chanel’s inherited potential resulted in her seeking the fusion of her instincts so that: (a) affection, aggression, and erotism could be expressed 155 positively in relating successfully to others; and, (b) could be integrated as parts of the personality. From this it was reasoned that – from a view that is Winnicottian – that her acting- out behaviours, fashion, and need to protest were positive symptoms; and, evidence of a healthy personality in that the self was not ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1950). In exploring this further, however, it was also inferred that her self was threatened at times, as with: (a) deprivation, and a distortion of her self-structure; and/or, (b) privation, and a self- structure that was ‘unintegrated’ (Winnicott, 1960b). From this it followed that she had moments of regression, and that pathological responses resulted from this. The most notable of these pathological responses suggested that there was an authentic and false self split (in that her false self hid the self that was true); and, that defenses resulted from this split (Winnicott, 1960b). This false self was theorized from: (a) the adored, favoured, and loved self (Chapter 6, section 6.3.1); (b) the collapsed self (Chapter 6, section 6.3.2); (c) the fragile and injured self (Chapter 6, section 6.3.3); and, (d) the pretend self (Chapter 6, section 6.3.4). From the adored, favoured, and loved self it was suggested that Chanel had to be “acknowledged as existing”

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(Winnicott, 1960b, p. 149) – that is, applauded and appreciated – by the other to have a self and/or sense thereof (and this was differentiated from existing independently as with a self that was true). As such, she ‘collected impingements’ from objective reality to fill their ‘living- time’ with these and, more particularly, with responding to these so that they always has a ‘role’ (Winnicott, 1960b). This was of the loved object in particular relation to a ‘rival’; meaning that her relationships were strikingly trilateral. However, that she had to fill her ‘living-time’ with these relationships and responding to them also suggested that Chanel did not have enough of a “lived psychic reality” – that is, an experience and/or maintained sense of self – to feel whole (Winnicott, 1958, 1960b). That is, there was a collapse in the domains of inner and outer reality, the objective and subjective, and the other and self in that she did not interact with, integrate, and/or relate to these successfully at times (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971). By examining this further it was suggested that this contributed to depersonalization, and derealization states – with defenses forming to protect her subjective world (e.g., fantasies and/or fetishism); and that this also had implications for many of her relationships (e.g., in that she ‘found’ herself in the other). That defenses formed to protect her subjective world, however, also implied that her self was threatened. This was explored with the fragile and injured self, and from this it was inferred that Chanel’s critical early experiences – followed by early injuries and traumitizations – communicated to her ‘child self’ that her dependency needs would not be positively responded to, and that she had the experience of not being ‘seen’ (Winnicott, 1962). This, it was contended, contributed to the development of internal psychological representations of both the other (e.g., ‘Others will humiliate, hurt and/or reject me’) and the self (e.g., ‘I am not enough’). This was followed – at a later stage – by attempts at an organized 156 reestablishment of, and tendency towards her dependency at an earlier stage – that is, the developmental need – so that it could be responded to. Further re-injuries and re- traumitizations, it is proposed, again communicated to her that to be dependent on the other is to get humiliated, hurt, and/or rejected; and feelings of frustration at her powerlessness, loneliness, and rejection resulted from this. From a perspective that is Winnicottian, the derivative fear from previous traumas – exaggerated by the fear of having to re-experience and/or re-live these, and the feelings related to these, motivated particular responses (Winnicott, as cited in Newman, 2013). Although these were explored previously in relation to the selves (e.g., as with the adored, favored and loved self; and, the collapsed self) it was suggested that these led to a pretend self, in that she perpetually pretended to be someone. She ‘acted’ according to a false- self structure, in offering a personality – that is, the personality of the ‘self-made woman’ and “star” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 45). This was alluded to by her aspirations to financial independence; her desire for social standing; and, her establishment of herself in a position in which she was not powerless but powerful, and not rejected but rejecting. Forming

157 part of her pretend self, this allowed her to “create [her] life…because [her] life didn’t please [her]” (Chanel, as cited in Reed, 2016, para. 9). In doing so, she broke “…with people who knew that…[her real] story did not coincide with the [created] legend…” (Madsen, 2009, pp. 3-4) – that is, the personality on the surface; and denied and distorted factual information about her past. The result of this, it was suggested, is that she became disconnected and/or divorced from parts of her self that were true, and that she was at a loss when she was not this pretend self. The significance of this was that, she was not able to establish full relationships that were ‘satisfactory,’ and that she was “destroyed” by her feelings of loneliness towards the end her life when she was perhaps more reflective (Vaughan, 2013). This contributed to her extreme feelings of loneliness, feelings of non-reality, and restlessness (Winnicott, 1960a), with her dependency on morphine, and depression resulting from this.

7.4. Contributions of this study In considering this research study’s value, the discussion in this section is organized by reviewing the contributions and limitations of psychobiographical research, the selected subject, and the selected theory.

7.4.1. The contribution of psychobiographical research, and its value Contributions, in general, of psychobiographical research were stated in Chapter 2; and as discussed previously has similar value to any other case-history research such as: (a) the acknowledgement of a case’s context and definite setting, (b) the emphasis of a case’s individuality and uniqueness within the whole, and, (c) the exploration of personal reality. In 157 the next section, the contributions of psychobiography – as pertaining to this specific study – are explored further and highlighted. The most notable of these is that it allowed for the consideration a ‘different dimension’ to Chanel and her life narrative (Fouché, 1999). This has not been accounted for in biographical form previously; and addressed the development of her identity and personality as pertaining to her self-structures, with a focus on the psychological understanding thereof. This demonstrated, furthermore, the successful synthesis of (a) biography, and (b) psychology (Fouché, 1999; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b) – and illustrated the mutual and reciprocal significance and value that these have. Biography and/or biographical materials had particular significance in that: (a) it allowed for a consideration of Chanel’s development of her identity and personality – as pertaining to her potential ‘selves’ – across her entire lifespan. In this regard the study of a ‘finished life’ (Carlson, 1988), as with this psychobiographical study, encouraged the identification of patterns and processes over time.

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(b) the amount of, and availability of biographical data on Chanel enabled the researcher to triangulate. This corroborated findings that were salient, with other sources and this enhanced and/or improved the authenticity of findings and interpretations made about her potential ‘selves’ [in that it had descriptive, evaluative, interpretive, and theoretical value (Maxwell, 1992)]. Conversely, the implication of psychology and its value is that it allows for biographies to be conducted within functional models that are regarded as scientific (Elms, 1994; Fouché, 1999; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b). For this particular study, this model was the object relations theory of Winnicott. Although exploring her identity and personality from this theory was valuable, another advantage of psychobiography – for this study – was that it acknowledged Chanel’s contextual situatedness (Willig, 2001, 2008). The implication for this study was that it demonstrated that – in the exploration of Chanel’s identity and personality, as pertaining to her self-structures – it was important to keep in mind the particular setting, socio-culturally and/or socio- historically, of the time. The influence of this particular setting, furthermore, was accounted for by adopting an approach that is contextually informed and holistic. In this regard, it was considered how culture, the economy, political principles, and social values could have impacted and/or influenced her personality and self-structures – as accounted for in the analysis of data, addressed in the findings and interpretations made, and discussed in the extensive literature review on her as the selected subject. A final implication of this study was that – in the academic context of psychology in South Africa – it contributed to the growing, but limited, number of psychobiographies. This growing interest in psychobiographies – and other life narrative research – is critical in deepening and 158 enriching our knowledge of particular areas of development in human lives, such as in the areas of career development, faith, health, leadership, and personality (Burnell, 2013; Fouché, 1999; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005b; Jacobs, 2004; Kotton, 2002; Pillay, 2009; Stroud, 2004).

7.4.2. The contributions of the selected subject In addition to the contributions of psychobiography to this study, there were advantages to having Chanel as the selected subject too. Of these advantages, the most notable was that – in the academic context of psychobiographical research in South Africa – she addressed the need for psychobiographical studies on women (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). As explained by Fouché and Van Niekerk (2010), the majority of the psychobiographical research studies conducted in this context focus on male subjects, with a distinct gender ratio resulting from this. Another advantage was the amount of, and availability of biographical data on Chanel that included primary and secondary sources. This data, furthermore, did not only address her career as a celebrated couturier and established fashion icon – but also included information that was

159 intimate and personal, and/or ‘rich’ and ‘thick.’ As explored previously, this allowed for information that was salient to be triangulated – and enhanced the internal validity. Furthermore, Chanel was also an exceptional figure and/or personality to study. Considered to be not only a fashion icon, but also “the most influential” woman of the 20th century (Chaney, 2011, p. xiii), there has been a continued interest in her establishment of an empire, as well as in the intimate particulars of her as a subject (Chaney, 2011; Vaughan, 2012). As contended by life history researchers [e.g., Elms (1994), Howe (1997), Schultz (2005a), and Simonton (1994)], the contribution of examining figures of interest, and/or ‘great’ lives like that of Chanel is that it may: (a) give insight into their prominence, and/or the reason(s) for their success; and, (b) highlight the lessons that can be taught from this. An exploration of her life narrative reveals that despite an early narrative of powerlessness, rejection, and sadness, and having faced many hardships [e.g., the death of her mother, her father’s rejection, and her lack of social status (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010)], Chanel managed to be successful. As noted by Picardie (2010), this exemplifies a ‘rags to riches’ story and/or tale in which Chanel’s ambition, aspirations, determination and industriousness prevailed over her struggles. In this regard it is suggested that Chanel – and an exploration of her life – could be extremely inspiring others, particularly to women. This is reinforced by the statement that, although Chanel was in the “…business of fashion, her job was to inspire women” (McCarthy, 2014, para. 12). For the researcher, this inspiration – and the ‘lessons’ that resulted from this – is that, like Chanel, any individual has to potential to: (a) challenge mores and norms, especially in fighting for a self that is true, (b) not be defined by their past, with the power to re-write their story, and (c) enjoy a life on their own terms. This is resonated by the statement that “If [one] is born without wings, do nothing to prevent them from growing” (Chanel, as cited in McCarthy, 2014, para. 10). 159

7.4.3. The contributions of the selected theory The conceptual framework for study – that is, the object relations theory of Winnicott – contributed significantly to this study. These contributions are explored further in this section, beginning with general remarks on its relevance and then exploring more particular points of value. Generally, the object relations theory of Winnicott accounted for many of Chanel’s activities, behavioural patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships. That is, it addressed many facets of her life narrative, and was notably pertinent in its versatility. This demonstrated its relevance, practically and theoretically, to the understanding of the development of her identity and personality – and the implications that this had for her life narrative – as pertaining specifically to her self-structures. Here, the concepts and delineation of the ‘authentic self’ and ‘false self’ (Winnicott, 1960b, 1965b, 1975) were of particular significance in that these did not describe parts of the ‘self’ and/or personality structures – but evoked a “fundamental, but subjective” (Anderson, 2013, p. 80) aspect of Chanel’s embodied

160 experiences, rather than with schematizing it theoretically (Anderson, 2013; Green, 1978). The implication of this was that his ideas improved the interpretation of her specificity and subjectivity (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2000; Frogett & Trustram, 2014), in making meaning of her narratives (Frogett & Trustram, 2014; Green, 1978; Summers, 2014). In this regard, it is suggested that Winnicott was an appropriate fit for not only for this study – but that it is an appropriate fit, in general, for psychobiographical research studies (Anderson, 2003; Schultz, 2005a). Furthermore, it is an alternative descriptive and/or exploratory framework for psychobiographical research studies in South Africa, where the most employed frameworks include: analytical psychology theory (Jung, 1947), the developmental theory of Levinson (1978), Digman’s (1990) 5-factor model, Erikson’s (1963, 1980, 1982) psychosocial theory, and Maslow’s (1970) motivational theory (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). The particular relevance of Winnicott to psychobiographical research studies, it was suggested, is that: (a) As an analytic framework it improved the authenticity of findings and interpretations [in that it had descriptive, evaluative, interpretive, and theoretical value (Maxwell, 1992)], and the reliability of the study (Fouché, 1999; Miles et al., 2014). (b) Both consider the context and definite setting of the subject; encourage the identification of individualized pattern and process over time; and, explore the personal reality of the subject. Furthermore, in doing so, both psychobiographical research studies and Winnicott adopt an approach that is appropriately empathic and/or sympathetic to the subject – as was demonstrated in the discussion of findings.

(c) A focus on the ‘inherited potential’ of the subject (Winnicott, 1960a) allowed for the 160 analysis, extraction, and interpretation of ‘positive symptoms’ – and encouraged a eugraphic, rather than pathogenic perspective (Fouché, 1999; Stroud, 2004). (d) Though Winnicott (1965a, 1965b, 1975) considers critical early experiences and/or development during early infancy to influence personality and self-structures, he also describes and explores the formation of the identity and personality – as pertaining to the ‘self’ – and the implications that this has for the individual later in life. In this regard, it is suggested that the suitability of Winnicott’s work was in its application to the adult analysis of Chanel, in that it also considered influences during later life (Bonaminio 2012); and, in doing so, encouraged and facilitated a lifespan perspective in the psychological understanding of her.

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7.5. Limitations of this study 7.5.1. Limitations of psychobiographical research It is acknowledged that, although there were many contributions made by the methodological principles of psychobiographical research to this study, there were also concerns of methodological rigor. General limitations to the methodological rigor of this study were addressed in Chapter 5, and included: (a) audibility (Flick, 2009; Fouché, 1999; Miles et al., 2014; Neuman, 2003; Yin, 2009); (b) authenticity (Krefting, 1999; Miles et al., 2014; Neuman, 2003; Yin, 1994); (c) confirmability (De Vos, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Miles et al., 2014; Van der Riet & Durrheim, 2006); (d) construct validity (Neuman, 2003; Yin, 2009; (e) fittingness (De Vos, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Miles et al., 2014), and (f) utilization (Maxwell, 1992; Miles et al., 2014). Although the implemented measures of quality in response to these (and as recommended to researchers) were stated, the concerns particular to this study were: (a) authenticity; (b) confirmability; and, (c) fittingness. These are revisited in this section. Authenticity, or internal validity, was a limitation of this particular study. This is because causal relationships between conditions and/or variables (Neuman, 2003) were not discussed, explored, and/or identified in the life narrative of the selected subject. However, it is also important to note that this was not the purpose of this study. Instead, it was descriptive and exploratory in nature; and, as noted by Wolcott (1990) and Yin (1994, 2009), studies like these should not be evaluated for its internal validity – but for its reached understanding. This comprises of its descriptive, evaluative, interpretive, and theoretical value (Maxwell, 1992) – as ensured, for the purpose of this study, by structural triangulation (in this regard, the reader is referred to Chapter 5, section 5.6.2). 161 Another concern was that of confirmability in that the findings and interpretations presented in this study, are provisionally stated. This is because it acknowledges the complexity of exploratory findings and/or interpretations in that these are not objective truths, but a particular reading of the selected subject within a theory. Conclusions about the development, emergence, and expression of Chanel’s personality – as pertaining to her self-structures – were informed by the object relations theory of Winnicott; but, there are many other possible readings of her as a subject, within other theories. The descriptions and explanations provided by these, should enhance any interpretations made about her in this study. External validity, or fittingness was another limitation of this particular study (De Vos, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Miles et al., 2014). This is because the conclusions, findings, and inferences made about Chanel’s development, emergence, and expression of identity and personality – as pertaining to her self-structures – are not generalizable to a larger population (that is, generalizability that is of statistical value). However, it is also important to note that this was not the purpose of this study – it aimed at the comprehensive description and exploration of that which is individual about her by means of analytical generalizability.

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Effectively the implication of this is that any inferences made about her personality and ‘selves’ were generalized to the object relations theory of Winnicott. This facilitated the ‘informal testing’ of his theory, in that it identified its relative strengths and weaknesses (Stroud, 2004). In addition to the concerns discussed in the previous section, there were also concerns about the limitations, particularly, of psychobiographical research. These included: (a) the amount of biographical data; (b) the analysis of an absent subject; (c) bias of the psychobiographical researcher; (d) cross-cultural differences; (f) easy genre and elitism; (g) expectations that are inflated; and, (h) reductionism. These, and the implemented measures of quality, were reviewed in Chapter 2, section 2.4. Although the reader is referred to this section, the researcher would like to revisit in this section: (a) the amount of biographical data; and (b) expectations that are inflated as limitations particular to this research study. It is acknowledged that the amount of available biographical data is infinite to the psychobiographical researcher (Fouché, 1999), and this was the case particularly for this study. Considering that there are many articles, biographies, books, features, and films about Chanel the researcher of this study had to collect and examine information from numerous sources, and present and review this systematically. Further keeping in mind that Chanel had enjoyed a full life, and died when she 87, this was a lengthy process (Stroud, 2004) in that: (a) it consumed a lot of time; (b) there was contradictory information and narratives; (c) there were many details that were important to her life narrative, and to the nature of her relationships; and, (d) information and narratives were repetitive at times. This also meant that, in presenting it in this study, both Chapter 3 (as a discussion of her life narrative) and Chapter 6 (findings and interpretations) were especially lengthy because of their narrative nature (Stroud, 2004).

Another concern was that of expectations that were inflated. Although engaged 162 personally by this psychobiography, the researcher of this study acknowledges that – because of its academic nature – it is not necessarily as ‘seductive’ as suggested by Yin (1994) it should be. As such, it may not have captured the continued interest of the reader, complicated further by the nature of the selected theory (in that Winnicott’s concepts emerged gradually over time, and were not presented as a whole).

7.5.2. Limitations of the selected subject Although Chanel contributed notably to this study (see section 7.4.2), it is acknowledged that there were also concerns and/or limitations to having her as the selected subject. These are explored further in this section, and include: (a) addressing needs particular to psychobiographical research in South Africa; (b) elitism; and, (c) sample size. (a) Addressing needs particular to psychobiographical research in South Africa. As argued by Fouché (1999), there have been many great and/or influential personalities produced by South Africa, and it could benefit contemporary society to describe, explore, and investigate these personalities from a psychological view. Fouché and Van Niekerk (2010)

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share this view, and they also further identify the need for the study of ‘black personalities’ since they have been neglected in psychobiographical research in South Africa. From this it follows that a possible criticism, then, is that Chanel – as a Caucasian, French woman – did not address needs particular to psychobiographical research in South Africa. However, as previously stated (section 7.3.2), she did address the need for psychobiographical research on women (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). (b) Elitism. Chanel achieved commercial and social success with her fame as a fashion icon, and was an influential personality. It could be disputed, for this reason, that to select her as the subject was an elitist endeavour. Criticism of it as an elitist endeavour, however, neglects her non-privileged past [as discussed previously, her critical early experiences were distinguished by a dysfunctional parental relationship, extreme poverty and parental rejection (Parker, 2013)]. The focus of this research study, furthermore, was not on her influence and prominence – but on her attributes and characteristics and, more specifically, the development of her identity and personality as pertaining to her potential ‘selves.’ In investigating these, the researcher of the study became acknowledged of Chanel’s ‘flaws’ and included these in the interpretations, and was careful not to idealize her. For this purpose, the researcher of this study analyzed and documented her emotions, feelings, and/or responses to the selected subject – the reader is referred to Appendix A. (c) Sample size. Due to a sample of a single subject, it is contended that this research study was not challenged by complex data processing, and/or methods of sampling – as is the case with other research studies; and that it was not generalizable to the general population (Yin, 1994). However, these criticisms disregard the following: (a) the amount of

biographical information is infinite and necessitates the complex condensation of data, data 163 display and data extraction (as reviewed in Chapter 5, section 5.2.1); and (b), the focus was not to generalize interpretations about her life to the population, but to the object relations theory of Winnicott – and in this regard, the conclusions, findings and/or interpretations about her life were significant to this study, and to his theory (as reviewed in sections 7.3.2 and 7.3.3).

7.5.3. Limitations of the selected theory Despite the immense significance of Winnicott’s object relations theory to psychobiographical research and, specifically, this study (as reviewed in section 7.3.3) it is acknowledged that were concerns and/or limitations to this theory too. These are explored further in this section, beginning with general limitations of his theory – and then considering the implications that these had on this particular study. These include limitations such as: (a) conceptual difficulties and/or inconsistencies; (b) individualism; and, (c) reductionism. (a) Conceptual difficulties and/or inconsistencies. As argued by Newman (2013) and Summers (2014), there are conceptual difficulties and/or inconsistencies in the object relation theory

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of Winnicott. These concern his delineation of moments of regression, interpretations made about these (in therapy), and the function of interpretation (in therapy). Although the researcher of the study cannot comment on the function of interpretation and/or interpretations in therapy – as this was not the focus of the study – there were no difficulties in exploring moments of regression, and the implications and/or reasons for these, in the life narrative of the selected subject. There was also congruence between the developmental theory of Winnicott, and the expressed personality of the selected subject in that her critical early experiences, and the hypothesized impingements that resulted from these, fit with what was known about her life and ‘selves.’ It was not a limitation for this study. Another concern was that he did not present a specific system, or comprehensive model of psychopathology (Summers, 1994). As such, it is not clear why certain environmental failures and/or impingements lead to clinical states or syndromes that are more fixed as permanent states, and others to impermanent manifestations as states that are transient (Newman, 2013; Summers, 2014). As contended by St. Clair and Wigren (2004) this means that it is sometimes difficult to extrapolate, and/or relate his theory to others – especially in explaining pathology and presenting symptoms. In the experience of the researcher of this study, however, he conceptualized the effects of impingements sufficiently so that a theory of clinical states or syndromes, and impermanent manifestations and their causes can be discerned from his work (Bonaminio, 2012; Green, 1978; Khan, 1963; Summers, 1994, 2014). This was evidenced, in particular, by how this accounted for the activities, behavioral patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships of the selected subject; and how this fit with what was known about her life, and inferred about her

personality as pertaining to her self-structures. However, it is also important to note that – 164 because he did not have a coherent theory, but developed this over time – this created an extensive review of his theory, the implications of which were that: (a) it was arduous and laborious to present and read his writings; (b) this contributed to an extensive, and lengthy review of his theory which may, at times, have been laborious for the reader to review; and, (c) secondary sources were used. (b) Individualism. As the object relations theory of Winnicott is characteristically psychoanalytic it is suggested that it is – despite its emphasis on interpersonal and/or relational terminology – distinctively individualistic (Bornstein, 2018). For this reason, it is not applicable and/or appropriate in describing the development of personality, as pertaining to self-structures, across all contexts and/or periods of time, and/or of all individuals. Although the researcher of this study agrees that it might not appropriate for the examination of all individuals and/or personalities (Anderson, 2013) it was relevant to this study in that: (a) it adequately described the personality, as pertaining to her potentialself-structures of the selected subject; and, (b) the concepts employed by the research study and/or of the theory were contextualized by factors and/or influences similar

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to that of the subject. However, it is important to note that Winnicott does not address contextual factors in his theory, and this was limitation for this particular research study – especially as pertaining to the selected subject’s development of gender identity and the impact that this could have on her personality and self-structures. The implication, of this was that parts of ‘self’ of the subject could not be explored. (c) Reductionism. As the object relations theory of Winnicott considers critical early experiences, and more specifically, development that occurs between the ages of 0-12 months in describing the development of an individual’s identity and/or personality as pertaining to ‘self,’ it could be disputed that it is reductionist. However, the researcher of this study addressed the concern of reductionism by employing the following procedures: (a) the avoidance of excessive psychological and/or technical terms (Elovitz, 2003; Runyan, 1988a); (b) the consultation and examination of numerous sources (Runyan, 1988a, 1988b); (c) the circumvention of pathologizing the selected subject (Elms, 1994; McAdams, 1994); and, (d) the recognition of the selected subject as a complex individual, contextualized by factors and/or influences on her or his life narrative (Anderson, 1981a, 1981b; Howe, 1997). The reader is referred to Chapter 2, section 2.7 for a comprehensive discussion on these; however it is the intention of the researcher to review, specifically, the circumvention of pathologizing the selected subject. In this regard, it is suggested that the theory of Winnicott is: (a) applicable, and especially relevant to adult analysis (Bonaminio, 2012) and, correspondingly, to the description and exploration of the life narrative of the selected subject; and, (b) is eugraphic in nature – as with psychobiographical research – in that the emphasis is on the evidential normality of the individual, and her or his inherited

potential and psychological strength(s). As such, it is suggested that limitations of 165 originology and overpathologizing were reduced.

7.6. Future recommendations and suggestions Although there were limitations to this particular research study, it is contended that it was an example of psychobiographical research and its significance and/or value – and, more specifically, how facets of a ‘great’ life and personality can be illuminated by psychological theory. For this reason it is suggested that the methodological principles of this research study – and of psychobiographical research specifically – may benefit future research studies, especially where the purpose of it is similar to this study. Further recommendations for such studies are explored further in this section, beginning with general recommendations – and then considering particular suggestions. General recommendations are that, in the context of psychobiographical research in South Africa, attention is given to: (a) the academic exposure of psychobiographical research, and the marketing of it to the public; (b) black and female personalities in psychobiographical research;

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(c) the development of psychobiographical research at universities; and, (d) more diverse exploratory frameworks, models, and/or psychological theories (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). Particular suggestions are that, because of Chanel’s contributions to this study – as explored previously, in section 7.4.2 – she is considered for other psychobiographical research studies too, but that alternative exploratory frameworks, models, and/or theories are used. Here, Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial theory, and/or Marcia’s (1966) egoidentity status theory could account for adolescent and/or adult development in the emergence and expression of identity and personality, and in doing so explore facets of her identity that were not included in this study. The focus of future psychobiographies of her may also shift to other aspects such as her career development, faith, health, and/or leadership in order to describe and/or explore facets of her life narrative that were neglected by this research study. This may enhance the richness and ‘thickness’ of an understanding of her. The findings of these, and the findings and/or interpretations of this research study, could also be compared in developing and ‘testing’ theory – and may encourage further theoretical triangulation. As reviewed in section 7.4.3, the theoretical triangulation of Winnicott’s work demonstrated its fittingness to psychobiographical research, and it is recommended for other similar studies. However, there are also limitations to this, and resulting suggestions. These are included in the next section. (a) Adolescent and/or adult development is not directly included in the theory, as the focus is on infancy and the influence that impingements in this period have on personality and self- structures. For this reason it is not recommended for studies that are concerned with development later in life in particular [e.g., as with ‘egoidentity’ (Marcia, 1966), and/or

‘ego integrity’ in psychosocial theory (Erikson, 1963, 1980)]; and/or if the critical early 166 experiences of an individual cannot be inferred and/or are not known. Although it could be argued that this particular research study could have been complemented by such a theory, it is important to keep in mind that: (a) the aim was to explore facets of identity and personality as pertaining specifically to the self-structures as viewed by Winnicott (1960a, 1960b, 1971) – that is, the authentic and false selves; and, (b) the concern was with her embodied experiences, rather than with schematizing it theoretically. Collectively this is what distinguishes it from a psychohistory, such as when the events of an individual’s life are positioned within a psychological theory – but are not interpreted in a rich or ‘thick’ way. (b) It does not address the development of gender identity, and this was a limitation particular to this study. For this reason it is recommended that it is not employed if this focus; and, that other theories are used. In this regard, critical/or feminist readings may be more valuable.

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(c) It may not be fitting to all life narratives and/or selected subjects, but is particularly relevant to the study of ‘artistically creative’ personalities (Anderson, 2003, 2014), and this should be kept in mind for other studies.

7.7. Chapter summary This chapter concluded this research study, and considered and critically examined the purpose of this research study and its value. For this reason, the aim and objectives of the research were restated and/or revisited; and the findings that resulted from these were summarized. This was followed by a reflection on both the contributions and limitations of the study, in particular relation to: (a) the methodological principles of psychobiographical research, (b) the selected subject, and (c) the selected theory. This also further informed possible recommendations and suggestions for future research. The researcher of this study concludes with these final personal reflections and thoughts. Chanel, an established fashion icon with immense prominence and success, had many parts to her self – some of these were brave, daring, and inspiring. She acted on what she believed in, was not afraid of failing, created change when it was needed, and demonstrated that limits are only within. But there were also distorted, exaggerated, flawed, and neglected parts to her self; and these cannot be ignored and/or neglected. She elicited feelings, and responses of admiration, empathy, and sympathy at times – but also of anger, disgust, frustration, and pity at other times. However, to get to know these parts was a privilege for the researcher of this study. The most important lesson that the researcher of this study takes with her is that, “How many cares one loses when one decides not be something, but someone” (Chanel, as cited in

Karbo, 2009, p. 14). 167

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APPENDIX A Personal reflections

As mentioned previously, an important part in the process of this research was my own personal reflections. This was done by journaling my ideas, opinions and thoughts throughout. By revisiting these, I was able to organize these into parts – that is, my personal reflections on: (a) the method of psychobiography; (b) the selected subject (Chanel); and, (c) the selected theory (the object relations theory of Winnicott). These are presented in this section.

(a) The method of psychobiography, and personal reflections As a future psychologist, I have been asked on numerous occasions – and, also in the process of selection – “Why psychology?” Although I always have a range of reasons (e.g., that I am drawn to people’s subjectivity, that I could not imagine myself in any other profession, and that relating and relationships are what are valuable to me), it always comes to the following: I am fascinated by the inner, and lived realities of ‘self’ because – despite the experience of being human, and despite this experience being shared – all inner, and lived realities are strikingly unique. This also explains my immediate interest in the method of psychobiographical research in that this, too, is concerned with the inner, and lived reality of the selected subject and their uniqueness. That is, there was a fit between my own interests and the method of psychobiography. Keeping this is mind, I enjoyed this method of research significantly. It allowed me to enter into the inner, and lived reality of Chanel; and, in doing so, to explore parts of her self. This was also immensely practically valuable in that, by making meaning of it psychologically, it 186 paralleled to my role as a therapist in training. This is because my focus is also on my patient’s subjectivity, and on making meaning of this (psychologically) in therapy. With this as my focus, I have also kept in mind some of the ‘measures of quality’ of this research (e.g., addressing bias, addressing cross-cultural differences, expectations that are inflated, and reductionism), and the significance of these in therapy. In this regard, then, it has also been meaningful in my professional training, in that my professional role is similar to what my role was in this study. Where it differed, however, is that in my professional role I am able to access and make meaning of my patient’s reality with them. That is, the process is shared whereas in this study it was not. I was not able to collaborate and/or join with Chanel in making meaning of her reality, and this frustrated me at times – I had a desire to explore with her, the extent to which my interpretations resonated with her. That is, I had a desire to not only make meaning of her, but with her.

(b) Chanel and I: Personal reflections on the selected subject

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Challenged with identifying a potential research subject, it was suggested by my supervisor that I draw inspiration from my own interests. After the meeting with her, I remember taking this task and writing down all the ‘important’ and ‘influential’ personalities I might want to study – philosophers (I am especially interested in Albert Camus’, Ayn Rand’s and Jean-Paul Sartre’s work), poets (I am fascinated by the poetry of Sylvia Plath), and psychologists; but none of them resonated with me. At that moment, I looked around my room and – along with my books on fashion icons like Karl Lagerfeld and Vivienne Westwood – there was a bottle of Chanel No.5 perfume on my shelf. I knew in that moment that she was a potential subject. Hesitating that she was not ‘important’ or ‘influential’ enough, Chanel was the least likely (in my mind) potential subject on the list of my potential subjects that I gave to my supervisor. However, I was encouraged to go with my instinct and with my supervisor’s support, I began exploring her life narrative – knowing only that she was a fashion icon, and not knowing much about her personally. As I began exploring her life, I was overwhelmed with the amount of available information. There were many articles, biographies, books, and films for me to study; and the number of these suggested to me that there was a continued and definite interest in her life, and that I was exploring the life of a remarkable woman. Why else would there be this continued and definite interest in her more than 40 years after her death in 1971? As I explored more parts of her story, it was obvious to me that she was the remarkable woman that I thought. I was in awe of her as the (portrayed) self-made woman; and her commitment, dedication, and drive – evident from multiple narratives – was immensely inspiring. This was because it was in the context of her difficult early life, perhaps, in that I (coming from a position of privilege) could not personally relate to her struggles, and had immense respect for her response to these. Or, perhaps, this was because her ideals and principles were reflective of what I too 187 value. This, however, also meant that I had a particular response to someone while speaking to him about Chanel. In this conversation he suggested that Chanel was a poor research subject, and that I made a mistake selecting her because I am “going to have indicate what my research topic was on [my] CV, and do [I] really want to explain why Chanel – a fashion figure – was the focus of my masters research?” I was exasperated in that moment, and felt that I had to protect her in some way – and explain to him just how immensely remarkable she truly was. This was an example of idolizing her I later realized, and I further reflected on what was said. Later that year, I was again faced with that particular question (I was at an internship interview at the time, and was asked “Why Chanel?”) – and already having reflected on this – responded that I selected her as a subject because “Despite her flaws, she has an immensely inspiring story to tell and there is so much to learn from her life.” The interviewers responded that “So does the life of Mandela” – implicating, perhaps, that he was more ‘important’ as a subject. I could not help but realize that this was reflective of my own hesitation (initially) that

188 she was not ‘important’ or ‘influential’ enough (just as she was not ‘important’ or ‘influential’ enough in her relationships). However, in the process of my research I came to realize that all lives matter (and by extension, all potential research subjects); and, are potentially valuable – and that there is no such thing as a more ‘important’ or more ‘influential’ life narrative than the other. The implication of this was that: (a) it informed my position as a therapist in training (in that I do not think of more ‘important’ patients, or more ‘important’ realities – but engage with each of them as they are, and that which is unique to them); and (b) that I became more neutral in my positioning to her as a subject. This is because, by acknowledging that all lives matter, I also came to realize that all lives (and by extension, all potential research subjects) have – in their uniqueness – areas of development and growth, failures and flaws, limitations, and strengths. This further meant that there were parts of her, as a subject, that I admired and appreciated – but that there were also others that confused, disappointed, frustrated and saddened me. I admired and appreciated her commitment, dedication, and drive (as mentioned previously) – but also her creativity, and generosity and kindness. It became clear that she was creative, and that her creativity was an expression of her ‘self’– as indicated by her remaining resolute in her vision. The expectations of others did not prohibit her, but she rather relied on her feelings, impulses and/or needs – that is, her instincts; and this was immensely inspiring. I also found inspiration in her kindness. Here, her collaboration with others on projects, and her financial support of those who were important to her suggests that she was kind – and, perhaps, that she wanted to protect them from the struggles she had when she was younger. I was disappointed and frustrated, 188 however, when I read that she did not extend this kindness to her brothers (e.g., in that she deceived them about her financial position at the start of WWII, and she no longer provided them with stipends), and that she disowned her family. Maybe this was because I am close to my family, and could not imagine my life without them and/or not supporting them in any way. The implication of this was that I regarded her, at times, to be without care, concern, and/or empathy for others (elicited further by her proceedings against Wertheimer). However, this also meant that I often wondered about how difficult it must have been for her without a support system – especially keeping in mind the pattern of rejection in her relationships. It further saddened me to think of how this may have suggested to her that she was never ‘enough’ – and how this meant that she had to be in a particular ‘role’ of the self-made woman, because to ‘love the other resulted in rejection and shame.’ This also elicited in me a need to reaffirm, and reassure her that she was ‘enough’ and that she could be seen for a self that was true – almost as if reaffirming, and reassuring a girl who was immensely vulnerable. That this was a part of her ‘self,’ however, also elicited my empathy and gave me perspective on her positioning of self as the self-made woman. This is because I could

189 comprehend how she defended with ‘independence’ and ‘strength’ from her vulnerability (perhaps because this is also a defense that I rely on at times). However, that she defended from it to a degree that it was difficult for her to own her reality also meant that she was in a ‘role’ and that her self was significantly split – and this elicited in me not only sadness, but also sympathy. I felt immensely sorry – for the child with a childhood that ‘knew no tenderness,’ and the child who lost her mother; for the frightened girl who was left with the nuns at the orphanage; for the juvenile with nowhere to go; for the love that resulted in shame; for the mistress who was always put to the side…for this immensely influential, prominent, and successful woman, who at the end of her life, was immensely lonely and regretted the ‘role’ that she was in. Having read somewhere that she was buried in a grave, decorated with the heads of 5 lions, I wondered if – for Chanel – this was a gesture that reflected a return to before this ‘role,’ and a return to the self (in that they were 5 Chanel children growing up, and that she did not deny this further); or, if this was gesture that reinforced this ‘role’ (in that she was the creator of Chanel No.5, and that the perfume’s profits represented to her a symbol of success). Perhaps it is possible to reason that it was reflective of both – that is, of both the ‘false self’ and the self that was true; evidenced maybe by how she was laid to rest with the Chanel logo planted near her tomb. What cannot be denied, however, is the intrigue into the lions’ symbolism of bravery, courage and strength. Chanel certainly embodied these traits, and encouraged me to do the same – with a gentle reminder that I 189 should always be true to myself. For that I am grateful.

A digital photograph of Chanel’s grave at the Bois-de-Vaux cemetery, Lausanne, Switzerland.

(c) On being an object to be used: Personal reflections on Winnicott I knew that I wanted to acknowledge Chanel’s creativity, and her personal strengths as I began considering exploratory frameworks within which I wanted to explore her life narrative. By chance, I came across an article on the relevance of Winnicott to psychobiographical research studies – and especially of his relevance to the study of ‘creative individuals’ because they are concerned with expressing a self that was true. Despite not being familiar with his theory at the time, I was enthusiastic about exploring it further as the framework for this study.

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This was a difficult and frustrating task at times, because he did not have a comprehensive set of work and I was not always confident and/or familiar with the terminology used (as I come from an integrative model of training). As such, I also explored many secondary sources; and just as I thought that I comprehended concepts, or parts of his theory I would come across a different interpretation, or new reading of his work. This was overwhelming at times but all came together when I began with my children’s clinic rotation at my internship site. There, as an intern psychologist, I began to understand what Winnicott meant by ‘attunement,’ ‘holding,’ and ‘mirroring’ (especially as a play therapist, but also as a therapist in training who – with my own fears that I was not a ‘good-enough m/other’ – had to be ‘held’ by my supervisors at times); but also by ‘deprivation’ and ‘privation’ (and the implications that these had for the population I was working with). After a challenging day, I was in supervision and my supervisor and I discussed what it meant for me to be a ‘good-enough’ therapist. After this discussion I was able to summarize it for myself as, “Letting myself be an object to be used” – meaning, for me, that I could let myself be what was needed by my patients: an ‘attuned m/other’ who was able to ‘hold’ and ‘mirror’ them, who may also ‘fail’ at times – but then follow this with repair. Leaving there, I could not help but think how this was something that Chanel did not have the experience of, and this saddened me. Further reflecting on this, and this research – however – I started to think that by using Winnicott, I was – in fact – this object to be used. This is because it accounted for many of Chanel’s activities, behavioral patterns, experiences, psychogenic traits, and relationships – allowing me to develop empathy for her as I explored facets of her life narrative. In this way, I could ‘hold’ her at times (such as when I empathized with her ‘injured self’), and when I failed 190 to do this (such as when I became frustrated with her for being selfish) I could always return.

Factor of psychological saliency Example(s) from the life narrative of the select subject

As biographers Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009) and Picardie (2010) note, Chanel did not accept or acknowledge her own theAllowingto data reveal itself:A data matrix Distortion / Error reality and truth, and distorted factual information about her life. As Madsen (2009, pp. 3-4) notes, “[Chanel] made up things” about her childhood, her family, and her history in presenting a romanticized story. She also distorted and exaggerated this story, and perpetually revised this story. She also further estranged those who knew that this story did not fit with the legend she portrayed. There is an emphasis, in particular, on (a) Chanel’s establishment of herself as a fashion icon, and (b) her immense Emphasis prominence and success (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). As a fashion icon, it is suggested that she was an artistically creative individual (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010) and that she challenged conventional APPENDIX femininity (Banta, 2011; Spirito, 2010; Zoccoli, 2011). In challenging conventional femininity, there is also an emphasis on her need to ‘protest’ and/or rebel – and how this influenced her positioning of self (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). In exploring her immense prominence and success it is suggested that she also offered a personality of the ‘self-made woman’ and “star” in her positioning of self (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 45) to the world. As part of this personality, there is an emphasis on her ‘frequent’ legal proceedings against Pierre Wertheimer (Vaughan, 2012) as B

motivated by her need to obtain the profits of Chanel No. 5 and “money as a symbol of success” (Chanel, as cited in Madsen, 2009, p. 161). Frequency In most of her relationships, Chanel frequently sought to be “applauded” and “appreciated” – that is “acknowledged as existing” by the other (Winnicott, 1960b, p. 149). However, this also meant that her relationships were strikingly trilateral, in that she established herself as the loved object in particular relation to a ‘rival.’ This pattern is seen in (a) her familial relationships, (b) friendships, (c) love and/or personal relationships, and, (d) professional relationships.

In addition to establishing herself as the loved object in her relationships, she also positioned herself as the one rejecting, and not the one rejected, in order to maintain particular role and a self that was not vulnerable in any way. Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and Picardie (2010) note that in this particular role she established ‘financial relationships’ so that she could be in a position of power, and in a position where she could not be rejected. Examples of this include her relationships with Diaghilev, the Grand Duke Dmitri of Pavlovich Reverdy, and Stravinsky in that she accommodated them and/or their families, financed their interests and/or projects and/or granted them monthly stipends (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Vaughan, 2012). It is further interesting to note that this pattern possibly resulted from her experiences in other relationships that were suggestive of abandonment, infidelity, and the latent shame because of her social status (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; 191

Picardie, 2010) in that this was a defense from ‘injuries’ to the self. That is, she established herself as the one rejecting so that she did not have to experience a rejected self.

Incompletion In consideration of events on which there is inconclusive information, there is an emphasis particularly on: (a) the closure of the fashion house in 1939, and (b) Chanel’s degree of involvement with Nazism. It is argued that the closure of the fashion house in 1939 was motivated out of spite (Vaughan, 2012) in that Chanel was betrayed and humiliated by the protests of 1936, and that she dismissed all but a few of her 4 000 members of staff in that this offered her an opportunity to retaliate. This is countered, however, by Picardie’s (2010) argument that it is doubtful that she retaliated out of spite – especially as Chanel’s decision followed after the onset of WWII. This argument is further supported by Chanel’s claim to Haedrich (1972) that she ceased production and trade within two hours of the notification of war, and that she closed her fashion house because all her staff had “someone in uniform – brothers, fathers, husbands” (Chanel, as cited in Haedrich, 1972, p. 186). She also contended that they freely left her premises. Concerning her degree of involvement with Nazism, respectively, it is suggested that accusations of her involvement are one-sided and prejudiced (Picardie, 2010); and that these followed from her interest in her nephew’s release. This is challenged, however, by insistence from Vaughan (2012) that Chanel espoused and fully supported Nazism, and that she was extremely intelligent and resourceful in that she applied the Aryan laws that it promoted to her legal proceedings against Wertheimer. As noted by Chaney (2011), Madsen (2009), and Picardie (2010), Chanel appeared to be considerate and empathetic in Isolation many of her relationships and there are considerable examples of her extending generosity and kindness to others. However, after the closure of her fashion house in 1939 she reached out to her brothers – and claiming financial insecurity – informed them that she could no longer provide them with stipends, despite the fact that she had an income from the profits of Chanel No. 5, and was immensely wealthy (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010; Parker, 2013; Vaughan, 2012). Here, Chanel’s deception of her family members is regarded as a specific example of her inconsideration and vindictiveness (Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Negation As with the distortion factual information it is important to note that Chanel did not accept or acknowledge her own reality and truth, with the implication that she negated many parts of her story (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). Although this extended to many parts of her childhood, her family, and her history the most notable of these possibly relate to her being abandoned by her father, and her being orphaned. After the death of her mother, her father left her and her siblings. However, in her narratives on this she stated that she was not abandoned by her father – he was always present, brought her gifts from his trips, and was her protector and savior (Chaney, 2011; Madsen, 2009; Picardie, 2010). She also claimed that because her father loved her she was not an orphan, and described him as a man below the age of 30 (he was approaching 40) in reinventing her remembrance of him. It is contended that, by doing so, she defended against any incursion or intrusion of objective reality in protecting her subjective world (Winnicott, 1952) – especially as involving her being orphaned. This is further implied by her negation of being an orphan in that she persistently referred to her ‘aunts’ who she lived with, and denied having lived with nuns. 192

She also denied other parts of her story; especially those that implied a lack of success and/or that preceded her success. After her career as a performer was not successful, she denied ever having lived or performed in Vichy (Charles-Roux, 1976). She also forgot about the 18 months she lived and worked at the House of Grampayre (Madsen, 2009) – also forgetting, later, to mention those who were partly responsible for some of her success (Madsen, 2009).

Omission In accounts to Delay (1983), Charles-Roux (1976), and Haedrich (1972) Chanel expressed herself freely in most of her narratives. However, in these narratives she did not refer to the time that she was in exile and her narratives of this time were also less personal, reflective and rich. Primacy Although there are contradictions and errors in her narratives about her critical early experiences, “…the truth of an event for Chanel lay not in the fact but in the feeling” (Chaney, 2011, p. 20-21). In consideration of her critical early experiences these feelings included: frustration at her powerlessness; loneliness; and, rejection (Chaney, 2011; Gidel, 2000; Madsen, 2009; Morand, 1976; Picardie, 2010). Examples of this include her stating that the word “childhood…[made] her shudder” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 22) and that “…[she] lived with insensitive people” (Chanel, as cited in Gidel, 2000, p. 24). Uniqueness Chanel could be destructive and/or harmful at times (Chaney, 2011). Examples of this include narratives in which she: (a) admitted to calculatingly damaging the frogs of the horses, by galloping and riding them without shoes so that they would not be taken (Charles-Roux, 1976; Madsen, 2009); (b) described how she and her sisters, after being locked in a room, “…peeled off [the plaster] from the walls” (Chanel, as cited in Morand, 1976, p. 22); and, (c) fantasized about of harming the nuns (Delay, 1974).

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Absolute dependence as a developmental stage: A summary

Absolute dependence (0 to 6 months) The dyadic relationship: The infant and Developmentally the environment-infant interaction and relation is distinguished by dependence on the m/other, and the mother, maternal provision, and the maternal relationship (Winnicott, 1960a, 1964, 1965b). This is because the environment – that enables and/or facilitates maternal role the development and growth of the infant – is fixed initially in the maternal relationship. Winnicott (1960a, p. 589) elucidates the importance of the maternal relationship by stating that “…human infants cannot start to be” in the absence of certain conditions. As these conditions – either favorable or not – are indistinguishably and inextricably located in the maternal relationship, “infants come into being differently” (Winnicott, 1960a, p. 589) according to the characteristics Winnicott’sdevelopmental model and features of the maternal relationship. The characteristics and features of the maternal relationship, at this stage, are distinguished by “maternal preoccupation.” Maternal preoccupation refers to the attitude of the caregiver of the infant (that is, the mother or mother substitute) and A

her natural, primary role in acknowledging, adapting, and appropriately responding to the dependence of the infant on C PPENDIX her to gratify her or his impulses and needs (Winnicott, 1960a). The m/other does so by assuming the functions of both an “environmental mother,” and an “object-mother” (Winnicott, 1963b, as cited in Summers, 1994). As an environmental m/other, she sets the context for development and growth by providing safety and support. As an object m/other, respectively, she empathically identifies with and orientates towards the infant; and gratifies the infant’s impulses and 55

needs that are physiologically and psychologically situated by offering an object to be used (Winnicott, as cited in Leckman, Feldman, Swain, & Mayes, 2007). As an example, the m/other affords a bottle or breast to feed the hungry infant, or comforts her or him when distressed. In addition to contributing to the experience of the gratification of impulses and needs, this also contributes to the

inclusion and introduction of “the establishment of the infant’s first object relationships” (e.g., the bottle or breast that the m/other offers, and the infant’s relation to these) (Winnicott, 1960a, p. 592). By continuing to facilitate this process, she contributes to and/or fosters the infant’s narcissistic omnipotence. This is because by gratifying the infant’s impulses and instinctual needs, the m/other becomes the object to be used (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 1994). This fosters the illusion of the infant that the m/other – as an object – is controlled and/or created by the infant and her or his inner reality, also known as narcissistic omnipotence. The implication of this is that for the infant objects are only perceived and related to subjectively, and this is also known as “mental objects” or “phantasy” (Winnicott, 1951).

55 Although the impulses and needs are physiologically and psychologically situated, Winnicott (1960a, p. 592) clarifies that this distinction does not exist for the infant as her or his “physiology and psychology have not yet become distinct, or are only in the process of doing so.” 194

Comparable to Klein’s (1935, 1958) conceptualization of “internal objects” as external objects, and the self – mental objects or phantasy, for Winnicott (1960a), is differentiated from objects objectively perceived. This is because objects objectively perceived, denote external objects in outer reality – and outside of phantasy – that is separate from the self (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1963, 1965b). Developmentally, it is important that the infant’s mental objects or phantasy are superimposed on objects objectively perceived (Winnicott, 1963, 1965b), so that there is a fostering of the infant’s narcissistic omnipotence. This allows for the emergence of a healthy self, because there is – by means of an object – not only the experience of the gratification of impulses and needs (that is, instinctual physical satisfaction), but also the belief in reality as something that the infant can have an illusion of (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). This belief, however, is contingent on the emotional merger with the m/other; and in this regard it is suggested that the emergence of a healthy self is dependent on the m/other in that she adapts, continuously, to the infant’s impulses and needs (Winnicott, 1960a).

Awareness of inner and outer There is an attempt to “deal with inner reality” (Winnicott, 1958, p. 130) in that this is characterized by the experiences reality of the infant (that is, instinctual states of tension), and an experience of gratifying objects offered in response to these. However, as the infant does not have a perception of reality and/or how he or she relates to it, these objects are perceived and related to subjectively. This is because – in the absence of an awareness of reality and how he or she relates to it – he or she “create[s] the world, as it were, with very few resources” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 70). Among these resources, then, is the experience of a “hallucination” (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). The experience of this hallucination implies that the infant’s inner reality is expressed in gestures (e.g., he or she cries when distressed, or hungry), and that these are fulfilled in that the m/other repeatedly responds to these (e.g., by feeding the hungry infant, or giving the infant a pacifier and/or holding the infant). By fulfilling these gestures, a gratifying object is offered in response to the infant’s needs (e.g., the bottle or breast, or pacifier) – with the implication that for the infant, her or his needs bring with it an object in outer reality (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1965e). This allows for an emergence of self, in that the experiences of the infant (and her or his inner reality) are responded to. Ego integration Ego There is an anticipation of discovering and/or finding a gratifying object in outer reality in response to her or his gestures, impulses and/or needs. In discovering and/or finding this object in outer reality, the hallucination is made “real” – and, he/she “begins to believe in an external reality” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 71) as facilitated by the m/other (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b, 1965b).

Domains of objective and Distinguishing the domains of the objective and subjective, is the hallucination of the infant that he or she creates subjective gratifying object(s) by means of her or his gestures, impulses, and/or needs because these are responded to (Winnicott, 1960a; 1960b; 1964; 1965b). This is facilitated by the m/other who repeatedly responds to her or him, with the first object relationships resulting from this. These first object relationships supposes for the infant an illusion of omnipotence 195

– and that these objects are related to subjectively – with the paradox that they are not a projection, but that they are related to as such (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This illusion of omnipotence suggests, for the infant, that her or his impulses and needs bring with them the objects offered resulting in a sense of control, effectiveness and impact (e.g., that he or she controls the m/other with her or his needs) also known and/or referred to as “infantile narcissism” and/or “infantile omnipotence” (Winnicott, 1931, 1953, 1964, 1965b, 1975). This infantile narcissism and/or omnipotence suggests, then, that there is no individuation from the objective and subjective and/or a separation from these (Winnicott, as cited in Spelman & Thomson-Salo, 2015).

Domains of other and self Developmentally the infant has no “me,” so feelings, impulses and/or needs, and states of tension cannot be held, or integrated as parts of the self (Winnicott, 1945, 1962 as cited in Summers, 1994). This is because he or she is not able to differentiate between the other and self and, more specifically, for the infant there is no self. Instead, all that exists for the infant is the dyadic relationship and, accordingly, her or his ego embedded in the maternal relationship (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b). This implies that the infant is “merged with the m/other” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 74) in that the m/other is a projection that is not separate; and that the infant is in a state of “unintegration” (Winnicott, 1966, p. 113 in Winnicott et al., 1992). This further means that it is a psychosomatic relationship (Winnicott, as cited in Scharff, 2006), in that there is: (a) bodily and physical relating, and (b) a psychological partnership (Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008).

Maturational process(es) For the environment to be facilitating so that the infant’s state of “unintegration” can be followed by the increased organization of her or his personality into a structure or unit, her or his “being” and the continuity of this experience must be supported and validated (Winnicott, 1971). This is facilitated by “holding” and “mirroring,” and implies an integration of self. Here, the environmental function of holding refers to the capacity of ego-relatedness in maternal provision. There is an effectuation of the ego of the infant by the m/other, because the ego of the infant is located in the m/other and supported by her (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004; Winnicott, as cited in Wilberg, 2014). The implication of this is that, for the infant there is a particular sense that “I get back…the evidence I need that I have been recognized,” because “I am seen to…exist” and “I am seen to be understood” – that is, there is ego-support (Winnicott, 1962/1965f, p. 61). This brings the infant’s psychological pieces together (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004), with integration being the maturational process in that there is a personal relating to the self and/or personal “wholeness” (Winnicott, 1963). 196

However, if there is an environmental failure of holding (in that ego-support is not marked by safety and trust), the infant is not “seen to be understood” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 61). This causes anxiety and/or chaos56 for the infant in that her or his being, and the continuity of this experience, is impinged on. The implication of this is that the infant cannot integrate the self as a unit or whole (Winnicott, as cited in Groarke, 2010; Winnicott, 1956, as cited in Winnicott et al., 1992). The defense of fragmentation results from this, meaning that there is no personal relating to the self and/or personal wholeness (Winnicott, 1956; Winnicott, as cited in Groarke, 2010; Winnicott, as cited in Wilberg, 2014).

Key terms Environmental and object m/other, ego support, infantile omnipotence/illusion of omnipotence/narcissistic omnipotence, holding and integrating, maternal preoccupation

Relative dependence as a developmental stage: A summary Relative dependence (6-8 months to 2 years) The dyadic relationship: The infant and Characterizing the dyadic relationship at this stage, is a decrease in maternal preoccupation in that the m/other reasserts mother, maternal provision, and the and resumes her separateness. She does so by attending to other matters (e.g., attending to other family members, leaving maternal role for longer periods of time, and/or returning to work) and “being herself” as she was “before the birth” of the infant (Winnicott, 1963, p. 88), with the implication that her natural and primary role shifts. There is a delay in the gratification of the infant’s needs as she is not focused on the infant and her or his needs only – but also on her needs separate to this (Winnicott, 1975, 1986; Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008). As the development and growth of the infant is located in the maternal relationship, this is also impacted by the m/other’s reassertion and resumption of her separateness. This is because, as she becomes less maternally preoccupied, the infant realizes that she is separate to her or him. As a result of this, her or his awareness of the environment – and interaction with, integration of and relation to it – and others shifts (Winnicott, 1975, 1986).

56 Chaos is defined as a primary state of “unitegration” and is closely related to Winnicott’s (1956, as cited in Winnicott et al., 1992) conceptualization of the development of mental states, as discussed further on. 197

Awareness of inner and outer The awareness of inner and outer reality at this stage, begins with the establishment of object relationships. The reality establishment of object relationships supposes that he or she discerns “external objects” from her or his illusion of omnipotence, and as separate from her or his subjectivity so that he or she can engage and relate to these successfully (Winnicott, 1960a, 1963, 1965b). Disillusionment is a gradual and necessary process for this to be successful (Winnicott, 1948), in that elements inherent to the illusion of omnipotence are renounced for elements in favor of objective reality. The implication of this is that outer reality is related to as separate from “fantasy, inner reality and self” (Winnicott, 1988, p. 52 as in Abram, 2004), and the infant’s “I” also includes “everything else [that] is not me” (Winnicott, 1962, p. 61). This is important for the infant to have particular sense of “aliveness” and feeling real in a true world (Winnicott, 1948, 1965b, 1971, 1975; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004) in that he or she begins to engage with the objective and subjective, and the other and self.

Domains of objective and To differentiate and engage with the objective and subjective, the infant negotiates a space that is transitional (Winnicott, subjective 1951). This is an area of experience that functions as an intermediate space between: (a) “absolute fantasy” (as inherent

to the illusion of omnipotence); and, (b) “objective reality” (Winnicott, 1951; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 1999), in that it is not fantasy or objective reality – but a potential resting space between these. That is, it connects fantasy and objective reality but also separates these (Winnicott, 1953) in the developmental journey of the infant in which illusion, objects, and symbols are used (Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008). For this developmental journey to be successful, differentiation between “external” objects – that is, objects that are objectively perceived – and “internal” objects – that is, objects that are perceived subjectively – must be successful (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008).

Ego integration Ego This is facilitated by the gradual recognition of separateness between the objective and subjective, and the other and self (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). The implication of this is that the illusion of omnipotence is surrendered. However, as the infant is not ready to do so – as this further means that the m/other is surrendered too – he or she is in an “intermediate space,” that is partly in reality but also partly subjective (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren). Inherent to this intermediate space, is: (a) the identification with of objects that are also partly in reality and partly subjective; and, (b) the successful use of these (Winnicott, 1965b). These objects are also referred to as “transitional,” as they are not objects that are objectively perceived nor objects that are subjective (Grolnick & Barkin, 1995; Winnicott, 1951, 1965b) – but objects that represent symbolization (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in Scharff, 2005). This is because the experience of the maternal relationship – of being held, responded to, and/or seen or not – is internalized and symbolically transferred (Winnicott, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in Scharff, 2005). This done by the identification with objects that present the relationship symbolically, but that are not the m/other. As these are not the m/other, and are only treated in this way they are completely controlled by the infant, and are not considered as external objects in outer reality. These objects or possessions – such as a blanket, or soft toy (Winnicott, as cited in Scharff, 2005) – demonstrate the infant’s “object use” in that it is an embodiment of her or his first object relationships (Winnicott, 1965b). 198

Here, it is important to keep in mind that object use – from a view that is Winnicottian (1945, 1960b) – follows from the m/other’s “object-presenting,” and the inter- and intrapsychic processes that result from this. This is because, in the gratification of the impulses of the infant and/or her or his needs, the m/other has an object that she presents. From this, the infant’s initial object-relationships are shaped in that he or she has an experience of external objects and external reality (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b); and this experience forms her or his inner reality, in that the experience itself gives meaning – and not the m/other (Winnicott, 1965b, 1975). This informs how he or she interacts with outer reality (Winnicott, 1945), in that the object becomes a projection of this – meaning that there is object use. This object use – from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1975, 1986) – allows for the display of an emerging self, in that there is the expression, identification and projection of separateness.

Domains of other and self The decrease in maternal preoccupation at this stage – and the delay in the gratification of impulses and/or needs it signifies – contributes to the differentiation, for the infant, between the other and self in that dependence on the m/other is perceived (Winnicott, 1963; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). This is because there is a gradual recognition of her separateness – but also of her as the gratifying object, suggesting that there is an awareness of the conscious need for her in the gratification of impulses and/or needs (Winnicott, 1975, 1986). Although anxiety may be experienced as a result of this, it is critical to the gradual integration of self (Winnicott, 1963). Here, the gradual integration moves to personal relating and/or personal wholeness. Contributing to the infant’s personal relating to self and/or personal wholeness, is the degree to which her or his emerging self is supported and validated. This emerging self – from a view that is Winnicottian (1962, 1971) – is aligned to the infant’s inner reality, as communicated and/or expressed by her or his gestural spontaneity (e.g., such as when he or she cries when hungry, or when delighted by the face of the m/other, smiles). It is important that this is mirrored by the m/other in that she is “…‘behind’ in following the infant’s spontaneity by meeting it with her own response” (Summers, 2013, p. 55), and in doing so: (a) connects with the infant’s spontaneity and subjectivity; and, (b) displays empathy (e.g., by comforting and feeding the infant, or by returning a smile). The infant’s inner reality becomes “real” (Winnicott, 1962) in that, for the infant, there is an internalization of the m/other’s response, because “[W]hen I look I am seen, and so I exist” (Winnicott, 1971, p. 114). This means that mirroring, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1971) engages the infant’s spontaneity and subjectivity – but also, forms a parental vision (Summers, 2013). The nature of this parental vision, for Winnicott (1971), depends on the effectiveness of mirroring as a process – but is, importantly, integrated into the self- structure. If distorted mirroring occurs, there is a failure in the maternal response – that is, she does not connect with the infant’s spontaneity and subjectivity, and/or does not display empathy in engaging with the infant – so the infant does not see her- or himself, but the m/other (Winnicott, 1967). The implication of this, from a view that is Winnicottian (Winnicott, 1967, pp. 2-3), is that: (a) there is an “atrophy” of gestural spontaneity, in that the infant learns other ways of “getting something” of her- or himself in the maternal response (e.g., by becoming aggressive, endangering her- or himself, and/or becoming ill the infant engages the m/other, who is not engaged in other ways); and/or (b) the infant’s needs “must be 199

withdrawn” because the m/other’s needs become more significant. That is, the infant’s self is not supported and validated – but is instead met with a disproving, disregarding, and/or invalidating parental vision in that he or she is dominated in the expression of self, and/or the expectations of the m/other are internalized (Winnicott, 1960a, 1967; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013). The potential risk of this, from a view that is Winnicottian (1967), is that infant cannot locate – as part of the self – her or his spontaneity and subjectivity. That is, he or she is distanced and/or divorced from her or his inner reality and molded into a preformed vision (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971; Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013). This contributes to the development, emergence and expression of the false self, as suggested by an absence of being connected with others and the self, and/or not feeling in-touch, real or true (Winnicott, 1965b, 1971). That is, he or she does not express her- or himself from the “inside out” – but lives “from the outside” (Winnicott, as cited in Summers, 2013, p. 192). Although this is also integral to a self that is social (as is necessary for a self that is true) the infant internalizes other’s preformed visions in such a way that he or she cannot have different experiences in exploring the world, and gain knowledge and mastery (Winnicott, 1960a, 1960b; Winnicott, as cited in Abram, 2008).

Maturational process(es) In absolute dependence the experiences of the infant are not localized because there is no “me” to hold her or his impulses, needs, and/or states of tension (Winnicott, 1945). For these to be held and integrated as parts of the self, there must be a gradual integration of the self into a unit. This implies that localization occurs at this stage; and, that the maturational process of psycho-somatic relatedness is successful (Winnicott, 1945, 1966). Here, localization means that there is a process in which the body and ego are firmly linked, so that “fantasy, inner reality and self” (Winnicott, 1988, p. 52 as in Abram, 2004) are related to in such a way that there is an “‘indwelling’ of the psyche in the soma” (Winnicott, 1966, p. 113 in Winnicott et al., 1992). For this to follow, handling must occur successfully (Winnicott, 1962). Handling means that the m/other – by holding the infant, and/or picking her or him up – grounds the infant, physically, in her or his ‘soma’ (Winnicott, 1954, 1966, 1971). This is because the body’s functions and sensations, her or his ‘soma,’ is experienced by the infant as relating to the self. This establishes a firm link between the ‘psyche’ and ‘soma’ in that the body and ego of the infant are integrated and personally related to as a whole. This is further known as the maturational process of personalization. If the body and ego are not integrated, and personally related to as a whole – that is, the maturational process of personalization is not successful – depersonalization57 follows and the infant becomes disconnected and/or divorced from the self, and experiences feelings of unreality (Winnicott, 1962).

57 As noted by St. Clair and Wigren (2004), depersonalization has a different meaning, and more sophisticated use in the discipline of psychiatry and, as such, is not interchangeable. 200

Key terms Decrease in maternal preoccupation, disillusionment, distorted/effective mirroring, false self, localization, object- presenting, object use, personalization, psycho-somatic relatedness, symbolization, transitional object, transitional space

Towards independence as a developmental stage: A summary Towards independence The dyadic relationship: The infant and Following from the gradual recognition of separateness, the infant moves to a stage in which he or she becomes mother, maternal provision, and the increasingly independent from the m/other and – in doing so – develops intellectual understanding, engages socially, and maternal role is involved in society (Winnicott, 1964, 1965b; Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004). For this increase in independence to occur successfully, it is important for the maternal relationship to shift. There is a delay in the gratification of the infant’s needs at this stage (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b) – denoting that the maternal relationship shifts to a dissatisfaction state, following from its fusion state (as with maternal preoccupation). This dissatisfaction is necessary, from a view that is Winnicottian, in the emotional growth of the infant as it impacts on her or his interaction with inner and outer reality, the objective and subjective, and the other and self.

Awareness of inner and outer Object-presenting – as occurring in the previous stage – suggests that, to gratify of the impulses of the infant and/or her reality or his needs, the m/other has an object that she presents. This forms the infant’s initial object-relationships, from which he or she makes meaning and relates successfully (Winnicott 1960a, 1960b) However, as critical to the development of the emotional growth of the infant, is the dissatisfaction of the impulses of the infant and/or her or his needs. This is because this dissatisfaction encourages a shift from where – in the gratification of the impulses of the infant and/or her or his needs, and the object-presenting that results from this – there is “little to locate the object (in outer reality)” to where “the object, as it were, is in the way” (St. Clair & Wigren, 2004, p. 76). This is because the dissatisfaction evokes frustration, and this frustration helps to locate the object in outer reality in that the infant no longer has omnipotent power over it (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b).

Domains of objective and This dissatisfaction also further introduces the principle of reality in that there is a shift from the apperception of the subjective objective and subjective, to where the objective is perceived and related to separately from the subjective (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b). This encourages the infant to relate in such a way, that he or she is aware of the environment and

her or his interaction, integration, and relation to it; and, that he or she can be genuine, real, and spontaneous without objects in outer reality (Winnicott, as cited in St. Clair & Wigren, 2004).

Domains of other and self Developmentally, there is a differentiation between the other and self in that – following from the merger with the other – there is an increasingly integrated self (Winnicott, 1962, 1964, 1965b). This increasingly integrated self supposes that, with the introduction of the principle of reality, the infant learns that the other and self are separate; and, that the needs Ego integration Ego of the other must be prioritized at times. It is important for the infant, in this regard, to genuinely relate to others in a real 201

and spontaneous way (Winnicott, 1950). However, for the infant to relate in this way he or she must also have the experience of a genuine and real self that can be spontaneous – that is, of a self that is true. This authentic self supposes that the adaptation to the infant’s needs has been satisfactory, and that embedded in the internalized maternal response is an experience of being held, safe, and supported so that there is expression of self (Winnicott, 1950, 1958). That is, he or she comes into being and/or into existence because there is a continuity of experiences in the expression of the self. If this continuity does not exist, he or she is dominated in the expression of self in that impingements have to be reacted and responded to. That is, because the environment is not holding, safe, and supportive the formation of an integrated self is not successful. He or she exists from a false self, with isolation and loneliness resulting from this.

Maturational process(es) Developmentally object-relating occurs at this stage, with the implication that others are related to successfully and are not ‘objects to be used’ (Winnicott, 1969). There is differentiation between the other and self, introducing the infant to the ‘me’ and ‘not-me.’ Further informed by the principle of reality, the implication of this for the infant is that the needs of the ‘not-me’ – that is, the other – are prioritized at times. The implication of this is that the inner and outer, objective and subjective, and other and self is interacted, integrated, and related to successfully (Winnicott, 1965a, 1965b).

Key terms Authentic and false self-structures, dissatisfaction, increasing independence, principle of reality, integrated self, object- relating

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The Chanel The family genogram APPENDIX APPENDIX D

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APPENDIX E Chanel’s life: Critical events in time

th 1883 Chanel is born on August 19 1883 in France. She is the daughter of Albert Chanel, a street vendor, and Eugénie Jeannes Dévolles, a laundrywoman. They are not married at the time, but will marry when Chanel is a toddler and have a total of six children (3 boys, and 3 girls).

1895 Chanel’s mother passes, and her father leaves her and her sisters (Antoinette Julia Chanel, and Julia Bertha Chanel) at the Aubazine convent orphanage, in the care of nuns. Her aesthetic is defined by her experiences there, and the place despite what she might have lived through at the austere Aubazine.

1900 At the age of 17, Chanel can no longer be accommodated at the convent orphanage, and is confronted with the decision to join or leave the sisterhood. She decides to leave, and enrolls at a finishing school in the town of Moulins. By day she is employed as a seamstress, and at night she is a performer. Here she meets Ètienne Balsan, and becomes his mistress.

1904 Chanel moves to Vichy and works as an attendant at a local spa, but also continues to perform and sing. However, she denies this at a later stage and insists that she was never in Vichy. Balsan introduces her to Boy Capel. Capel will contribute to the financing of her first shop and become her greatest love.

1909 Chanel launches her milliners shop at 160 Boulevard Malesherbes in Paris, and is funded by Balsan and Capel.

1910 Chanel Modes is launched, and she opens another Paris store – this time at 21 Rue Cambon.

1913 Chanel Modes expands with the opening of another store in Deauville, France; and she introduces a line of sportswear. The garments from jersey prove revolutionary, and are an immediate success – arguably changing the relationship women have with their bodies, and their lifestyles.

1915 With an established reputation, Chanel’s couture house is launched with the opening of a store in Biarritz, France.

1916 Chanel debuts her first line of couture fashion, and it is an immediate success. She is also featured in the French magazine, Vogue, for her sportswear. This is followed by a feature in the American edition of Vogue on her suits.

1918 Capel and Diana Wyndham marry, but Chanel continues to be his mistress. She also meets the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavolovich.

1919 Chanel begins to enjoy her immense professional success, and is officially registered as a couturier – she decides to expand her premises, founding the Maison de Haute Couture at 31 Rue Cambon in Paris. At the same time, she is confronted with Capel’s death and she grieves the loss of her lover.

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1920 Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich introduces Chanel to Ernest Beaux.

1921 Beaux and Chanel collaborate on her first fragrance, Chanel No. 5 – a classic fragrance, that will continue to be immensely successful and earn her immense wealth.

1922 Chanel is introduced to Pierre Wertheimer, the Bourjois cosmetics co-owner. He will become a business partner and will also wrest control of the company from its founder with frequent legal proceedings resulting from this.

1923 Chanel and the Duke of Westminster first meet, and she becomes his paramour. The Duke of Westminster introduces her to his associate, Winston Churchill. Chanel and Churchill will establish a friendship for life.

1924 Chanel costumes dancers from Ballet Russes, from which fashionable headwear is inspired. Société des parfums Chanel is established, with a focus on the marketing and production of beauty products and fragrances. Its first line of makeup is released, including face powders and lipsticks.

1926 Chanel creates the costumes for the production of Jean Cocteau’s Orphée.

1930 Chanel and the Duke of Westminster’s affair ends when he marries Loelia Mary Ponsony, and she claims to have initiated the split.

1931 At the personal request of Hollywood mogul, Samuel Goldwyn Chanel goes to Hollywood to dress leading stars of the time.

1932 Commissioned by the Guild of Diamond Merchants, Chanel debuts a diamond and fine jewelry line titled Bijoux de Diamants.

1934 Her business partner and lover, Paul Iribe passes.

1935 Chanel is at the height of her prominence and success, employing over 4 000 workers and across five stores.

1936 The elections of 1936 – which brought a coalition of communists and socialists to power in French politics – contributed to the organized protests of May 1st 1936. Chanel’s employees participate in the protests, and bar her from entering her own premises. At the same time, couturiers (such as Krebs, Schiaparelli, and Vionnet) become more prominent and successful – encroaching on what was hers. She again attempts costume design, in which she was previously successful – this time for Cocteau’s Oedipe Roi. The result is not successful, and the press does not spare her. In response to this, she disappears from Rue Cambon. First she retreats to villa at La Pausa and then to Lausanne, Switzerland where she allegedly had accounts that were concealed and held her income from the profits of the sales of Chanel No. 5.

1939 Chanel closes her fashion house with the declaration of WWII.

1940 France is invaded by the Nazis, and Chanel’s nephew (André Palasse) – stationed at Maginot –becomes a prisoner of war. It is alleged that Chanel arranges for his release by collaborating with the Nazis, and even becoming involved in a mission to Spain. As an alleged collaborator, she is the only French occupant at the Ritz.

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1944 After the liberation of Paris, Chanel’s alleged collaboration with the Nazis is questioned by the Free French (French Françaises Libres) – but she is released shortly. It is alleged that she avoids charges because of her close friendship with Winston Churchill, and she is exiled to Switzerland.

1954 After her retirement of 15 years, Chanel – as couturier and fashion icon – returns.

1957 The Award for Distinguished Service in the Field of Fashion is awarded to Chanel, making her the century’s most celebrated couturier and fashion icon. She continues to design fashion, and the fascination with her grows over the years.

1971 Chanel dies at the Ritz, and her funeral is held at the Madeleine in Paris. Among the attendees are Chanel’s competitors, friends and models. She is buried in Lausanne, Switzerland in a marble vault. Having created a couture line before her passing, this is staged 2 weeks after her death and it enjoys immense success. It is announced that exhibition on her life and work will be opened in Paris, in October of 1972.

relationshipsofrelationships:time personaloverChanel’s contextualization The

APPENDIX APPENDIX

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Conceptual framework Conceptual asinformed objectbythe relations theoryof Winnicott Environmental failure and/or impingement Evidence of this in the life narrative of the selected subject, as indicated by an ‘X.’

Defense or response Outcome or result Childhood Adolescence Adulthood

APPENDIX APPENDIX Absolute dependence Degrees of false-self pathology. X X X

Borderline and/or narcissistic X personality structures. Depersonalization. X X G

Developmental stage Developmental Derealization. X X X

Psychosis, including X X X “encapsulated” psychosis (as with fetishism) and/or full psychosis. Relative dependence “Acting-out” behaviours as seen X X in borderline cases. Addiction as a fixed symptom. X An addiction to others in that X there is a dependence on others, or there is a need to relate sexually. Depression and/or suicidality. X X

The process of splitting. X X X 208

Reaction formation. X Stealing and/or theft as a positive X X symptom. Towards independence Full, independent living. X Moments of regression in X X X returning to parts of the primitive self.

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