Britain Beyond Brexit

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Britain Beyond Brexit HARD TIMES Britain beyond Brexit Issue 104 (2020) ISSN 0171-1695 www.hard-times-magazine.org Hard Times founded by Jürgen Enkemann Editors of this Issue Georgia Christinidis, Jessica Fischer, Frauke Hofmeister Hard Times Editorial Team Anke Bartels, Georgia Christinidis, and Dirk Wiemann Hard Times Advisory Board NFO Aileen Behrendt |Sebastian Berg | Dietmar Böhnke | Stefani I Brusberg-Kiermeier | Jessica Fischer | Jana Gohrisch | Frauke Hofmeister | Michael Krause | Irmgard Maassen | Luke Martell | Ingrid von Rosenberg | Christian Schmitt-Kilb | Jörg Strehmann | Stephanie Sumner Please address any enquiries to Hard Times Magazine Prof Dr Dirk Wiemann Department of English and American Studies University of Potsdam Am Neuen Palais 10 14469 Potsdam UBLISHING Germany P or [email protected] Layout by Aileen Behrendt and Frank Wehrmann Image on front cover by Public Domain Cover Design by Frank Wehrmann i Editorial Georgia Christinidis, Jessica Fischer and Frauke Hofmeister 1 New Directions: Boris Johnson and English Conservatism Andrew Gamble 8 Corbynism, Hegemony, and Us S Sebastian Berg T 17 “Taking back Control”: Whose, and Back to When? EN Logie Barrow T 33 Questions to Philip B. Whyman ON on British Politics and the British Economy beyond Brexit C Sebastian Berg OF 39 Past the Point of no Return: Scotland, Brexit and Independence Klaus Stolz 48 Borders, Brexit and Beyond: Fragments ABLE on Northern Ireland Frauke Hofmeister T 59 A Bitter Spring Felicity Dowling 66 Still GETting Across Borders? Austerity, Brexit and Scottish Schools Annegret Landgraf and Jennifer Riedel 72 Dispatches from Brexitland M.G. Sanchez 79 A European in Wales, in Times of Brexit Elena Schmitz 86 Obituary: H. Gustav Klaus Christian Schmitt-Kilb S T EN T ON C OF ABLE T Editorial Georgia Christinidis, Jessica Fischer and Frauke Hofmeister he title of this issue of Hard Times is unintended centrality of Brexit to these pages, T deliberately ambiguous: “Britain beyond the contributions clearly show that Brexit Brexit” can be interpreted both temporally, as cannot be separated from many wider political an interest in the future after Brexit and, by questions that are currently at stake not only in extension, the history that led to the current Britain, but globally. There is a further respect situation, but also as a broadening of the scope in which this issue is, itself, symptomatic: there of discussion, which is all too often exclusively is no agreement, either among contributors, dominated by the ongoing crises of Brexit or even among the editorial team, regarding and now Covid-19, thus losing track of other the likely causes, significance, implications, or problems that may contribute to and, in turn, be effects of Brexit, and the relationship in which exacerbated by these crises, such as the ongoing it stands with other political issues, both in the impact of austerity and privatisation. Both short and long term. It is therefore filled with the temporal extension and the broadening of multiple dissenting voices. It should be noted, perspective potentially denoted by ‘beyond’ furthermore, that due to difficulties partly were important concerns for the editors of this related to the Covid-crisis, the contributions issue; it turned out, however, that the process of to this issue were not all completed at the producing the issue came to mimetically resemble same time, but at different points throughout the problem it was designed to address: many the year 2020. Therefore, different vantage contributors wanted to write on Brexit and/or points compound the differences in (political) Covid-19, while it turned out to be more difficult perspective. to find contributors interested in addressing themselves primarily and systematically to the he historicising approach of some of changes undergone by the NHS—even more T the contributions to this issue as well as so after Covid-19 hit. Despite the originally the multiplicity of perspectives it contains is i Hard Times 104 (2020) Georgia Christinidis, Jessica Fischer and Frauke Hofmeister evoked by Paul Klee’s Angelus Novus (1920) on he ‘sense’ or ‘meaning’ of the current, the issue’s cover: the painting was, famously, T multiple crises, of austerity, Brexit, and bought by Walter Benjamin, who, in his Theses Covid-19 seems equally difficult to fix – other on the Philosophy of History (1940), interprets than, perhaps, in the future, with the benefit of the figure as the angel of history, hurled hindsight, from the vantage point of the angel backwards, by the storm of progress, into an looking backwards, as it were. unknown future while keeping its eyes fixed on the ruins of the past. Although it is not clear he articles in this issue can be read as that it is the storm of progress that has caused T addressing themselves to three primary the destruction, Benjamin’s interpretation concerns: firstly, they undertake to embed the of the image is reminiscent of his, perhaps immediate issues into a broader perspective, most well-known, dictum that “[t]here is no which relativises their newness and investigates document of civilization which is not at the them in contexts that are easily forgotten in the same time a document of barbarism.” The fast-changing environment of the media. Thus, ambivalence inherent to Benjamin’s theses is both Andrew Gamble and Logie Barrow, from further heightened by familiarity with the other different disciplinary and political perspectives, meanings he attributed to the painting during read Tory policy during the Brexit negotiations the twenty years that he possessed it, from its and the Covid-19 crisis as the latest manifestation association with the Cabbalistic belief that new of strategies, preoccupations, priorities that have angels are constantly created, some of whom long characterised the Conservative Party. At pass out of existence again almost immediately, the same time, the imposition of neoliberalism their sole purpose of being the adoration of since the 1970s and its intensification since G*d, if only for a single instant, to his playful the economic crisis of the late 2000s have invocation of the figure as ‘guardian angel’ of exacerbated the effects of policies that are not, the fictitious ‘University of Muri’. In the Acta in themselves, novel. In thus contextualising Muriensa, Benjamin and his friend Gershom and historicising Brexit, Gamble’s and Barrow’s Scholem satirised contemporary academia. accounts counterbalance the oft-propagated Scholem’s poem addressed to the angel, “Gruß narrative that Brexit is a direct outcome of the vom Angelus”, ends with a stanza that rejects primal xenophobia and racism of the working the possibility of determining the meaning of class. At the same time, we complement the the image: academic discussion of Brexit, austerity and other issues with assessments by an activist (Felicity Ich bin ein unsymbolisch Ding Dowling) as well as experiential accounts (M. bedeute was ich bin G. Sanchez, Annegret Landgraf and Jennifer Riedel) that provide a counterpoint to the Du drehst umsonst den Zauberring greater abstractions of academic discourse, lest Ich habe keinen Sinn. it be forgotten that people’s lives are, in many ii Hard Times 104 (2020) Editorial ways and senses, at stake - albeit opinions on shares her thoughts as “A European in Wales, in what the best ways to ameliorate their situation times of Brexit”, and some of her observations may differ. are echoed in M.G. Sanchez’s autobiographical contribution set in the North of England. econdly, we give room to voices that go S beyond some of the ‘orthodoxies’ that have hat emerges clearly from this issue of established themselves as part of the discourse W Hard Times is that the problems that both of pro-EU commentators in Britain and beset the contemporary conjuncture are closely that of German observers of British politics. linked to an entire series of broader political Thus, Sebastian Berg takes issue with many of questions, such as the appropriate level of the criticisms levelled against Corbynism and government (local, national, or transnational), provides an overall positive assessment of what, the future of the nation state and devolution, he argues, is not an era named after a leader of the the relationship between neoliberal and Labour Party but a “force in British politics” that neoconservative tendencies in contemporary continues to take effect as a counterweight to the politics, the ongoing impact of austerity and neoliberal hegemony. Philip Whyman, in turn, privatisation, the role played by ideology and makes a case for Brexit from the perspective of the media in influencing political developments a left-wing economist and a founding signatory on the one hand, and the impact of individual of the network “The Full Brexit”. personalities like those of Johnson and Corbyn on the other. Although answering such far- hirdly, our contributors remind us of the reaching questions transcends the scope of a T impact of current political developments single issue of a magazine, insisting upon their beyond England as well as beyond Britain, significance in the context of the current crises namely in Scotland, Northern Ireland, and may, we hope, help to avoid the temptation of Wales. Here, the conditions of crisis make well-worn narratives and easy answers. visible and exacerbate conflicts of interest that pre-existed the current challenges, but that he issue’s editors would like to thank may come to a head in their aftermath. While T Sebastian Berg for his help with recruiting Annegret Landgraf and Jennifer Riedel draw our contributors, and the editorial team in Potsdam attention to the impact of austerity measures on for agreeing to a speedy publication at one of Scottish schools, Klaus Stolz shows how Brexit the most stressful times of the academic year. has revealed the still largely unitary character of the British state and argues that Scotland will Georgia Christinidis (Rostock) sooner or later leave the United Kingdom.
Recommended publications
  • Der Brexit Und Die Ökonomische Identität Großbritanniens: Zwischen Globalem Freihandel Und Ökonomischem Nationalismus
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Suckert, Lisa Working Paper Der Brexit und die ökonomische Identität Großbritanniens: Zwischen globalem Freihandel und ökonomischem Nationalismus MPIfG Discussion Paper, No. 19/4 Provided in Cooperation with: Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG), Cologne Suggested Citation: Suckert, Lisa (2019) : Der Brexit und die ökonomische Identität Großbritanniens: Zwischen globalem Freihandel und ökonomischem Nationalismus, MPIfG Discussion Paper, No. 19/4, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne, http://hdl.handle.net/21.11116/0000-0003-89B9-2 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/196587 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents
    [Show full text]
  • It Could Get Much Worse Once Brexit Is Done!
    It could get much worse once Brexit is done! By Dr. Steven McCabe, Associate Professor, Institute of Design and Economic Acceleration (IDEA) and Senior Fellow, Centre for Brexit Studies, Birmingham City University The current general election may be about Brexit. However, it is probably one of the most important since the second world war. It will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the way in which British society develops over not just the period until the next national vote, whenever that may be (depending on whether there is a majority for any party), but future generations. In any ‘normal’ general election, we’d be assumed to be voting on the basis of the range of promises made in the manifestos of political parties standing. Though each of the parties have floated a number of commitments, the one big question that still dominates debate is what approach they will take to the way in which the United Kingdom (UK) will, or will not, leave the European Union (EU). Assuming the opinion polls are correct, always dangerous, we cannot expect Jo Swinson’s LibDem Party to win enough seats to form a government. Accordingly, the notion that after 12th December the revocation of Article 50 which, following a majority vote by Parliament in March 2017, triggered the process for the UK’s departure from the EU, should be seen as utterly bizarre. Though surprises do happen, this would be off the scale of what is credible. Opinion polls suggest that Labour will probably not win a majority. Though, of course, the polls were wrong in the last election in 2017, Labour winning sufficient seats to form a majority government seems a stretch for the imagination.
    [Show full text]
  • European Left Info Flyer
    United for a left alternative in Europe United for a left alternative in Europe ”We refer to the values and traditions of socialism, com- munism and the labor move- ment, of feminism, the fem- inist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of hu- man rights, humanism and an- tifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both national- ly and internationally”. Manifesto of the Party of the European Left, 2004 ABOUT THE PARTY OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT (EL) EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board was elected at the 4th Congress of the Party of the European Left, which took place from 13 to 15 December 2013 in Madrid. The Executive Board consists of the President and the Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer and other Members elected by the Congress, on the basis of two persons of each member party, respecting the principle of gender balance. COUNCIL OF CHAIRPERSONS The Council of Chairpersons meets at least once a year. The members are the Presidents of all the member par- ties, the President of the EL and the Vice-Presidents. The Council of Chairpersons has, with regard to the Execu- tive Board, rights of initiative and objection on important political issues. The Council of Chairpersons adopts res- olutions and recommendations which are transmitted to the Executive Board, and it also decides on applications for EL membership. NETWORKS n Balkan Network n Trade Unionists n Culture Network Network WORKING GROUPS n Central and Eastern Europe n Africa n Youth n Agriculture n Migration n Latin America n Middle East n North America n Peace n Communication n Queer n Education n Public Services n Environment n Women Trafficking Member and Observer Parties The Party of the European Left (EL) is a political party at the Eu- ropean level that was formed in 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • A Guide to the EU Referendum Debate
    ‘What country, friends, is this?’ A guide to the EU referendum debate ‘What country, friends, is this?’ A guide to the EU referendum debate Foreword 4 Professor Nick Pearce, Director of the Institute for Policy Research Public attitudes and political 6 discourses on the EU in the Brexit referendum 7 ‘To be or not to be?’ ‘Should I stay or should I go?’ and other clichés: the 2016 UK referendum on EU membership Dr Nicholas Startin, Deputy Head of the Department of Politics, Languages & International Studies 16 The same, but different: Wales and the debate over EU membership Dr David Moon, Lecturer, Department of Politics, Languages & International Studies 21 The EU debate in Northern Ireland Dr Sophie Whiting, Lecturer, Department of Politics, Languages & International Studies 24 Will women decide the outcome of the EU referendum? Dr Susan Milner, Reader, Department of Politics, Languages & International Studies 28 Policy debates 29 Brexit and the City of London: a clear and present danger Professor Chris Martin, Professor of Economics, Department of Economics 33 The economics of the UK outside the Eurozone: what does it mean for the UK if/when Eurozone integration deepens? Implications of Eurozone failures for the UK Dr Bruce Morley, Lecturer in Economics, Department of Economics 38 Security in, secure out: Brexit’s impact on security and defence policy Professor David Galbreath, Professor of International Security, Associate Dean (Research) 42 Migration and EU membership Dr Emma Carmel, Senior Lecturer, Department of Social & Policy Sciences 2 ‘What country, friends, is this?’ A guide to the EU referendum debate 45 Country perspectives 46 Debating the future of Europe is essential, but when will we start? The perspective from France Dr Aurelien Mondon, Senior Lecturer, Department of Politics, Languages & International Studies 52 Germany versus Brexit – the reluctant hegemon is not amused Dr Alim Baluch, Teaching Fellow, Department of Politics, Languages & International Studies 57 The Brexit referendum is not only a British affair.
    [Show full text]
  • Attitudes to Infrastructure in Brexit Britain
    Attitudes to infrastructure in Brexit Britain What do leave voters want from the government’s infrastructure revolution? Foreword The UK is going through a moment of change. But this leaves a number of questions: The election result indicated an ushering in of a new era. Austerity is making way for a post-Brexit • How is government going to use country where nations, regions, constituencies infrastructure to show that Brexit can make a and voters outside London and the South East real difference to people’s lives? play a greater role in political discourse. • What kind of infrastructure do people At no point in a generation have communities who voted to leave want? The vote across the UK played such a central role in leave demographic is one of the biggest government direction. constituencies and holds enormous power in the UK, having dominated the last election. The 2019 election debate was dominated by What does this group really want? Brexit and infrastructure, and how transformative forces can deliver change in seemingly forgotten • How is infrastructure going to address their parts of the UK. concerns and how should the industry build support amongst this demographic? People who voted to leave the EU in 2016 did so partly because of frustration with Europe, but also • What does the confluence of Brexit and in response to the sense that communities have infrastructure tell us about the UK in the been left behind. 2020s? Government now wants to take action and the In this report, we set out to consider these public is expecting to see results.
    [Show full text]
  • IEA Brexit Prize: the Plan to Leave the European Union by 2020 by Daniel
    IEA Brexit Prize: The plan to leave the European Union by 2020 by Daniel. C. Pycock FINALIST: THE BREXIT PRIZE 2014 IEA BREXIT PRIZE 3 3 Executive Summary 3 A Rebuttal to Targeting Exchange Rates with Monetary Policy I – THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS FOR LEAVING THE EUROPEAN UNION 6 V – FISCAL POLICY: SPENDING PRIORITIES The Constitutional Processes of Leaving the AND TAX REFORMS 28 European Union On the repatriation of, and necessary reforms to, The articles of the proposed “Treaty of London” Value Added Tax 2017 On the Continuation of Current Corporation Tax The impact of BREXIT on the United Trends, and Reforms to Individual Taxation Kingdom’s Trade Position On The Desirable Restructuring of Income Tax The European Union, Unemployment, and Rates: The History of the Laffer Curve Trading Position post-withdrawal On Government Spending and the Need to Improve GAAP use in Cost Calculations II – THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON THE UNITED KINGDOM’S TRADE POSITION 10 Suggestions for savings to be made in Defence, Health, Welfare, and Overall Spending Trends in UK Trade with the EU and the Commonwealth, and their shares of Global VI.I – ENERGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE 34 GDP The Mismatch of Policy with Hypothesis: Climate The UK and the Commonwealth: The Return of Change, Energy and the Environment an Imperial Trading Zone? The Unintended Consequences of the European The Trends of Trading: The UK’s Future Union’s Environmental Policies. Exports & Those of Trading Organisations Fracking, Fossil Fuels, and Feasibility: How to Unemployment in the European Union,
    [Show full text]
  • Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
    ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic
    [Show full text]
  • Janice Godrich - Why I’M Standing for Election As the Left Unity Candidate for PCS Assistant General Secretary
    Janice Godrich - Why I’m standing for election as the Left Unity candidate for PCS Assistant General Secretary It has been a privilege to have been elected annually by members since 2002 as PCS President. I am standing for election as the Left Unity candidate for the post of PCS Assistant General Secretary and ask that you consider voting for me. It is the most important decision I have taken in over 35 years as a PCS activist. I am standing for election on the basis of my experience, my record of achievement and most importantly our policies set by our democratic conference for the future direction of our union. If elected I pledge to only take an average workers wage. I have vast experience as an activist. I have been a PCS rep and activist since 1981. I began like most of you as a workplace rep in what was then the Employment Service, now DWP. I was soon elected as a regional rep and then served as Group President before being elected by PCS members as our national president a record 17 consecutive times. Nobody has been elected by all PCS members as often as me. I am clearly the most electable candidate and best placed to secure this post for Left Unity. My record of achievement is second to none. I have negotiated at all levels of the union and on a wide range of issues. From my beginning as a local rep, through my leadership of the Employment Service to 17 years as President I have negotiated, campaigned and won for our members.
    [Show full text]
  • Alastair Campbell
    Alastair Campbell Adviser, People’s Vote campaign 2017 – 2019 Downing Street Director of Communications 2000 – 2003 Number 10 Press Secretary 1997– 2000 5 March 2021 This interview may contain some language that readers may find offensive. New Labour and the European Union UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): Going back to New Labour, when did immigration first start to impinge in your mind as a potential problem when it came to public opinion? Alastair Campbell (AC): I think it has always been an issue. At the first election in 1997, we actually did do stuff on immigration. But I can remember Margaret McDonagh, who was a pretty big fish in the Labour Party then, raising it often. She is one of those people who does not just do politics in theory, in an office, but who lives policy. She is out on the ground every weekend, she is knocking on doors, she is talking to people. I remember her taking me aside once and saying, ‘Listen, this immigration thing is getting bigger and bigger. It is a real problem’. That would have been somewhere between election one (1997) and election two (2001), I would say. Politics and government are often about very difficult competing pressures. So, on the one hand, we were trying to show business that we were serious about business and that we could be trusted on the economy. One of the messages that business was giving us the whole time was that Page 1/31 there were labour shortages, skill shortages, and we were going to need more immigrants to come in and do the job.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical and Comparative Analysis of Organisational Forms of Selected Marxist Parties, in Theory and in Practice, with Special Reference to the Last Half Century
    Rahimi, M. (2009) A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/688/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century Mohammad Rahimi, BA, MSc Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Centre for the Study of Socialist Theory and Movement Faculty of Law, Business and Social Science University of Glasgow September 2008 The diversity of the proletariat during the final two decades of the 20 th century reached a point where traditional socialist and communist parties could not represent all sections of the working class. Moreover, the development of social movements other than the working class after the 1960s further sidelined traditional parties. The anti-capitalist movements in the 1970s and 1980s were looking for new political formations.
    [Show full text]
  • Evidence from the Prime Minister, 4 May 2016
    Liaison Committee Oral evidence: Evidence from the Prime Minister Wednesday 4 May 2016 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 4 May 2016. Watch the meeting Members present: Mr Andrew Tyrie (Chair), Nicola Blackwood, Crispin Blunt, Andrew Bridgen, Neil Carmichael, Sir William Cash, Frank Field, Meg Hillier, Mr Bernard Jenkin, Neil Parish, Keith Vaz, Pete Wishart, Dr Sarah Wollaston, Mr Iain Wright Questions 1–97 Witness: Rt Hon David Cameron MP, Prime Minister, gave evidence Q1 Chair: Thank you very much for coming to give evidence, Prime Minister. Mr Cameron: A pleasure. Chair: We are particularly keen because, of course, you were initially reluctant; but we are very glad you have changed your mind. Mr Cameron: That’s a nice start—always keen. Chair: We are always pleased to see you. You are welcome to come more often if you particularly want to, Prime Minister, but I do value the opportunity, particularly on this subject—I think we all do—bearing in mind we have got the referendum coming. Perhaps I can begin by quoting, as an opening question, what you said in your Chatham House speech. You said, “if we can’t reach…an agreement”—that is, the agreement you have negotiated—“if Britain’s concerns” are “met with a deaf ear…we will have to think again about whether this European Union is right for us.” Is the current EU, without the renegotiated package, right for us? Mr Cameron: That is not the choice we have, and that was the choice I was determined to avoid.
    [Show full text]
  • SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
    Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU.
    [Show full text]