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Durham E-Theses The political ideas of William Hazlitt (1778-1830) Garnett, Mark Alan How to cite: Garnett, Mark Alan (1990) The political ideas of William Hazlitt (1778-1830), Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6186/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk ABSTRACT OF A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, 1990. "The Political Ideas of William Hazlitt, 1778-1830" MARK ALAN GARNETT Department of Politics, Durham University. The purpose of the thesis was to examine William Hazlitt's political thought from the viewpoint of the history of ideas. Such a study should lead to a greater appreciation of his value as a political critic. The received notion that he was a radical provided a starting-point for investigation. Hazlitt's theoretical work in philosophy and politics was found to be of interest, but his views on contemporary personalities and events are more revealing. He opposed hereditary despotism, but not all fo.rms of monarchy, and he was ambivalent about the possibility and propriety of constitutional reform. His criticism of "progressive" thinkers such as Rpbert Owen was more destructive than his critique of the conservative Edmund Burke, despite the superficial hostility of the latter work. Emotionally, he sided with Whigs and reformers, but this was a half-hearted commitment, and his analysis reveals some sympathy for their opponents. In order to properly judge Hazlitt's political position, a framework was devised by which ideological evidence may be appraised with maximum objectivity. Ideologies, it is argued, are ethical understandings of the world which arise from varying views of human nature. It was found that Hazlitt's view that human nature is a mixture of passion and reason was more pessimistic than that held by most contemporary liberals. His position is best described as conservative liberalism. It was not radicalism, which implies a rigid notion of the best form of human society. This interpretation helps to explain some of Hazlitt's views which have puzzled previous commentators, such as his admiration for Napoleon. His ambivalence permitted him to respond to characters and events with unusual flexibility when his volatile temper allowed, although it made systematic work unlikely. He is a perceptive and often objective critic who deserves greater recognition outside literary studie~. THE POLITICAL IDEAS OF WILLIAM HAZLITT (1778-1830) "Let us think what we please of what we really find, but prejudge nothing" William Hazlitt. Notes of a Journey Through France and Italv. M.A GARNETT DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS DURHAM UNIVERSITY, 1990. A SUBMISSION FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. "The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged." ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the three years of work on a thesis, obligations mount up to the point that the list of acknowledgements threatens to occupy the same space as a major chapter. I am conscious that the following paragraph does not include all the names that it should, and that it is impossible to give proper recognition to many of those are mentioned. I should like to take this opportunity to thank the British Academy for their generous financial support, and the staff of the Department of Politics, Durham University, for their helpful and friendly conduct. Of the many individuals who have given up time to assist me, I must record my special gratitude to: Dr. Jeremy Black, Professor Marilyn Butler, Professor John Cannon, Dr. Geoffrey Carnall, Dr. Jonathan Clark, Dr. John Derry, Or. David Jasper, Dr. Stanley Jones, Dr. David Manning, Professor Michael Oakeshott, Dr. Frank O'Gorman, The Rt. Hon. Mr. J. E Powell, Mr. Bill Ruddick, Professor J.R Watson and Dr. John Whale. I am very grateful to the members of the Politics Department Seminar Group (particularly to Professor and Mrs. Alan Milne for their hospitality to this group), and to the Shakespearians for a never-failing flow of good humour and eighty-shillings. There are some debts which must be acknowledged separately in order to mark my deepest gratitude; to Professor Harry Dickinson, whose patience rivals his knowledge; to the Rt. Hon. Sir Ian Gilmour (Bart.), for his generosity and stimulating talk; to Dr. David Sweet, whose support has never flagged over many years: to Miss Sally Cottam, who has held up remarkably well; to Nick and Susan Lamb, for their charming company and doubtful musica 1 taste; to my supervisor. Mr. Henry Tudor, for his quiet wit and wisdom: and, finally, to my parents, Betty and Allan Garnett, who have supported me through everything and to whom, with all my love, this thesis is gratefully dedicated. - 1 - CONTENTS INTRODUCTION • .......••..••.•....•..•................• 3 PART ONE: THEORETICAL 1) HAZLITT'S PHILOSOPHY .•...•.•.•....•............•. 11 2) THEORY OF POLITICS ••............••••.......•...•. 31 3) HAZLITT AND THE PROBLEM OF IDEOLOGY •.•..•.•.••..• 51 PART TWO: ISSUES 1) THE MONARCHY . .•....•...•••....••..•...••••.•...•. 74 2) PATRIOTISM ••....••...•••.••..•.•••••..........••. 81 3) SECTS AND PARTIES ................................ 92 4) HAZLITT AND THE POLITICS OF DISSENT •••..•••....• 117 PART THREE: FRIENDS AND FOES 1) FRIENDS ....•...•.••••••...•.••....••.•..•...••.. 131 2) FOES ••....•..••.•.••..•...•.•....••........••... 152 3) THE NAPOLEONIST. .••..••..•..••......•..•.•.•.... 185 4) MUSINGS ON MISANTHROPY •.•••..•.•.••.•..••....•.. 206 CONCLUDING REHARKS ................................. 222 Bib 7 i ography •...................................... 232 - 2 - INTRODUCTION While William Hazlitt seems to have secured a chapter in most literary histories, he is a footnote at best in the history of political ideas. His views are regularly quoted in connection with such contemporaries as Burke, Godwin and Bentham, yet his own political thinking has not been made the subject of any full-length study. There are several good reasons why this should now be rectified. Firstly, Hazlitt has interested so many generations that he must be recognised as "essentially a great man - a master-mind", 1 worth tracing through all his diverse fields of interest. As Crane Brinton has noted, politics coloured most of his work, and Hazlitt felt confident that he 2 had much of value to say on men and affairs. Secondly, a proper study of Hazlitt's work may shed stronger light on his contemporaries. If we know the stand-point from which he discussed the Utilitarians, the Owenites and the anti-Jacobins, we may quote his words with renewed confidence - or with greater caution. Thirdly, it will be possible to examine Hazlitt's credentials as a chronicler of events. Hitherto it would be fair to say that historians have not recognised him as a trustworthy authority, except when they have required telling quotations about certain of his contemporaries. This seems to be inconsistent; surely, if unacceptable bias afflicts his interpretation of events, then his views on personalities should be equally inadmissible, since Hazlitt personalised politics to an unusual degree. It is certain that without a thorough investigation of his political position, judgements concerning his reliability would be premature. Once Hazlitt's bias has been identified, his readers will be able to allow for it. It is the primary purpose of this thesis, therefore, to establish Hazlitt's position in the ideological context of his time. It would be wrong to deny that much of value has already been - 3 - 3 written on Hazlitt's politics. In any work on his ideas, political concerns would be impossible to disentangle from the chosen material. Recent accounts, however, have concentrated heavily upon his contribution to literary criticism. It is understandable that these studies have not been directed towards a close scrutiny of his political ideas. But this is work that must be done, not only to establish Hazlitt's credentials in the field, but also because an element of caricature tends to creep in when political positions are accepted without criticism. Samuel Johnson, for example, was clearly a Tory in his political allegiance, and by most critics in the past this was interpreted to entail a position on many issues which Johnson himself would have rejected. A similar fate, I would argue, has befallen Hazlitt; he has been labelled a radical, and critics have imposed upon him a set of standards - some relevant to the historical context, but others wildly anachronistic - by which his consistency and value has been measured. In the case of Johnson, critics have at least begun to re-examine the validity of 4 the traditional view. It is time that the same compliment was granted to Hazlitt. There are many pitfalls awaiting all students in the history of ideas, and in the case of Hazlitt some of these dangers are unusually acute. For instance, there is a great danger of being kidnapped by one's subject; since Hazlitt was a powerful political writer his views are peculiarly seductive. It is tempting to find as few faults as possible with his message, and even to join with him in battles which are long over.