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Notes and Queries MONITORING BOYCOTTS: BLACK CONSUMERS AND WHITE BUSINESSES IN PIETERMARITZBURG, AUGUST 1985 Christopher Merrett writes: S the struggle against apart­ two conciliation boards and arbit­ heid intensified in the 1980s, ration failed to move intransigent Aworkplaces became major management. A go-slow and ban on sites of conflict as trade unions rapidly overtime brought in white schoolboy expanded both membership and scab labour. After further negotiations influence. A primary tactic, boycotts failed, 1 000 workers went on an and stayaways, was monitored by the intermittent strike. More conciliation Development Studies Research Group board hearings made no headway and (DSRG) at the University of Natal in on 30 April 1985 the strike resumed. Pietermaritzburg using volunteers to On 3 May, 970 workers were sacked, collect data. One such event was an BTR­Sarmcol claiming that their strike offshoot of the long­running BTR­ was illegal. The replacement workers Sarmcol strike in Howick, a call for a were mainly Inkatha supporters. boycott of white business throughout A consumer boycott in Howick the Pietermaritzburg region from 15 to caused considerable hardship for 26 September 1985.1 shopkeepers. Demonstrations by dis- The strike was basically the result missed workers took place in Pieter­ of a struggle for full recognition of maritzburg in June followed by a the Metal and Allied Workers Union stayaway organised by the Federation (MAWU) by BTR­Sarmcol against of South African Trade Unions a background of mechanisation and (FOSATU) on 18 July that reportedly downsizing of the work force. An reduced the city to a “ghost town”.2 industrial court case, negotiations, The boycott followed on 15 August. 69 Natalia 44 (2014) Copyright © Natal Society Foundation 2014 Notes and Queries It was called off six weeks later, in the neighbourhood. There seemed but had effectively collapsed in late to be no obvious fear of being seen August in the face of organisational with branded shopping bags. During disarray, financial problems and police the monitored fortnight a branch of harassment. It was condemned by the Kentucky Fried Chicken opened and business community and city council, about 30% of the lunchtime custom which argued that it undermined appeared to be black. Three businesses efforts to mitigate unemployment and were observed on nine occasions in hunger.3 A week later they produced August at 1.00 pm on weekdays and an anti­boycott pamphlet and dropped 9.00 or 10.00 am on Saturdays. The thousands of copies over Imbali, number of black shoppers at Checkers Edendale and Ashdown from the air. peaked at 20, at CNA at six, and at Vitus Mvelase speaking on behalf of Fitzroy’s Tea Room at five. These Inkatha rejected the boycott.4 figures seemed to confirm low levels Shopkeepers and managers were of black custom that had not altered phoned or interviewed and asked significantly because of the boycott how they felt in general about the call. boycott and whether trade was being A city centre liquor store manager affected. Businesses were divided into claimed that its black custom was three geographic zones: Scottsville/ insubstantial and a boycott would Hayfields; Pietermaritzburg city not affect business, but referred centre; and the south-east end of the the monitor to the Durban office. It central business district, officially an painted a different picture saying Indian group area. that 30% of customers were black In Scottsville, Checkers claimed that and turnover was down. This was only 5−7% of turnover related to black attributed, however, to an economic shoppers. On 19 August the manager downturn. A furniture store spokesman said that he was not expecting the said that “blacks are too intelligent to boycott to have any effect, which he join the boycott” and that he expected confirmed on 25 August. Staff at Pick ’n improved business because of damage Pay refused to comment, except to say to private property as a result of unrest. that only 2% of shoppers were black. McNamees, another furniture store, A butcher at Nedbank Plaza expressed declined to comment. sympathy with black shoppers, but Contacted four times, Game, said his clientele was small and only known to have substantial black purchased one type of cheap meat, custom, provided no comment. OK although he thought custom might Bazaars behaved likewise, refusing increase as he used unmarked bags. to say anything without head office Contacted at the end of August, he permission. Woolworths also failed refused any further comment and his to produce anyone with sufficient manner was evasive. authority to comment, but cashiers Observation suggested no decrease volunteered the information that in the small number of black shoppers black shoppers were still using the at Nedbank Plaza. They were mainly store and there was no noticeable university staff, local domestic workers drop in takings. However, two large and labourers temporarily working department stores, The Hub and John 70 Natalia 44 (2014) Copyright © Natal Society Foundation 2014 Notes and Queries Orr’s, did report a drop in the number business of supermarkets in this part of black customers and purchases but of Church Street had increased by 25% preferred to attribute this to depressed on average.6 economic conditions. One manager The overall impression was that the expressed bewilderment at the boycott, consumer boycott call had not been arguing that business had no influence widely heeded in Pietermaritzburg, over government.5 A spokesperson for although the edginess of business The Federation of South African Trade spokespeople suggested that the Unions (Fosatu) made the point situation might be more complicated. that white traders and consumers had Casual enquiries suggested some considerable political power. resentment amongst black people Observation of the city centre that their shopping habits were under on Monday 26 August at 12.30 pm scrutiny, a certain level of shopping provided no visible evidence that a by whites for blacks, and a rumour boycott was in force. Numerous black that liquor store purchases were not shoppers walked in and out of stores questioned. Press reports suggested in Church and Longmarket (Langali­ that black­owned township businesses balele) streets between Commercial were taking advantage of the situation (Albert Luthuli) Road and Chapel after taxis entering Imbali were (Peter Kerchhoff) Street with parcels subject to searches by youths. They and bags. Tearooms and bakeries were disowned by The Metal and were also well populated, but many Allied Workers’ Union (Mawu), but of these customers would have been on 23 August a bus was torched at purchasing on behalf of nearby offices. Mpophomeni after some passengers A rough count on the same day around refused to have their bags inspected.7 noon produced 60 black shoppers at The historical role of consumer OK Bazaars, 20 at Woolworths, 15 at boycotts has not been addressed in CNA and 12 at The Hub. great depth even though they date The most informative shopkeepers back to the heyday of the South were from the Indian sector of the African Congress of Trade Unions in business district. A furniture store the 1950s. A revival was successfully manager supported a short boycott instigated by the South African in sympathy with the BTR­Sarmcol Council on Sport (SACOS) in the late strikers, but felt it ran the danger of 1970s against Simba Quix (potato earning them resentment. He did chips) after sponsorship for non­racial not expect the boycott to affect his school sport had been refused; and this trade, a feeling confirmed at the end was followed by the famous Fattis and of August. A cash-and-carry store Monis (pasta) and Wilson Rowntree owner working on six months account (confectionery) boycotts in 1979 and expressed similar opinions and felt 1981. The Black Christmas campaign that by mid­month there was a loss of 1984 was followed by a series of of interest in the strike. However, he consumer boycotts in the Eastern did report quieter business over the Cape, and then by the BTR-Sarmcol second half of the month, which he action. attributed to the economic slump. In general, bad publicity was more Press reports suggested that the of a threat than financial loss for larger 71 Natalia 44 (2014) Copyright © Natal Society Foundation 2014 Notes and Queries companies, although small retailers Bhamjee. The monitors in this particular case were highly vulnerable.8 While were Marie Dyer, Fidela Fouché, Christopher Merrett, Pat Merrett, Leonie Prozesky and township geography and the dom­ Pessa Weinberg, which suggests an organised inance of commuter transport by buses link between the DSRG and Black Sash. made consumer boycotts of white 2 Peter Kerchhoff, “The role of the churches” businesses an apparently promising in Hope Beyond Apartheid: The Peter Kerchhoff Years of PACSA edited by Lou tactic, it is clear that enforcement was Levine (Pietermaritzburg: Pietermaritzburg not easy. Those same factors made Agency for Christian Social Awareness, security force counter­action feasible 2002), 166−167. while boycott enforcers were highly 3 Strini Moodley, “Boycott of city’s white businesses begins today” Natal Witness 15 visible and vulnerable to both police August 1985. and angry members of the public.9 4 Zodwa Maseko, “Consumer boycott: mixed It is probable that the BTR­Sarmcol reaction”, Echo 22 August 1985. consumer boycott had limited impact 5 The press experienced the same problem in eliciting information. in a political sense except to generate 6 Strini Moodley, “Boycott may spread to other publicity that kept the industrial Natal shops” Natal Witness 22 August 1985. dispute in the public consciousness. 7 Natal Witness 27 August 1985. Sustaining a broad campaign over a 8 Steven Friedman, Building Tomorrow Today: African Workers in Trade Unions, 1970−1984 wide area in pursuit of very specific (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1987), 199−200.

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