Vol. 5, No. 2 Summer 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORS’ NOTE The Intellectual Legacy of Sam Francis TOQ Editors 3 ARTICLES Constitutional History, Social Science, and Brown v. Board of Education 1954–1964 (Part II) Raymond Wolters 5 SPECIAL FEATURE: THE LEGACY OF SAM FRANCIS The Method of Samuel T. Francis: From Burnham to Ethnopolitics Brent Nelson 37 Three Pillars Michael O’Meara 49 Personal Recollections of Sam Francis Jared Taylor 55 Remembering Sam Francis Louis T. March 61 Prophets of Rootedness: Sam Francis and Friedrich Nietzsche Mark Wegierski 69 Apostrophe to a Gardener Sam Francis 75 BOOK REVIEWS Esau’s Tears Reviewed by Kevin MacDonald 77 The Conservative Bookshelf: Essential Works That Impact Today’s Conservative Thinkers Reviewed by Robert S. Griffin 85 Thinkers of our Time: James Burnham Reviewed by Louis Andrews 93 Beautiful Losers: Essays on the Failure of American Conservatism Reviewed by Peter B. Gemma 95 About the Editors 101 Editorial Advisory Board 102 The Occidental Quarterly (ISSN 1539-3925), a journal of Western thought and opinion, is published by The Charles Martel Society four times annually in the Spring, Summer, Fall, and Winter. Unsolicited manuscripts from contributing authors should be submitted to the editorial department: P.O. Box 695, Mt. Airy, MD 21771. Style sheets are available upon request. Subscriptions in the U.S. are $40 annually, $78 for two years, and $114 for three years; subscription rates for Canada are $45 (first year), $88 (two years), and $129 (three years); European subscription rates: $60 (first year), $118 (two years), and $174 (three years). All subscriptions, including additional inquiries or subscription problems, should be mailed to the subscription department: P.O. Box 3462, Augusta, GA 30914. Back issues are $10 each. �� Washington Summit Publishers • P.O. Box 3514 • Augusta, GA 30914 �� Editors’ Note ________________________________ THE INTELLECTUAL LEGACY OF SAM FRANCIS istorian, author, editor, and columnist, Sam Francis—unlike his contemporaries in the conservative movement—occupied a unique H standpoint on the political and cultural struggle to preserve what must be preserved of our Western heritage. A genuine skeptic in the tra- dition of H. L. Mencken, Sam had a firm understanding of human nature that doubtless owed its roots to his Presbyterian upbringing. He grasped, as has no other contemporary national commentator, the dynamics of race and culture as forces that shape and distinguish each nation and civilization. And, while Sam took an avid interest in the study of human evolution and in the application of genetics and its sociobiological out- growths in understanding human behavior, he was a militant defender of Christianity’s role and traditions as the faith of the West. From his deep study of history and politics, Sam developed two con- ceptual frameworks to describe the political forces that dominate contemporary Western nations. Influenced by the American political philosopher James Burnham and Burnham’s preceptors—Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels—he analyzed the operations of the small elites that rule all human societies, including “democracies.” Sam’s purpose was not to advance the case for oligarchy but rather to arm, intellectually and volitionally, the white American citizen, whose honor and liberties were always his chief concern, against those despoilers of his country who rule through artifice and fraud behind a false screen of “freedom.” Several of the essays in this issue of TOQ examine this facet of Sam’s work. Sam derived his second schema for political analysis from the late political scientist Donald Warren, who identified the chief potential opposition to the vise-like grip in which the U.S. political, business, and “nonprofit” octopus now holds the fate of the American nation as the Middle American Radicals (MARs). Gradually forsaking the shibboleths of establishment conservatism, Sam brought all of his formidable gifts to the defense of the MARs, still the nation’s majority and the heirs of the founders and builders of Americas, for all that America’s real rulers sneer at them as “rednecks,” “ethnics,” and the denizens of “fly-over country.” 4 Vol. 5, No. 2 The Occidental Quarterly Sam hammered out numberless hard-hitting editorials and columns to en- lighten the MARs as to their real interests, and coined many a pungent phrase to drive home his point. Thus, following the Rodney King riots of 1992, he encapsulated the real significance of the widespread antiwhite violence, which claimed scores of incident lives, with a tag lifted from lawyers’ briefs on behalf of the criminal “motorist” whose behavior occasioned the riots: “Blunt Force Trauma.” Sam’s style and substance on behalf of Middle America earned him his share of nicknames from his admirers and deriders alike. Pat Buchanan famously called him “the Clausewitz of the right,” while to Marxist Leonard Zeskind, who smears patriots for ostracism and blacklisting, Sam was the “General from MARS.” Eventually Sam paid for his brilliance and his fortitude with what, to the summer soldiers and sunshine patriots of today’s conservatism, was career ruin. Yet, although he was fired from his position as an award-winning editor at the Washington Times, and though his many enemies on the left and right continued to brand him a “racist” in their dogged efforts to deny him a living from championing our cause, Sam continued to hone and to use his weapons, ever to better effect, in defense of his and our kind. We take pride that a considerable portion of the full flowering of Sam’s intellect took place in the pages of this journal, where he worked devotedly as editor and writer for four years. For those fortunate to have known him as a comrade and companion, Sam was a friend of unshakeable loyalty. Indomi- table in combat, wise in counsel, Sam Francis was both a lion and a fox for his nation, his culture, and his race. Just before his death, Sam put the finishing editorial touches on a volume entitled Race and the American Future. This collection of powerful essays, by some of the foremost writers on the issues that affect our race, will be available later this year and is expected to be judged a definitive assessment of America’s contemporary quagmire. CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, SOCIAL SCIENCE, AND BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION 1954–1964 RAYMOND WOLTERS PART II: THE CONTINUING CONTROVERSY he segregationists’ counterattack on the Brown ruling and its historical and social science underpinnings was not limited to courtroom battles. Ever since Brown they Thad also challenged the prevailing public opinion about school desegregation. After Stell v. Savannah they redoubled these efforts. Henry E. Garrett and Wesley Critz George often wrote for general audiences, and two especially gifted writers, James J. Kilpatrick and Carleton Putnam, also came to the defense of segregation. From the moment of the Brown decision, Kilpatrick regarded desegregation as “jurisprudence gone mad.” He thought the Supreme Court had ignored eight decades of legal precedents and willfully disregarded the original understanding of the Fourteenth Amendment. Since the justices had interpreted the Constitution “to suit their own gauzy concepts of sociology,” Kilpatrick recommended that the South use every possible legal means to circumvent desegregation. “Let us pledge ourselves to litigate this thing for fifty years,” he wrote. “If one remedial law is ruled invalid, then let us try another; and if the second is ruled invalid, then let us enact a third…If it be said now that the South is flouting the law, let it be said to the high court, You taught us how.”1 In an extraordinary series of editorials published in the Richmond News Leader in 1955, Kilpatrick resurrected the Jeffersonian idea of interposition as a way to stop abuses of federal power. When a Federalist Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, in apparent disregard of states’ rights and of the First Amendment’s prohibition

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