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ATTENDERE NELL'epoca DELLE EMERGENZE Il Limbo Dei Richiedenti Asilo in Due Strutture Di Accoglienza Temporanea

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ATTENDERE NELL'epoca DELLE EMERGENZE Il Limbo Dei Richiedenti Asilo in Due Strutture Di Accoglienza Temporanea SCUOLA DI LETTERE E BENI CULTURALI Corso di laurea in Antropologia Culturale ed Etnologia ATTENDERE NELL'EPOCA DELLE EMERGENZE Il limbo dei richiedenti asilo in due strutture di accoglienza temporanea Tesi di laurea in Metodologia della Ricerca Etnografica Relatrice: Cristiana Natali Correlatrice: Alessandra Sciurba Presentata da: Enrico Campagni III Sessione Anno accademico 2013-2014 1 INDICE Ringraziamenti 5 Introduzione 7 1. Un sistema di accoglienza “storicamente emergenziale” 13 1.1. Il difficile accesso all’asilo politico in Italia e in Europa 13 1.1.1. Restrizioni del diritto di asilo e “clandestinizzazione” 15 1.1.2. Il Sistema Dublino 16 1.1.3. Un progressivo irrigidimento nella normativa italiana 18 1.2. Un “caos normativo” alla base dell'accoglienza (e dell'emergenza) 21 1.3. Lo sbarco degli albanesi e dei kosovari: le prime emergenze, una nuova normativa 22 1.4. Un'altra emergenza, un nuovo intervento: “Azione Comune” 24 1.5. Nascita della rete SPRAR 25 1.6. Gli altri centri di accoglienza per richiedenti asilo 26 1.7. Le politiche sull’immigrazione e sull’asilo alla luce delle nuove emergenze 28 1.7.1. L'Emergenza Nord Africa 28 1.7.2. Mare Nostrum 31 2. Due casi di “prima accoglienza”. Norme e profilo dei migranti accolti 43 2.1. “Dublinanti” 43 2.1.1 Alcune norme sul trattamento dei “casi Dublino” 43 2.1.2. Accoglienza del “dublinante” a Bologna e procedura di richiesta di asilo 45 2.1.3. Profilo dei casi Dublino 47 2.1.4. Strutture per “dublinanti”, il caso di Bologna 47 2.2. Minori Stranieri Non Accompagnati richiedenti asilo 49 2.2.1. Le principali norme di riferimento 49 2.2.2. Profilo del MSNA 51 2.2.3. Un esempio di struttura di accoglienza straordinaria per minori: la Struttura Ponte della provincia di Palermo 52 3. Progetto “Casa Dublino” 63 3.1. Gli spazi di Casa Dublino 64 2 3.2. Riempire il tempo 68 3.2.1. Ritiro dalla situazione 69 3.2.2. Aprirsi all'esterno 70 3.2.3. Dahfer: riempimento intenzionale 71 3.3. Il limbo prima dell'Italia 72 3.4. Le cause del limbo italiano 76 3.4.1. L'attesa della risposta alla richiesta di asilo 77 3.4.2. L'attesa per una “seconda accoglienza” 81 3.5. Salute in attesa 82 3.6. Potere di acquisto 85 3.6.1. Ticket ed empowerment 86 3.6.2. Shadowing per la Bolognina 88 3.7. Convivenza interreligiosa 90 3.7.1. Rispetto e tolleranza 91 3.7.2. Il digiuno mancato 94 3.7.3. Raggiungere la moschea 95 3.7.4. La messa nel minimarket 96 3.8. Gli operatori di Casa Dublino 99 3.8.1. Profilo degli operatori 99 3.8.2. Necessità del “distacco” 100 3.8.3. Piano umano e piano intimo 101 3.8.4. Fluidità del “distacco” 104 4. La Struttura Ponte di Castelbuono 107 4.1. L'arrivo a Castelbuono 107 4.2. Una perenne emergenza 111 4.3. Gli operatori di Castelbuono 117 4.3.1. Profilo degli operatori 118 4.3.2. Mancata formazione sul distacco 120 4.3.3. In mancanza di autorevolezza 121 4.3.4. L'operatore e “l'economia morale” della struttura 122 4.3.5. Vocabolario motivazionale: lavoro-volontariato 125 4.4. Vivere l'attesa in una struttura di emergenza 126 4.4.1 Premessa metodologica: trasloco e posizionamento 127 3 4.4.2. Mancanza di spazio privato 128 4.4.3. Riempire il tempo 130 4.4.4. Ismailia 132 4.5. Nello stomaco “dell'Altro” 133 4.5.1. Ceebu jen 134 4.5.2. Riappropriazione del cibo: ponche 137 4.6. Da Castelbuono al globale 139 4.7. Nel giardino del convento, guardando la Mecca 143 4.8. Limitazioni notturne 145 5. Due dimensioni del limbo: tempi dilatati, spazi ristretti 149 5.1 Limbo e liminalità 150 5.2. Tempi dilatati 151 5.3. Spazi ristretti 153 5.3.1. Casa Dublino 153 5.3.2. Struttura Ponte 155 5.4. Influenza tra spazi e tempo 156 5.5. Conseguenze del limbo 158 Conclusioni 161 Appendice: interviste 167 1. Metodologia dell'intervista 168 2. Alcune note sulla trascrizione 171 3. Strategie di intervista 171 3.1. Casa Dublino 172 3.2. Struttura Ponte 174 Sigle 273 Bibliografia 275 Sitografia 279 4 RINGRAZIAMENTI Ringrazio Alessandra Sciurba, Giulia Di Martino, Matteo Venturella, Alessandro Piro e la sua famiglia, Vito Restivo, suor Anna Alonso, Mario Vigneri, il gruppo scout di Castelbuono 1, suor Irma, suor Mercedes, “Mama Ana”, Stefania “Stefinch” Cordone, Alberto Biondo e il gruppo dei Laici Comboniani di Palermo, Mario Cefalù, la pasticceria Quattro Cannole, la pasticceria Fiasconaro, Maria Enza Occorso; Cristiana Natali, Annamaria Fantauzzi, Irene Palla, Monica Murgia, Tommaso Carturan, Luca Jourdan, Francesca Sbardella, Chiara Wasowski, Bruno Riccio, “Letiz” Tonolini, Eleonora Zanin, il gruppo religioso Omega Fire Ministry , Federica Toso, l'associazione Asilo in Europa, Susanna Cocchi, Mara Roberto, gli operatori, i coordinatori e i ragazzi di Casa Dublino e della Struttura Ponte, le mie nonne Alma e Anna Rosa, mia zia Annamaria, mia sorella Elisabetta e soprattutto i miei genitori, Claudio e Cristina. 5 Ad Ahmad, approdato sulle spiagge di Sala Borsa da un naufragio di lenzuola, sotto la mia sedia. La fine di una rappresentazione teatrale, di un piangere nascosto, l'inizio di una tesi. 6 INTRODUZIONE Ogni società – anche la più moderna – decide quali siano i suoi «uomini sacri». Giorgio Agamben, 1995. Speriamo che il 2013 sia un anno pieno di monnezza , profughi, immigrati, sfollati, minori, piovoso così cresce l’erba da tagliare e magari con qualche bufera di neve: evviva la cooperazione sociale. Salvatore Buzzi 1. L'esperienza dell'attesa fa parte di tutti noi e si intreccia costantemente al nostro vissuto quotidiano. Nonostante questo, in un'epoca frenetica e accelerata come quella in cui ci muoviamo tendiamo costantemente a ridurre questo tempo perso , trovandolo sopportabile solo se esso impegna una parte limitata della nostra giornata. Questa tesi concerne una particolare categoria di migrante, il richiedente asilo, la cui esistenza è completamente inglobata dall'attesa. Che cosa fa il richiedente? Attende. Aspetta una risposta, la risposta alla domanda di asilo che decreterà se esso è degno di accedere all'Europa, alla modernità, ai diritti del cittadino – che come ci dice bene il filosofo Agamben, non coincidono a quelli “universali ” dell'uomo (Agamben, 1995). Attende di esser trasferito a una struttura che gli offra dei servizi, un percorso integrativo nella nuova società e nel mondo del lavoro; attende più del cittadino ordinario per essere curato, assistito da psicologi, da assistenti sociali, mediatori culturali. L'attesa, per lui, è un'esperienza spesso totalizzante. Lo è a tal punto che sono riuscito a descrivere la sua quotidianità, nei capitoli etnografici, attraverso la miriade di attese che la compongono. Per questo, più che parlare di “attesa” – ritengo che la condizione di queste persone sia espressa più efficacemente dal termine limbo : se la prima espressione concerne qualcosa di ordinario, che tutti noi affrontiamo nella nostra quotidianità , la seconda rimanda a qualcosa di anomalo, fuori dalla norma, duraturo, statico, e allo stesso tempo a un luogo fisico. La loro attesa e la percezione di questa è legata strettamente al luogo in cui la vivono, al senso di “restringimento spaziale”, alla mancanza di una spazio privato. I miei riferimenti teorici principali, infatti, ho preso i lavori di due 1 Manager di una cooperativa sociale di Roma, indagato per lo scandalo di “Mafia Capitale”. Quest'ultima è una organizzazione criminale di stampo mafioso operante a Roma dal 2000, detta anche “Cupola Romana” o “Clan dei Carminati”. Nel 2014 i suoi componenti sono stati in gran parte arrestati in seguito all'operazione “Mondo di Mezzo” da parte della Questura e dei PM romani. 7 antropologhe che hanno dedicato due studi proprio sull' attente. Entrambi svolti in Francia, quello di Carolina Kobelinsky in un centro di accoglienza richiedenti asilo e quello di Jasmine Bouagga in un carcere. Dal lavoro di quest'ultima emerge la dimensione del potere delle istituzioni rispetto alla persona che attende. «Aspettare» – ci dice l'antropologa Bouagga – «è una dimensione strumentale dell'istituzione, in quanto serve a stabilire l'influenza dell'istituzione stessa sugli individui» (Bouagga, 2014, p. 101). Se da un lato si può vedere la causa di tutte queste attese nel malfunzionamento della burocrazia statale, dall'altro essa deve essere interpretata, a livello sociologico-antropologico, come espressione di un rapporto di subordinazione burocratica (Spire, 2008) delle istituzioni sul migrante. Se ho scelto come prospettiva epistemologica l'attesa, si può dire che il secondo tema attorno a cui ruota l'intero elaborato sia la sofferenza di queste persone, le loro difficoltà di trascorrere un periodo di tempo che pare non avere fine in strutture che rendono difficile il rientro in una vita “normale”. Queste strutture, infatti, sono state aperte per sopperire alla mancanza cronica di posti nella vera rete di accoglienza, lo SPRAR 2. Esse non sono preparate per creare un percorso di inserimento vero e proprio nel tessuto economico e sociale italiano, e quindi la vita dei richiedenti lì ospitati spesso diviene una sala di attesa lunga mesi, talvolta un anno, in quanto essi non possono e non riescono ad accedere a un lavoro, ritrovare – o trovare – una qualche autonomia e stabilità nella loro vita. A causa di una miriade di altri intoppi burocratici nei servizi e nei vari uffici che interessano l' iter del richiedente, all'impossibilità di avere una vita ordinaria si aggiungono una serie innumerevoli di altre attese: per accedere alla commissione territoriale che valuterà il caso del richiedente asilo, per ottenere il permesso di viaggio, per accedere a servizi sanitari, psicologici, di mediazione culturale.
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