Key Historical Figures

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Key Historical Figures Key Historical Figures Ta’isi Olaf Fredrick (O. F.) Nelson The subject of this book is referred to by his matai title, Ta’isi, a title bestowed on Olaf Fredrick “O. F.” Nelson, by the village of Asau in 1923. In using his matai title, this book follows the Sāmoan conven- tion of using this name as a mark of respect in all formal and many informal settings. Ta’isi continued to be called Fred Nelson or Feleti Nelsoni, his igoa itaulealea (“everyday calling name” or Christian name) by close family and friends, as well as by his detractors, who steadfastly challenged his right to assert his status within Sāmoan so- ciety denoted by his matai title. According to the latter, his Eu ro pean parentage canceled out his Indigenous heritage, a view Ta’isi con- fronted continuously. Because this work aims to “decolonize” this history, it centralizes Ta’isi’s Sāmoan identity and follows Sāmoan naming conventions. Therefore, this work refers to him as Ta’isi unless directly quoting from a source where he is referred to by his igoa itau- lealea. Ta’isi’s Aiga ( Family) in Birth Order August Nelson (1838–1909)— father Sinagogo Masoe (m. Nelson) (1859–1918)— mother Lucy Nelson (m. Kruse) (1874–1924)— sister Gustava Nelson (m. Wetzell) (1879–1946)— sister Josephine Nelson (m. David) (1881–1918)— sister August Nelson Ju nior (1889–1918)—brother and father of Frank Nelson ( mother— Jane Meredith) and August “Gussie” Nelson ( mother— Fusipala Tuiletufuga Ale) Rosabel Edith Nelson (née Moors 1889–1959)— wife Priscilla Muench (née Moors)— sister­ in­ law xvii xviii Historical Figures Viopapa Lucy Nelson—T a’isi’s eldest daughter (1904–1937) (her mother was Leata of Safune, m. E. J. Grey of Suva) Ta’isi and Rosabel’s Children in Birth Order Irene Gustava Noue Nelson (m. Tupua Tamasese Mea’ole)—mother of Fialaui’afualeafi, Olaf Fredrick (“Efi”) now known as Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Ta’isi Efi, Peter Tusi, Irene Piliopo (m. Maiai) Olive Virginia Malienafau (m. Fredrick Betham)— mother of Barry and Leone (m. Forsgren) Joyce Rosabel Piliopo “Billie” (m. Richard Carruthers; Hermann Retzlaff)— mother of Lelani (m. Keil), Tuitautai, Hermann The- odore (known as Misa Telefoni), and Erich (died in infancy) Ta’isi Nelson— son (1915–1919) Sina Hope (m. Edward Annandale)—mother of Viopapa (m. Ather- ton), Calmar, Joseph, Teuila, and Sose Calmar Josephine Taufau (m. August Meyers)— mother of Sina (m. Schmalkuchen), Paulele (m. Ulberg), Kurt Extended Aiga Pitofau Masoe—(m. Masoe Ti’amamana) cousin who lived at Tuaefu with three generations of family Fa’agutu Tugaga (m. Atoa Polito, who worked for O. F. Nelson and Co. and was active in the Mau)— cousin who lived adjacent to Tuaefu Masoe Tulele— son of Pitofau and Masoe Ti’amamana who was active in the Mau and cared for Tuaefu in Ta’isi’s absences Leading Sāmoan Po liti cal Figures Afamasaga— prominent chief who was stripped of his title by Adminis- trator Richardson and referred to from then on by the administra- tion as Lago Lago Faumuina Fiame— president of the Mau from 1930 Lauaki— leader of the Mau a Pule, exiled by German governor Solf to Saipan in 1909, died en route back to Sāmoa in 1914 Malietoa Tanumafili I—tama aiga, leading Sāmoan supporter of the administration Historical Figures xix Mata’afa Iosefo—tama aiga whose popu lar support sparked the 1899 civil war Ala Tamasese— widow of Tupua Tamasese Lea’lofi III and leader of Women’s Mau Toelupe— leader of the fono of faipule Tupua Tamasese Lea’lofi III—tama aiga, president of the Mau killed in Black Saturday Massacre 1929 Tupua Tamasese Mea’ole—tama aiga, succeeds older brother to Tu- pua title from 1930, Mau leader and Ta’isi’s son- in- law from 1935 Tuimalealiifano—tama aiga, se nior Mau leader, injured in Black Sat- urday massacre O. F. Nelson and Co. Figures and Business Associates C. V. Allom— general man ag er of Head Office Apia Rudolph Kruse—(nephew) Harry W. Moors—(brother­ in­ law) L. D. Stewart— man ag er of Sydney office of O. F. Nelson and Co. Rex Pleasants— secretary of Auckland office (traveled to Eu rope with Ta’isi in 1928) G. E. L. (George) Westbrook— Sāmoa­ based trader and merchant New Zealand Prime Ministers William Massey— Prime Minister 1925 (Reform Party) and Minister for External Affairs 1923 Gordon (J. G.) Coates— Prime Minister 1925–1928 and Minister for External affairs August– December 1928 (Reform Party) Joseph Ward— Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs 1928– 1930 (United Party) George Forbes— Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs 1930–1935 (United Party) Michael Savage— Prime Minister and Minister for External affairs 1935–1940 ( Labour Party) Peter Fraser— Prime Minister 1940–1949 ( Labour Party) Helen Clark— Prime Minister 1999–2008 ( Labour Party) xx Historical Figures Government Ministers Francis H. D. Bell— Minister for External Affairs 1923–1926, Prime Minister May 1925, leader of Legislative Council, conservative power broker Frank Langstone— Minister for External Affairs 1940–1942 E. P. Lee— Minister for External Affairs 1920–1923 William Nosworthy— Minister for External Affairs 1926–1928 Māui Wiremu Piti Naera Pōmare— Minister for the Cook Islands 1916–1928, Ta’isi’s friend and confidant Government Officials Carl Berendsen— Secretary of the Department of External Affairs (from 1928) J. D. (James Dunbar) Gray—Secretary of the Department of External Affairs (1919–1928) Sāmoa Administrators Robert Logan (1914–1919) Robert W. Tate (1919–1923) George Spafford Richardson (1923–1928) Stephen S. Allen (1928–1931) Herbert E. Hart (1931–1935) A. C. (Alfred Clarke) Turnbull (1935–1946) Other Key Po liti cal Figures, Public Figures, and Associates in New Zealand, Sāmoa, Australia, and the League of Nations Percy Andrews— editor of Samoa Guardian Arthur L. Braisby— Sāmoa inspector of police Joseph Hector McNeil Carruthers— Premier of New South Wales (1904–1907), member of New South Wales Legislative Council (1887–1932) H. V. Evatt— leading Australian barrister, High Court judge, and future Australian Labor Party leader who gave Ta’isi legal advice Charles Fergusson— Governor­ General of New Zealand 1925–1930 P. B. (Patrick) Fitzherbert— editor of NZ Samoa Guardian Historical Figures xxi E. W. Gurr— exiled from Sāmoa in 1928 for five years Harry E. Holland— leader of the New Zealand Labour Party 1919– 1933 F. G. Lewis— Australian Methodist minister appointed Sāmoa secre- tary of native affairs in 1928 J. H. (John Hector) Luxford— Chief Justice Sāmoa Alfred McCarthy— Crown Solicitor Sāmoa Administration James Parr— New Zealand High Commissioner, London and represen- tative at League of Nations E. A. Ransom— Acting Prime Minister 1930 A. G. (Alfred George) Smyth— trader exiled from Sāmoa in 1928 for two years Lawyers Associated with Ta’isi F. D. Baxter— Sāmoa­ based lawyer Stafford Cripps— UK Kings’ Counsel John Findlay— NZ Kings’ Counsel Gustav Klinkmueller— Sāmoa­ based German lawyer D. R. Hoggard— lawyer in John Findlay’s chambers John Roberts— London­ based solicitor Alfred Hall Skelton— Auckland­ based lawyer Thomas Slipper— Sāmoa­ based lawyer .
Recommended publications
  • Bromley Cemetery Guide
    Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J.
    [Show full text]
  • From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century
    From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture
    New Zealand Journal of History, 40, 2 (2006) The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture THE 1940s ARE INTERESTING YEARS in the story of New Zealand’s consumer culture. The realities of working and spending, and the promulgation of ideals and moralities around consumer behaviour, were closely related to the political process. Labour had come to power in 1935 promising to alleviate the hardship of the depression years and improve the standard of living of all New Zealanders. World War II intervened, replacing the image of increasing prosperity with one of sacrifice. In the shadow of the war the economy grew strongly, but there remained a legacy of shortages at a time when many sought material advancement. Historical writing on consumer culture is burgeoning internationally, and starting to emerge in New Zealand. There is already some local discussion of consumption in the post-war period, particularly with respect to clothing, embodiment and housing.1 This is an important area for study because, as Peter Gibbons points out, the consumption of goods — along with the needs they express and the desires they engender — deeply affects individual lives and social relationships.2 A number of aspects of consumption lend themselves to historical analysis, including the economic, the symbolic, the moral and the political. By exploring the political aspects of consumption and their relationships to these other strands, we can see how intense contestation over the symbolic meaning of consumption and its relationship to production played a pivotal role in defining the differences between the Labour government and the National opposition in the 1940s.
    [Show full text]
  • NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon
    CHAPTER SIX NEW ZEALAND AND THE OCCUPATION OF JAPAN Gordon Daniels During the Second World War His Majesty’s Dominions, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa shared a common seniority in the British imperial structure. All were virtually independent and co-operated in the struggle against the axis. But among these white-ruled states differ- ences were as apparent as similarities. In particular factors of geography and racial composition gave New Zealand a distinct political economy which shaped its special perspective on the Pacific War. Not only were New Zealanders largely British in racial origin but their economy was effectively colonial.1 New Zealand farmers produced agricultural goods for the mother country and in return absorbed British capital and manufac- turers. Before 1941 New Zealand looked to the Royal Navy for her defence and in exchange supplied troops to fight alongside British units in both world wars.2 What was more, New Zealand’s prime minister from 1940 to 1949 was Peter Fraser who had been born and reared in Scotland. His dep- uty, Walter Nash, had also left Britain after reaching adulthood.3 Thus political links between Britons and New Zealanders were reinforced by true threads of Kith and Kin which made identification with the mother country especially potent. These economic and political ties were con- firmed by the restricted nature of New Zealand’s diplomatic appara- tus which formed the basis of her view of the East Asian world. New The author is grateful to the librarian of New Zealand House and Mrs P. Taylor for their help in providing materials for the preparation of this paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Fraser
    N E \V z_E A L A N D S T U D I E S 1!!J BOOK 'RJVIEW by SiiiiOII sheppard Peter Fraser: Master Politician Fraser made more important decisions in more interesting times Margaret Clark (Ed), The Dunmore Press, 1998, $29.95 than Holyoake ever did. ARL!ER THIS YEAR I con­ International Relations at Victoria Congratulations are due to the E ducted a survey among University, the book is derived from organisers of the conference for academics and other leaders in their a conference held in August 1997, their diligence in assembling a fields asking them to give their part of a series being conducted by roster of speakers capable of appraisal of New Zealand's providing such a broad Prime Ministers according spectrum of perspectives on to the extent to which they Fraser. This multi-faceted made a positive contribu­ approach pays dividends in tion to the history of the that it reflects the depth of country. From the replies I Fraser's character and the was able to establish a breadth of his contribution to ranking of the Prime New Zealand history. Ministers, from greatest to The first three phases of least effective. Fraser's political career are It was no surprise that discussed; from early Richard Seddon finished in socialist firebrand, to key first place. But I was lieutenant in the first Labour intrigued by the runner up. Government, to wartime It was not the beloved Prime Minister and interna­ Michael Joseph-Savage, nor tional statesman at the the inspiring Norman Kirk, founding of the United or the long serving Sir Keith Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • A Diachronic Study of Unparliamentary Language in the New Zealand Parliament, 1890-1950
    WITHDRAW AND APOLOGISE: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE IN THE NEW ZEALAND PARLIAMENT, 1890-1950 BY RUTH GRAHAM A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Applied Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2016 ii “Parliament, after all, is not a Sunday school; it is a talking-shop; a place of debate”. (Barnard, 1943) iii Abstract This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori. Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War by Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019
    Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War By Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019. RRP: AU$49.95 ISBN: 978-1-925801-68-2 Reviewed by C. Dimitris Gounelas and Ruth Parkin-Gounelas The conventional account of wartime relations between Greece, New Zealand and Britain is one of unwavering solidarity in the face of appalling odds, and few would question its truth as a general narrative. More recent approaches, however, have opened up the cracks in this tripartite relationship. Martyn Brown’s Politics of Forgetting contributes to the on-going analysis of these rifts, demonstrating through an impressive range of scholarly evidence the way the political situation in Greece triggered tensions which sometimes had far-reaching consequences. The need to maintain morale meant that differences were pasted over; wartime censorship and the destruction of compromising documents helped to maintain a narrative of unquestioning mutual trust. But with the gradual release of some previously-classified material, things have begun to look rather different. Brown’s focus is on the New Zealand Official War History Project, which appeared gradually after the war under the general editorship of Howard Kippenberger, who along with Bernard Freyberg played a dominant role in commanding New Zealand forces in the Mediterranean. Citing the French philosopher Ernest Renan, he argues that “forgetting” is crucial to any narrative of nation: we usually remember what enhances an image of something honorable and heroic. These qualities certainly applied to New Zealand’s immediate agreement to send troops to defend the small Balkan nation that at the time, in 1941, appeared to be the only country holding out against the advancing Axis forces on the continent of Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Life Stories of Robert Semple
    Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. From Coal Pit to Leather Pit: Life Stories of Robert Semple A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of a PhD in History at Massey University Carina Hickey 2010 ii Abstract In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources.
    [Show full text]
  • When It Rains, It Pours…
    When it rains, it pours… 14 MAY 2020 Top 5 Budget initiatives A $50 billion COVID-19 Response & 1 Recovery Fund; $20 billion left unspent. $3 billion to fund (unnamed) Linda Clark 2 infrastructure projects across the Partner Hayden Wilson country, in addition to the $12 billion Partner New Zealand Upgrade Programme. $1.1 billion to create 11,000 jobs in Grant Robertson’s rainy day Budget just poured 3 environmental initiatives. billions – with many more billions still to come – into $3.2 billion to extend the wage subsidy. saving and creating jobs. If the plan works (and it is still being developed to match rapidly changing 4 economic circumstances) then New Zealand’s $5 billion to create 8,000 new public or economy may be spared the worst of what the 5 transitional housing places. Prime Minister calls ‘dire global predictions’. Since the decision to go into lockdown in More spending in infrastructure was expected, late March, this budget has loomed as the and $3 billion of it arrived, with an additional $1.2 Government’s most critical test. The pressure billion going into rail investment, a favourite of New was immense, a fully formed pre-COVID budget Zealand First. More infrastructure spending will have a had to be thrown out the window, and a budget stimulus effect, including the promise to build 8,000 for a vastly different world had to be delivered at new state and social houses. Of course, with housing, speed and with so much uncertain. It was essential the ‘can they build it’ question has to be asked.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformation of the Welfare State in New Zealand with Special Reference
    Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Transformation of the Welfare State in New Zealand with special reference to Employment A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of the Doctor of Philosophy in Economics at Massey University Anne Marguerite de Bruin 1997 Acknowledgements I am grateful to Professor Rolf D. Cremer, who as Head of the Economics Department, had high expectations for career development of staff of the Department. This provided the initial stimulus for my undertaking PhD study. I sincerely thank my supervisors, Professors Rolf D. Cremer and Ian F. Shirley for their invaluable guidance and assistance. I also thank them for their understanding which made the whole process easier, yet challenging. My sincere thanks also to my friend and colleague, Ann Dupuis, for her advice and constant encouragement. I am particularly thankful to her for always providing a listening ear during my ups and downs and for introducing me to Bourdieu and Gramsci. I wish to thank Massey University for the financial support I received through the Research Award for Academic Women. This made possible a freeing up of some of my time from teaching duties early in 1997, enabling the completion of this thesis. I am indebted to Enterprise Otara and several others in the Otara community who welcomed me into their community, willingly shared their knowledge with me and were also appreciative of what I had to offer to the community.
    [Show full text]
  • The Memoirs of Jock Barnes, Waterfront Leader, Victoria University Press, Wellington, Pp.9-28
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Queensland eSpace Editorial Preface ‘Introduction’, in T. Bramble (ed) Never a White Flag: The Memoirs of Jock Barnes, Waterfront Leader, Victoria University Press, Wellington, pp.9-28. From the 1930s until the 1950s the Waterside Workers Union was at the centre of industrial life in New Zealand. The union was repeatedly in battle with Government and employers over wages and conditions and had made solidarity its byword, both at home and overseas. The wharfies were at the forefront in the battle against the Cold War, anti-communist drive set in train by the Fraser Government and taken up with gusto by the National Government under Sid Holland. The final battle in 1951 ranks as one of the defining moments of New Zealand's history in the twentieth century, as the forces of labour and capital were pitched against each other in a fight to the finish. In this book, Harold "Jock" Barnes tells the story of these events as they happened, from the day of his arrival on the waterfront in 1935 to the 1951 lockout and the destruction of the old union. Jock's account of life on the waterfront can be ignored by no-one. The man was at the centre of it all, from internal tussles for leadership of the union to moments of great national crisis. Jock Barnes name was heard everywhere from Cabinet room to children's nursery - mothers used to warn their fractious children that "Jock Barnes will come and get you if you don't settle down and go to sleep!".
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion Upon the Labour Party
    The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion upon the Labour Party IN MARCH 1940 the Labour Party expelled John A. Lee. Lee's dynamism and flair, the length and drama of the battle, not to mention Lee's skill as a publicist, have focussed considerable attention upon his expulsion. Almost all historians of New Zealand have mentioned it, and most have portrayed it as a defeat for extremism, radicalism, dissent or a policy of industrialization.1 According to one political scientist, although Labour did not quite blow out its metaphorical brains in expelling Lee, his expulsion heralded the victory of the administrators and consolidators.2 While few of those who have attributed a significance to Lee's expulsion have hazarded a guess at its effect .upon the Labour Party's membership or the party itself, Bruce Brown, who gave the better part of two chapters to the disputes associated with Lee's name, pointed out that 'hundreds of the most enthusiastic branch members' followed Lee 'out of the main stream of political life.'3 Brown recognized that such an exodus undoubtedly weakened the Labour Party although, largely because he ended his history in 1940, he made no attempt to estimate the exact numbers involved or the significance of their departure. This essay is designed to suggested tentative answers to both questions. Immediately after his expulsion Lee believed that radicals, socialists and even five or six members of parliament would join him. The first 1 For instance, W.H. Oliver, The Story of New Zealand, London, 1960, pp.198-99; W.B.
    [Show full text]