Key Historical Figures
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Bromley Cemetery Guide
Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J. -
From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century
From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence. -
The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture
New Zealand Journal of History, 40, 2 (2006) The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture THE 1940s ARE INTERESTING YEARS in the story of New Zealand’s consumer culture. The realities of working and spending, and the promulgation of ideals and moralities around consumer behaviour, were closely related to the political process. Labour had come to power in 1935 promising to alleviate the hardship of the depression years and improve the standard of living of all New Zealanders. World War II intervened, replacing the image of increasing prosperity with one of sacrifice. In the shadow of the war the economy grew strongly, but there remained a legacy of shortages at a time when many sought material advancement. Historical writing on consumer culture is burgeoning internationally, and starting to emerge in New Zealand. There is already some local discussion of consumption in the post-war period, particularly with respect to clothing, embodiment and housing.1 This is an important area for study because, as Peter Gibbons points out, the consumption of goods — along with the needs they express and the desires they engender — deeply affects individual lives and social relationships.2 A number of aspects of consumption lend themselves to historical analysis, including the economic, the symbolic, the moral and the political. By exploring the political aspects of consumption and their relationships to these other strands, we can see how intense contestation over the symbolic meaning of consumption and its relationship to production played a pivotal role in defining the differences between the Labour government and the National opposition in the 1940s. -
NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon
CHAPTER SIX NEW ZEALAND AND THE OCCUPATION OF JAPAN Gordon Daniels During the Second World War His Majesty’s Dominions, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa shared a common seniority in the British imperial structure. All were virtually independent and co-operated in the struggle against the axis. But among these white-ruled states differ- ences were as apparent as similarities. In particular factors of geography and racial composition gave New Zealand a distinct political economy which shaped its special perspective on the Pacific War. Not only were New Zealanders largely British in racial origin but their economy was effectively colonial.1 New Zealand farmers produced agricultural goods for the mother country and in return absorbed British capital and manufac- turers. Before 1941 New Zealand looked to the Royal Navy for her defence and in exchange supplied troops to fight alongside British units in both world wars.2 What was more, New Zealand’s prime minister from 1940 to 1949 was Peter Fraser who had been born and reared in Scotland. His dep- uty, Walter Nash, had also left Britain after reaching adulthood.3 Thus political links between Britons and New Zealanders were reinforced by true threads of Kith and Kin which made identification with the mother country especially potent. These economic and political ties were con- firmed by the restricted nature of New Zealand’s diplomatic appara- tus which formed the basis of her view of the East Asian world. New The author is grateful to the librarian of New Zealand House and Mrs P. Taylor for their help in providing materials for the preparation of this paper. -
Peter Fraser
N E \V z_E A L A N D S T U D I E S 1!!J BOOK 'RJVIEW by SiiiiOII sheppard Peter Fraser: Master Politician Fraser made more important decisions in more interesting times Margaret Clark (Ed), The Dunmore Press, 1998, $29.95 than Holyoake ever did. ARL!ER THIS YEAR I con International Relations at Victoria Congratulations are due to the E ducted a survey among University, the book is derived from organisers of the conference for academics and other leaders in their a conference held in August 1997, their diligence in assembling a fields asking them to give their part of a series being conducted by roster of speakers capable of appraisal of New Zealand's providing such a broad Prime Ministers according spectrum of perspectives on to the extent to which they Fraser. This multi-faceted made a positive contribu approach pays dividends in tion to the history of the that it reflects the depth of country. From the replies I Fraser's character and the was able to establish a breadth of his contribution to ranking of the Prime New Zealand history. Ministers, from greatest to The first three phases of least effective. Fraser's political career are It was no surprise that discussed; from early Richard Seddon finished in socialist firebrand, to key first place. But I was lieutenant in the first Labour intrigued by the runner up. Government, to wartime It was not the beloved Prime Minister and interna Michael Joseph-Savage, nor tional statesman at the the inspiring Norman Kirk, founding of the United or the long serving Sir Keith Nations. -
A Diachronic Study of Unparliamentary Language in the New Zealand Parliament, 1890-1950
WITHDRAW AND APOLOGISE: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE IN THE NEW ZEALAND PARLIAMENT, 1890-1950 BY RUTH GRAHAM A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Applied Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2016 ii “Parliament, after all, is not a Sunday school; it is a talking-shop; a place of debate”. (Barnard, 1943) iii Abstract This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori. Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’. -
Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War by Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019
Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War By Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019. RRP: AU$49.95 ISBN: 978-1-925801-68-2 Reviewed by C. Dimitris Gounelas and Ruth Parkin-Gounelas The conventional account of wartime relations between Greece, New Zealand and Britain is one of unwavering solidarity in the face of appalling odds, and few would question its truth as a general narrative. More recent approaches, however, have opened up the cracks in this tripartite relationship. Martyn Brown’s Politics of Forgetting contributes to the on-going analysis of these rifts, demonstrating through an impressive range of scholarly evidence the way the political situation in Greece triggered tensions which sometimes had far-reaching consequences. The need to maintain morale meant that differences were pasted over; wartime censorship and the destruction of compromising documents helped to maintain a narrative of unquestioning mutual trust. But with the gradual release of some previously-classified material, things have begun to look rather different. Brown’s focus is on the New Zealand Official War History Project, which appeared gradually after the war under the general editorship of Howard Kippenberger, who along with Bernard Freyberg played a dominant role in commanding New Zealand forces in the Mediterranean. Citing the French philosopher Ernest Renan, he argues that “forgetting” is crucial to any narrative of nation: we usually remember what enhances an image of something honorable and heroic. These qualities certainly applied to New Zealand’s immediate agreement to send troops to defend the small Balkan nation that at the time, in 1941, appeared to be the only country holding out against the advancing Axis forces on the continent of Europe. -
Life Stories of Robert Semple
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. From Coal Pit to Leather Pit: Life Stories of Robert Semple A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of a PhD in History at Massey University Carina Hickey 2010 ii Abstract In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources. -
When It Rains, It Pours…
When it rains, it pours… 14 MAY 2020 Top 5 Budget initiatives A $50 billion COVID-19 Response & 1 Recovery Fund; $20 billion left unspent. $3 billion to fund (unnamed) Linda Clark 2 infrastructure projects across the Partner Hayden Wilson country, in addition to the $12 billion Partner New Zealand Upgrade Programme. $1.1 billion to create 11,000 jobs in Grant Robertson’s rainy day Budget just poured 3 environmental initiatives. billions – with many more billions still to come – into $3.2 billion to extend the wage subsidy. saving and creating jobs. If the plan works (and it is still being developed to match rapidly changing 4 economic circumstances) then New Zealand’s $5 billion to create 8,000 new public or economy may be spared the worst of what the 5 transitional housing places. Prime Minister calls ‘dire global predictions’. Since the decision to go into lockdown in More spending in infrastructure was expected, late March, this budget has loomed as the and $3 billion of it arrived, with an additional $1.2 Government’s most critical test. The pressure billion going into rail investment, a favourite of New was immense, a fully formed pre-COVID budget Zealand First. More infrastructure spending will have a had to be thrown out the window, and a budget stimulus effect, including the promise to build 8,000 for a vastly different world had to be delivered at new state and social houses. Of course, with housing, speed and with so much uncertain. It was essential the ‘can they build it’ question has to be asked. -
Transformation of the Welfare State in New Zealand with Special Reference
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Transformation of the Welfare State in New Zealand with special reference to Employment A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of the Doctor of Philosophy in Economics at Massey University Anne Marguerite de Bruin 1997 Acknowledgements I am grateful to Professor Rolf D. Cremer, who as Head of the Economics Department, had high expectations for career development of staff of the Department. This provided the initial stimulus for my undertaking PhD study. I sincerely thank my supervisors, Professors Rolf D. Cremer and Ian F. Shirley for their invaluable guidance and assistance. I also thank them for their understanding which made the whole process easier, yet challenging. My sincere thanks also to my friend and colleague, Ann Dupuis, for her advice and constant encouragement. I am particularly thankful to her for always providing a listening ear during my ups and downs and for introducing me to Bourdieu and Gramsci. I wish to thank Massey University for the financial support I received through the Research Award for Academic Women. This made possible a freeing up of some of my time from teaching duties early in 1997, enabling the completion of this thesis. I am indebted to Enterprise Otara and several others in the Otara community who welcomed me into their community, willingly shared their knowledge with me and were also appreciative of what I had to offer to the community. -
The Memoirs of Jock Barnes, Waterfront Leader, Victoria University Press, Wellington, Pp.9-28
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Queensland eSpace Editorial Preface ‘Introduction’, in T. Bramble (ed) Never a White Flag: The Memoirs of Jock Barnes, Waterfront Leader, Victoria University Press, Wellington, pp.9-28. From the 1930s until the 1950s the Waterside Workers Union was at the centre of industrial life in New Zealand. The union was repeatedly in battle with Government and employers over wages and conditions and had made solidarity its byword, both at home and overseas. The wharfies were at the forefront in the battle against the Cold War, anti-communist drive set in train by the Fraser Government and taken up with gusto by the National Government under Sid Holland. The final battle in 1951 ranks as one of the defining moments of New Zealand's history in the twentieth century, as the forces of labour and capital were pitched against each other in a fight to the finish. In this book, Harold "Jock" Barnes tells the story of these events as they happened, from the day of his arrival on the waterfront in 1935 to the 1951 lockout and the destruction of the old union. Jock's account of life on the waterfront can be ignored by no-one. The man was at the centre of it all, from internal tussles for leadership of the union to moments of great national crisis. Jock Barnes name was heard everywhere from Cabinet room to children's nursery - mothers used to warn their fractious children that "Jock Barnes will come and get you if you don't settle down and go to sleep!". -
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion Upon the Labour Party
The Impact of John A. Lee's Expulsion upon the Labour Party IN MARCH 1940 the Labour Party expelled John A. Lee. Lee's dynamism and flair, the length and drama of the battle, not to mention Lee's skill as a publicist, have focussed considerable attention upon his expulsion. Almost all historians of New Zealand have mentioned it, and most have portrayed it as a defeat for extremism, radicalism, dissent or a policy of industrialization.1 According to one political scientist, although Labour did not quite blow out its metaphorical brains in expelling Lee, his expulsion heralded the victory of the administrators and consolidators.2 While few of those who have attributed a significance to Lee's expulsion have hazarded a guess at its effect .upon the Labour Party's membership or the party itself, Bruce Brown, who gave the better part of two chapters to the disputes associated with Lee's name, pointed out that 'hundreds of the most enthusiastic branch members' followed Lee 'out of the main stream of political life.'3 Brown recognized that such an exodus undoubtedly weakened the Labour Party although, largely because he ended his history in 1940, he made no attempt to estimate the exact numbers involved or the significance of their departure. This essay is designed to suggested tentative answers to both questions. Immediately after his expulsion Lee believed that radicals, socialists and even five or six members of parliament would join him. The first 1 For instance, W.H. Oliver, The Story of New Zealand, London, 1960, pp.198-99; W.B.