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37 CHAPTER 2 ASSESSING REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS’ WORK IN DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT his chapter looks at one group of important but little-studied actors in disaster risk management (DRM): regional organizations.171 Although regional mechanisms are Tplaying increasingly important roles in disasters, there has been remarkably little research on their role in disaster risk management. In fact, there are few published studies about the relative strengths and weaknesses of regional bodies, much less comparisons of their range of activities or effectiveness in DRM.172 A recent study carried out by the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement sought to address this gap by providing some basic information about the work of more than 30 regional organizations involved in disaster risk management and by drawing some comparisons and generalizations about the work of thirteen of these organizations through the use of 17 indicators of effectiveness.173 This chapter provides a summary of some of that research. SECTION 1 Introduction and Methodology: Why a Focus on Regions? Since the 1950s when European regional integration seemed to offer prospects not only for the region’s post-war recovery, but also for lasting peace and security between former enemies, regional organizations have been growing in number and scope. They have 171 There has been a trend to move away from a rigid dichotomy between activities intended to reduce risk/ prepare for disasters and those associated with emergency relief and reconstruction. Thus the term “disaster risk management” (DRM) is used as the overarching concept in this study. However, as the dichotomy between pre-disaster and post-disaster activities is still prevalent in international institutions, international agreements and frameworks, government institutions and regional institutions, the disaster risk reduction (DRR) is also used as a catch-all term for pre-disaster activities while the term disaster management (DM) refers to all post- disaster activities. -
SCO “Peace Mission” 2012 Promotes Security Myths
SCO “Peace Mission” 2012 Promotes Security Myths Roger N. McDermott The security dimension of the Shanghai Cooperation plaining that heavy equipment, strategic bombers and Organization (SCO), which consists of Russia, China, submarines contradicted the official claims of the exer- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, cises having an anti-terrorist scenario. Uzbekistan has focuses on combatting the three “evils” of terrorism, only participated in one Peace Mission in 2007, limiting extremism and separatism. The organization has become its involvement to sending a small number of officers to closely associated with the joint biannual “Peace Mission” the command-staff element of the exercise. Although no military exercises, which has prompted some observers to official explanation was offered by Tashkent to explain its overestimate the organization’s emerging military dimen- stance on Peace Mission 2012, it may have been influ- sion. The ninth Peace Mission exercise, aimed at showcas- enced by tense bilateral relations with Tajikistan, which ing advances in military cooperation and the anti-terrorist include mining the border and enforcing a visa regime capabilities of the SCO, was staged on 8-14 June 2012 in between both countries. Tashkent also denied an official Tajikistan. request to allow Kazakhstan to send troops and military Moscow is seeking to boost its security apparatus hardware to transit through Uzbek territory to Tajikistan beyond SCO’s information sharing Regional Antiterror- rendering the whole display of SCO unity entirely open ist Centre (RATS) in Tashkent. It also promotes a joint to question. military anti-terrorist dimension modelling Peace Mis- Peace Mission 2012 was the smallest in the series of sion exercises around the bilateral prototype with the Peo- exercises involving only 2,000 personnel, including 369 ple’s Liberation Army (PLA) conducted under the SCO from the PLA and 350 Russian servicemen (Peace Mission banner in 2003. -
Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)
Implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in Kazakhstan A Parallel NGO Submission by Human Rights in China June 3, 2011 ATTACHMENT A: Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Counter-Terrorism Fact Sheet Established: June 2001 Member states: China, the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan Combined land area and population: 30,189,000 square kilometers; 1.5 billion people Purpose: “Cooperation in the maintenance and strengthening of peace, security and stability”; jointly counteracting “terrorism, separatism and extremism in all their manifestations”; and fighting against “illicit narcotics, arms trafficking and other types of criminal activity.” Affiliated states: Observer status states: India, Iran, Mongolia, and Pakistan; Dialogue partners: Belarus and Sri Lanka; Other affiliates: Afghanistan (SCO-Afghanistan Contact Group). INTERNATIONAL COUNTER-TERRORISM FRAMEWORK CRITERIA FOR TERRORISM There is not yet an internationally-agreed upon definition of terrorism. However, Security Council Resolution 1566 stipulates three criteria as a baseline for establishing terrorism: the offence is within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism; the intention is to cause death or serious bodily injury, or the taking of hostages; and the purpose is to provoke a state of terror in the public, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act. The UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism stated: “Crimes not having the quality of terrorism, regardless of how serious, should not be the subject of counter-terrorist legislation. Nor should conduct that does not bear the quality of terrorism be the subject of counter-terrorism measures.” RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW The UN, particularly over the past decade, has emphasized the importance of respect for human rights in counter-terrorism efforts. -
The Role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Democracy Support
The role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in post-conflict reconstruction and democracy support www.idea.int THE ROLE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS IN POST- CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION AND DEMOCRACY SUPPORT Julio S. Amador III and Joycee A. Teodoro © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34, STOCKHOLM SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit thepublication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Graphic design by Turbo Design CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 4 2. ASEAN’S INSTITUTIONAL MANDATES ............................................................... 5 3. CONFLICT IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA AND THE ROLE OF ASEAN ...... 7 4. ADOPTING A POST-CONFLICT ROLE FOR -
Is China Prepared for Global Terrorism? Xinjiang and Beyond
IS CHINA PREPARED FOR GLOBAL TERRORISM? XINJIANG AND BEYOND DANIEL L. BYMAN AND ISRAA SABER SEPTEMBER 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY While China has never been a particularly strong counterterrorism partner for the United States, recent China has long faced low-level violence from the East tensions in trade and rhetoric make cooperation Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), which seeks an especially unlikely in the near to medium term. independent Xinjiang. To counter the ETIM and other Differences in approaches to technology usage separatist Uighurs, the Chinese Communist Party and oversight and criticisms of China’s human (CCP) has passed laws regulating, and in some cases rights violations have added to the tension. restricting, expressions of Islamic and Turkic identity. Though, superficially, the United States and other Such levels of control have been used elsewhere in liberal democracies are still setting the global China where the CCP has felt threatened by separatist counterterrorism agenda, China has found opportunity movements. Since the 2014 “Strike Hard” campaign, to independently strengthen ties with states facing China’s crackdown in Xinjiang has escalated to terrorism threats. If China moves towards taking a include internment camps, forced labor, and daily leadership role in countering terrorism and its policies indoctrination programs. The CCP has also made great become the future standard, counterterrorism could use of technological advancements to surveil Xinjiang become an additional area of contention between residents. Besides surveillance cameras equipped Beijing and Washington. with facial recognition, the government also collects information such as biometric data, data usage, and location. This sweeping approach is used to combat INTRODUCTION what China considers to be a serious terrorism threat. -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization an Assessment
VIVEKANANDA INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: An Assessment ISSUE BRIEF Vivekananda International Foundation 3, San Martin Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi – 110021 Copyright @ Vivekananda International Foundation, 2015 Designed, printed and bound by IMPRINT SERVICES, New Delhi All rights reserved. No part of this may be reproduced or utilized in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: An Assessment by Nirmala Joshi About the Author Professor Nirmala Joshi Nirmala Joshi is a former Professor of the Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. She is currently Director of a New Delhi based think tank The India Central Asia Foundation. She was also Research Advisor at the United Service Institution of India from September 2012 to October 2014. Apart from heading the Centre at the J N U, Prof Joshi was also the Director of the University Grants Commission's Programme on Russia and Central Asia. She has been a member of the Indian Council for Social Science Research's Indo Russian Joint Commission for Co-operation in Social Sciences. She was a Member of the University Grants Commission Standing Committee on Area Studies in 2002, and a Nominated Member of the Executive Council of the Indian Council of World Affairs by the Government of India in 2001. Professor Nirmala Joshi has travelled extensively abroad and within the country to participate in international conferences on the Eurasian region. -
Creating Compliance with G20 and G7 Climate Change Commitments Through Global, Regional and Local Actors
Creating Compliance with G20 and G7 Climate Change Commitments through Global, Regional and Local Actors John Kirton, Brittaney Warren and Jessica Rapson University of Toronto Paper prepared for the annual convention of the International Studies Association, April 7–10, 2021. Version of April 1. Key words (three tags): G20, G7, climate change Abstract The greatest global change, where the process of globalization is now complete, is climate change and the existential threats it brings. How do the central global governance institutions of the Group of Seven (G7) major democratic powers from the rich North and the Group of 20 (G20) systemically significant states, including countries of the emerging South, create and comply with commitments to control climate change, by working with key actors at the multilateral, regional, sub-national, local and civil society levels? Using data and previous findings from the Global Governance Program, this paper analyzes how the compliance of G7 and G20 members with their leaders’ summit climate change commitments is affected by invoking the International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, by invoking the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development, European Union, the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement and the Asia- Pacific Economic Co-operation forum, and by invoking local actors such as sub-national states and provinces, cities, and business, as well as Indigenous Peoples. It identifies ways in which the involvement of such “local” actors can improve compliance, through their inclusion in the substance of G7/G20 commitments and through the civil society engagement groups that seek to shape those commitments. It recommends that, to improve compliance, G7 leaders make more climate change commitments, make more highly binding ones, focus them on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s Glasgow Summit and link them to sustainable development. -
A Structural Analysis of Counter-Terrorism Legal Architecture in China, 33 Emory Int'l L
Emory International Law Review Volume 33 Issue 3 2019 Fighting the "Three Evils": A Structural Analysis of Counter- Terrorism Legal Architecture in China Enshen Li Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Enshen Li, Fighting the "Three Evils": A Structural Analysis of Counter-Terrorism Legal Architecture in China, 33 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 311 (2019). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol33/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LIPROOFS_5.23.19 5/23/2019 10:00 AM FIGHTING THE “THREE EVILS”: A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF COUNTER-TERRORISM LEGAL ARCHITECTURE IN CHINA Enshen Li* ABSTRACT In the aftermath of September 11 attacks, China has not been immune to the global trend of destructive terrorism. However, China’s perceptions of terrorism and legal responses to it greatly diverge from those of other countries. This Article first seeks to understand the cause, source, and impact of terrorist threats in China, known as “Three Evils”—terrorism, extremism, and separatism, through a critical inquiry of the country’s ethnic and religious policies. It then proceeds to delineate China’s legal framework for combating the “Three Evils” to explore the cultural characteristics of the government’s approach against these rising threats. Tracing the evolution of the country’s counter-terrorism laws and policies, this Article argues that China has developed an operational infrastructure composed of four strands to fight terrorism: crackdown, criminalization, control, and cooperation. -
BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities
• p- ISSN: 2521-2982 • e-ISSN: 2707-4587 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07 • ISSN-L: 2521-2982 DOI: 10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07 Muhammad Atif * Muqarrab Akbar† BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities • Vol. IV, No. IV (Fall 2019) Abstract BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has • Pages: 59 – 69 amplified its regional and global impact. The economic success of BRICS is a motivation to Africa because BRICS and African region have a similar historical background. The partnership between Africa and the BRICS has Headings extended fresh drive and created ample interest in last decades because BRICS • Abstract is playing an important role in international trade, investment and global • Key Words governance. Growing economic relations of the BRICS with African region can be • Introduction exemplary for global world. These relations are prospective of a suitable way of • Theoretical Framework economic change and sustainable progress in the African region. The resource of • BRICS interests toward African African region makes many opportunities and challenges among BRICS- African Region region’s partnership. The interest of western powers also prevail in the African • Opportunities for African Region region. This article commences a fair inquiry of the BRICS relation with African • Trade Opportunity region, possible opportunities and challenges. • Conclusion • References Key Words: BRICS, Global Governance, Regionalism, WTO, United Nations, African Region, Africa Introduction The abbreviation ‘BRIC’ was first invented as a capable economic bloc by Jim O’Neil in 2001 (O'Neill 2001). The bloc has started his first interactions in 2005 at the time of the meeting of G7 Finance Ministers. -
Shanghai Cooperation Organization Origins of SCO: Shanghai Five 1996
Shanghai Cooperation Organization Origins of SCO: Shanghai Five 1996 • Demarcation of borders • Demilitarization of borders • Unified front against transnational separatist movements • Forum for economic cooperation • Aug. 1999: Declaration of “three evils” – Terrorism, Separatism, Religious Extremism Founding SCO Founding SCO • June 2001 (before 9/11 and before US military presence in Central Asia) • Addition of Uzbekistan • 2002 Official Charter signed in St. Petersburg • “Three Evils” incorporated into founding documents • Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS) established in Tashkent Motivations and Reservations Cons Pros • Inhibits repairing Russian- • Balancing cooperation and American relations competition with China • Business in SCO region • Failure of CIS and CSTO to conducted bilaterally prevent advancement of western groups • Russia has CIS and CSTO to • Preventing free trade area conduct security relations • Freeing up security forces multilaterally • 5 million ethnic Russians in • Fear of Chinese takeover in SCO region Central Asia • Blocking NATO infiltration Competition with NATO “NATO of the East” Competition with NATO and USA • US Military presence in Central Asia – Since 2001 Afghan operation – Long-term stake in maintaining presence • Russian impatience for US withdrawal – February 2003, asks UN to set timeline – Astana summit 2005, prevails on SCO members to mandate US military withdrawal – Uzbekistan terminates US basing rights Andijan— Turning Point Andijan Andijan • May 13, 2005 Uzbek forces clash with protesters/insurgents, -
Russia–Pakistan Strategic Relations an Emerging Entente Cordiale
FEATURE Russia–Pakistan Strategic Relations An Emerging Entente Cordiale FEROZ HASSAN KHAN ince the famous American raid in 2011 that killed Osama bin Laden and given the US exceptional favor to India’s nuclear ambitions, Islamabad has gradually moved away from the United States, deepened Pakistan’s relations Swith China, and sought rapprochement with Russia. While Pakistan’s strategic relations with China have been developing for more than five decades, Islamabad’s relations with Moscow are new, evolving for less than a decade. Russia has always preferred India to Pakistan and shied away from any proactive role in conflict reso- lution between India and Pakistan. Additionally, Russia has been unsure of Paki- stan’s future and its strategic direction. In South Asia, Moscow seems to balance Russia’s interests proportionate to the strategic importance and economic advan- tage that each nation offers. Pakistan is a relatively small power undergoing internal and economic perils. It cannot match India’s power potential and offer the same scope of political, strategic, and economic influence that India wields in its rela- tions with major powers. Yet, Pakistan is a very important piece in the emerging geopolitical chessboard in Eurasia. Notwithstanding the handicap of perpetual asymmetry vis- à- vis India, Pakistan leverages its geophysical location, strong mili- tary with advancing nuclear capability, and considerable influence in the Islamic world in its conduct of international relations. In the past, Pakistan and Russia could not develop close ties because neither country fully trusted the other. However, given the mutual benefits to building relations, as discussed in this article, both countries are trying to move forward past lingering mistrust. -
Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy : from Indifference to Engagement
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Faculty Scholarship 2013 Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American foreign policy : from indifference to engagement. Charles E. Ziegler University of Louisville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/faculty Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Original Publication Information Published as Ziegler, Charles E. May/June 2013. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy: From Indifference to Engagement." Asian Survey 53(3): 484-505. © 2012 by the Regents of the University of California. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by the Regents of the University of California for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified eef via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHARLES E. ZIEGLER Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy From Indifference to Engagement ABSTRACT This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.