DOCSLIB.ORG

Contested Majority: the Representation of the White Working Class

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Contested Majority: the Representation of the White Working Class University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2018 Contested Majority: The Representation Of The White Working Class In Us Politics From The 1930s To The 1990s Christopher Cimaglio University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Communication Commons, and the History Commons Recommended Citation Cimaglio, Christopher, "Contested Majority: The Representation Of The White Working Class In Us Politics From The 1930s oT The 1990s" (2018). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3006. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3006 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3006 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contested Majority: The Representation Of The White Working Class In Us Politics From The 1930s oT The 1990s Abstract This dissertation examines the representation of the white working class in US politics from the 1930s to the 1990s: how politicians, journalists, pollsters, pundits, political commentators, social movement groups, and others have studied, written about, and claimed to speak for white working class people and how this work has shaped American politics. Most existing literature on the role of the white working class in American politics has examined political opinion and political identity formation among white working class people, too often treating the “white working class” as a homogenous group with uniform political views. This project takes a different approach, focused on elite engagement with the white working class as a social and political category. It traces how prominent elite-level understandings of white working class identity, politics, and culture—from progressive workers combating economic elites to culturally conservative “Middle Americans” opposed to liberalism—emerged and impacted political contestation. In doing so, it stresses the importance of the white working class as a political symbol, one that has consistently been at the center of conflict around fundamental issues in US politics, including the nature of privilege and disadvantage, challenges to racial, gender, and class inequality, the state’s sphere of responsibility, and the contours of national identity. Degree Type Dissertation Degree Name Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Graduate Group Communication First Advisor Carolyn Marvin Keywords media history, twentieth-century US history, US media and politics, white working class Subject Categories Communication | History This dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3006 CONTESTED MAJORITY: THE REPRESENTATION OF THE WHITE WORKING CLASS IN US POLITICS FROM THE 1930s TO THE 1990s Christopher Cimaglio A DISSERTATION in Communication Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2018 Supervisor of Dissertation ____ __________ _______ Carolyn Marvin, Frances Yates Emeritus Professor of Communication Graduate Group Chairperson ________________________ Joseph Turow, Robert Lewis Shayon Professor of Communication Dissertation Committee Victor Pickard, Associate Professor of Communication Michael Delli Carpini, Professor of Communication and Walter H. Annenberg Dean Thomas Sugrue, Professor of Social & Cultural Analysis and History (New York University) ABSTRACT CONTESTED MAJORITY: THE REPRESENTATION OF THE WHITE WORKING CLASS IN US POLITICS FROM THE 1930s TO THE 1990s Christopher Cimaglio Carolyn Marvin This dissertation examines the representation of the white working class in US politics from the 1930s to the 1990s: how politicians, journalists, pollsters, pundits, political commentators, social movement groups, and others have studied, written about, and claimed to speak for white working class people and how this work has shaped American politics. Most existing literature on the role of the white working class in American politics has examined political opinion and political identity formation among white working class people, too often treating the “white working class” as a homogenous group with uniform political views. This project takes a different approach, focused on elite engagement with the white working class as a social and political category. It traces how prominent elite-level understandings of white working class identity, politics, and culture—from progressive workers combating economic elites to culturally conservative “Middle Americans” opposed to liberalism—emerged and impacted political contestation. In doing so, it stresses the importance of the white working class as a political symbol, one that has consistently been at the center of conflict around fundamental issues in US politics, including the nature of privilege and disadvantage, challenges to racial, gender, and class inequality, the state’s sphere of responsibility, and the contours of national identity. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................ II INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER 1: THE RISE OF THE PROGRESSIVE WORKER ..................................... 62 CODA: THE (WHITE) WORKER AS A LATENT PROGRESSIVE FORCE ............ 139 CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF THE AFFLUENT WORKER ......................................... 156 CHAPTER 3: RETHINKING MIDDLE AMERICA..................................................... 230 CHAPTER 4: THE NEW LIBERALISM AND THE VICTIMIZED WHITE WORKER ......................................................................................................................................... 297 CONCLUDING CHAPTER ........................................................................................... 367 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 405 iii Introduction On November 8, 2016, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States, an outcome that came as a shock for most professional political observers. The dominant explanation for Trump’s win focused on his appeal to one specific group: the white working class. “Working-class whites give Trump the White House,” read a CNN chyron. For ABC News, “A revolution against politics shook the country, [with] working class whites venting their economic and cultural frustration by lifting…Trump to the presidency.” 1 By November, this frame was nothing new; for most of the campaign, Trump supporters and Trump opponents with almost nothing in common could agree that Trump’s candidacy was a bottom-up revolt of blue-collar whites against the political establishment. One prominent Democrat called Trump the “staunchest champion of the white working class that American politics has seen in decades.” 2 Signs reading “The Silent Majority Stands With Trump” were fixtures at campaign rallies. Trump championed coal miners, factory workers, and cities and towns harmed by trade deals. “I am your voice,” he promised “the forgotten men and women of our country.” 3 Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency was unique in recent American political history. The symbolism around the white working class that accompanied it was deeply rooted in that history. Trump’s promise to restore high-wage manufacturing jobs tapped 1 “Working-Class Whites Give Trump the White House,” as featured on “The Lead with Jake Tapper,” CNN , November 9, 2016, http://www.cnn.com/videos/tv/2016/11/09/donald-trump-white-voters-white- house-2016-president-tapper-dnt-lead.cnn; Gary Langer et al., “Huge Margin Among Working-Class Whites Lifts Trump to a Stunning Election Upset,” ABC News , November 9, 2016, http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/huge-margin-working-class-whites-lifts-trump- stunning/story?id=43411948. 2 William Galston, “Trump Rides a Blue-Collar Wave,” Wall Street Journal , November 17, 2015. 3 Donald Trump, address accepting the Republican Party nomination for president, Cleveland, Ohio, July 21, 2016, transcript at http://www.cnn.com/2016/07/22/politics/donald-trump-rnc-speech-text/index.html. 1 cultural memory of the period between the 1950s and 1970s, when a (usually white, male) worker with a high school education could securely support a family on a single wage. “Forgotten Americans” is a longstanding trope invoked by politicians as diverse as Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard Nixon (the Trump campaign’s most obvious inspiration), and Bill Clinton. Observers on the left and right have, over many decades, condemned journalists and political elites as out of touch with the (white) working class. Present-day elite observers commenting on the political importance of working class whites tend to see their arguments as novel responses to the urgency of the moment. From a historical perspective, patterns are very clear. White workers have long been central to elite political contestation in the United States. Liberals have invoked them as chief beneficiaries of a liberal agenda, as the backbone of the liberal coalition, and (in more recent decades) as those voters most responsible for the rise of conservatism. Conservatives have figured them as dupes of liberal elites and (in more recent decades) as the mass base for populist resistance to liberalism. White workers have been, as consistently as any other social group, identified as “average Americans”
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Alumni Reserve Yiannopoulos Tickets, Leave Ha) F of Seats Empty in Protest
    oo© © u d re v ie w T he R eview TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 2016 VOLUME 142, ISSUE 9 The University of Delaware's independent student newspaper since 1882 | udreview.com President Assanis talks “evolving” future of the university Homecoming and Halloween JOHN RYAN BARWICK role is to lead the charge, and set weekend kept & MICHAE l T. HENRETTY JR. the vision to move the university Executive Editor to the next level. I find this [to be] & Managing News Editor a great responsibility." university Previously the provost President Dennis Assanis' at Stony Brook University, morning begins around six, Assanis worked for 17 years with a cup of coffee and a at the University of Michigan, police busy review of the emails sent to him serving in several positions. overnight. Next, he exercises Assanis holds four degrees from before responding to his mail the Massachusetts Institute and preparing for his morning’s of Technology and one from meetings. He then heads to his SEASON COOPER Newcastle University in England. office, working until midnight. Senior Reporter Born in Greece, as evidenced With typically less than by his accent, Assanis was the 20 percent of his time spent This weekend, which first member of his family to in the office, most of Assanis’ included both Homecoming and attend college. His father was a day involves him moving from Halloween celebrations, saw an sea captain for 23 years, taking meeting to meeting, making increase in arrests for underage Assanis with him as a young boy announcements and policy consumption. Last year there for voyages stretching up to 23 proposals and attending were 11 reports of underage days at a time.
    [Show full text]
  • The Alt-Right on Campus: What Students Need to Know
    THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW About the Southern Poverty Law Center The Southern Poverty Law Center is dedicated to fighting hate and bigotry and to seeking justice for the most vulnerable members of our society. Using litigation, education, and other forms of advocacy, the SPLC works toward the day when the ideals of equal justice and equal oportunity will become a reality. • • • For more information about the southern poverty law center or to obtain additional copies of this guidebook, contact [email protected] or visit www.splconcampus.org @splcenter facebook/SPLCenter facebook/SPLConcampus © 2017 Southern Poverty Law Center THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW RICHARD SPENCER IS A LEADING ALT-RIGHT SPEAKER. The Alt-Right and Extremism on Campus ocratic ideals. They claim that “white identity” is under attack by multicultural forces using “politi- An old and familiar poison is being spread on col- cal correctness” and “social justice” to undermine lege campuses these days: the idea that America white people and “their” civilization. Character- should be a country for white people. ized by heavy use of social media and memes, they Under the banner of the Alternative Right – or eschew establishment conservatism and promote “alt-right” – extremist speakers are touring colleges the goal of a white ethnostate, or homeland. and universities across the country to recruit stu- As student activists, you can counter this movement. dents to their brand of bigotry, often igniting pro- In this brochure, the Southern Poverty Law Cen- tests and making national headlines. Their appear- ances have inspired a fierce debate over free speech ter examines the alt-right, profiles its key figures and the direction of the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Decision Will Come in March by JACK RONALD the Closing of That School (Pen - the Commercial Review Nville) in March,” Gulley Said
    Thursday, February 2, 2017 The Commercial Review Portland, Indiana 47371 www.thecr.com 75 cents Decision will come in March By JACK RONALD the closing of that school (Pen - The Commercial Review nville) in March,” Gulley said. A decision on the status of “In order to effect a closure by Weigh in Pennville Elementary School is the fall, March would be the likely to be made in March, Jay decision point.” Jay School Corporation is gathering Schools superintendent Jere - Meeting to discuss future He stressed that as the com - opinions on methods for dealing with my Gulley said this week. its financial challenges with an online of Pennville Elementary mittee reviews a 2015 study of survey. To answer the questions and Gulley, who is working with a the school system’s buildings provide comments, visit: newly-appointed budget con - is scheduled for Tuesday and facilities the focus will not trol committee to put the be limited to Pennville. www.jayschools.k12.in.us school corporation’s fiscal “It may feel that Pennville is and click on “Cost Reduction house in order, said a special alone,” he said. “But simultane - Input and Ideas Survey.” Jay School Board meeting has ously we will look at all the facil - Prior to taking the survey, Jay been set for 6 p.m. Tuesday at Pennville Town Council, Gulley is also seeking comment ities. … It’s not just the Pen - Schools superintendent Jeremy Gulley Pennville Elementary to hear which regularly meets on the from the public via a survey on nville school that’s being consid - recommends clicking on “Jay School the concerns of parents, teach - Budget and Finance Report” in order first Tuesday of each month, the school corporation’s website ered here.
    [Show full text]
  • Does 'Deplatforming' Work to Curb Hate Speech and Calls for Violence?
    Exercise Nº Professor´s Name Mark 1. Reading Comp. ………………… .…/20 2. Paraphrasing ………………… .…/30 Total Part I (Min. 26).…/50 Part Part I 3. Essay ………………… …/50 Re correction …………………… …/50 Essay Final Mark …………………… …/50 Part Part II (do NOT fill in) Total Part II (Min.26) …/50 CARRERA DE TRADUCTOR PÚBLICO - ENTRANCE EXAMINATION – FEBRERO 2021 NOMBRE y APELLIDO: …………………………………………………………………………… Nº de ORDEN: (NO es el DNI) ……………………………………………………………………. Please read the text carefully and then choose the best answer. Remember the questions do not follow the order of the reading passage (Paragraphs are numbered for the sake of correction) Does ‘deplatforming’ work to curb hate speech and calls for violence? 3 experts in online communications weigh in 1- In the wake of the assault on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, Twitter permanently suspended Donald Trump’s personal account, and Google, Apple, and Amazon shunned Parler, which at least temporarily shut down the social media platform favored by the far right. 2- Dubbed “deplatforming,” these actions restrict the ability of individuals and communities to communicate with each other and the public. Deplatforming raises ethical and legal questions, but foremost is the question of whether it is an effective strategy to reduce hate speech and calls for violence on social media. 3- The Conversation U.S. asked three experts in online communications whether deplatforming works and what happens when technology companies attempt it. Jeremy Blackburn, assistant professor of computer science, Binghamton University 4-Does deplatforming work from a technical perspective? Gab was the first “major” platform subject to deplatforming efforts, first with removal from app stores and, after the Tree of Life shooting, the withdrawal of cloud infrastructure providers, domain name providers and other Web-related services.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Manipulation and Disinformation Online Alice Marwick and Rebecca Lewis CONTENTS
    Media Manipulation and Disinformation Online Alice Marwick and Rebecca Lewis CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................... 1 What Techniques Do Media Manipulators Use? ....... 33 Understanding Media Manipulation ............................ 2 Participatory Culture ........................................... 33 Who is Manipulating the Media? ................................. 4 Networks ............................................................. 34 Internet Trolls ......................................................... 4 Memes ................................................................. 35 Gamergaters .......................................................... 7 Bots ...................................................................... 36 Hate Groups and Ideologues ............................... 9 Strategic Amplification and Framing ................. 38 The Alt-Right ................................................... 9 Why is the Media Vulnerable? .................................... 40 The Manosphere .......................................... 13 Lack of Trust in Media ......................................... 40 Conspiracy Theorists ........................................... 17 Decline of Local News ........................................ 41 Influencers............................................................ 20 The Attention Economy ...................................... 42 Hyper-Partisan News Outlets ............................. 21 What are the Outcomes? ..........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Feminist Cyber-Resistance to Digital Violence: Surviving Gamergate
    DEBATS · Annual Review, 5 · 2020 — 287 / 302 DOI: http://doi.org/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-17 ISSN 2530-898X (print) ISSN 2530-8262 (electronic) Feminist Cyber-resistance to Digital Violence: Surviving Gamergate Macarena Hanash Martínez UNIVERSIDAD PABLO OLAVIDE [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-3859-920X Received: 15/09/2019 Accepted: 20/03/2020 ABSTRACT Women in cyberspace do not escape patriarchal violence and are subject to strict social control exercised through technological means. Cyber-violence especially affects women with an explicitly feminist presence in virtual spaces. Their participation in and advocacy of feminist values are considered a transgression of the patriarchal mandate, which seeks to exclude women from public spaces or, failing that, to marginalise them. That is why they are the targets of grave intimidation, harassment and threats. At the same time, digital networks have spawned a plethora of spaces for women’s collective, political and social action. Thus, online activity has played a key role in the resurgence and revitalisation of feminist communities and debates. This paper analyses the projects launched by Zoë Quinn and Anita Sarkeesian, two of the main targets of the Gamergate movement. We will study: (1) Crash Override and Speak Up & Stay Safe(r), a helpline and a resource platform for cyber-violence victims, respectively; (2) feminist cyber-resistance projects, within the framework of cyber-feminism and the current paradigm shift in the culture of protest and feminist organisation. Keywords: cyber-feminism, cyber-violence, manosphere, Gamergate. Corresponding author: Macarena Hanash Martínez. Departamento de Economía, Métodos Cuantitativos e Historia Económica. Universidad Pablo de Olavide - Ctra.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Culture of Free Expression on the American College Campus
    Building a Culture of Free Expression on the American College Campus CHALLENGES & SOLUTIONS by JOYCE LEE MALCOLM Perspectives on Higher Education American Council of Trustees and Alumni | Institute for Effective Governance™ The American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA) is an independent, nonprofit organization committed to academic freedom, excellence, and accountability at America’s colleges and universities. Founded in 1995, ACTA is the only national organization dedicated to working with alumni, donors, trustees, and education leaders across the United States to support liberal arts education, uphold high academic standards, safeguard the free exchange of ideas on campus, and ensure that the next generation receives an intellectually rich, high-quality education at an affordable price. Our network consists of alumni and trustees from nearly 1,300 colleges and universities, including over 23,000 current board members. Our quarterly newsletter, Inside Academe, reaches more than 13,000 readers. ACTA’s Institute for Effective Governance™ (IEG), founded in 2003 by college and university trustees for trustees, is devoted to enhancing boards’ effectiveness and helping trustees fulfill their fiduciary responsibilities fully and effectively. IEG offers a range of services tailored to the specific needs of individual boards and focuses on academic quality, academic freedom, and accountability. Through its Perspectives on Higher Education essays, the Institute for Effective Governance™ seeks to stimulate discussion of key issues affecting America’s colleges and universities. Building a Culture of Free Expression on the American College Campus n n n CHALLENGES & SOLUTIONS by Joyce Lee Malcolm American Council of Trustees and Alumni Institute for Effective Governance™ April 2018 Building a CULTURE OF FREE EXPRESSION on the American College Campus About the Author Joyce Lee Malcolm is the Patrick Henry Professor of Constitutional Law and the Second Amendment at the Antonin Scalia Law School of George Mason University.
    [Show full text]
  • The Public Negotiation of Profane, Prohibited and Proscribed Speech Brion Van Over
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Communication Department Faculty Publication Communication Series 2018 olicing the Boundaries of the Sayable: The Public Negotiation of Profane, Prohibited and Proscribed speech Brion Van Over Gonen Dori-Hacohen University of Massachusetts Amherst Michaela R. Winchatz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/communication_faculty_pubs Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Van Over, Brion; Dori-Hacohen, Gonen; and Winchatz, Michaela R., "olicing the Boundaries of the Sayable: The ubP lic Negotiation of Profane, Prohibited and Proscribed speech" (2018). Engaging and Transforming Global Communication through Cultural Discourse Analysis: A Tribute to Donal Carbaugh. 103. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/communication_faculty_pubs/103 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Communication at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Department Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Policing the Boundaries of the Sayable: The Public Negotiation of Profane, Prohibited and Proscribed Speech1 ______________________________________________________________________________ What can be said, and what cannot, is a problem peculiar to the meta-discursive capacity of language tangled up in the human mandate for a world of moral order. Kenneth Burke captures this tension in his definition of man as “the symbol-using (symbol-making, symbol-misusing) animal, inventor of the negative (or moralized by the negative), separated from his natural condition by instruments of his own making, goaded by the spirit of hierarchy (or moved by the sense of order), and rotten with perfection" (Burke, 1969, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Bad Actors: Authenticity, Inauthenticity, Speech, and Capitalism
    ARTICLES BAD ACTORS: AUTHENTICITY, INAUTHENTICITY, SPEECH, AND CAPITALISM Sarah C. Haan* ABSTRACT “Authenticity” has evolved into an important value that guides social media companies’ regulation of online speech. It is enforced through rules and practices that include real-name policies, Terms of Service requiring users to present only accurate information about themselves, community guidelines that prohibit “coordinated inauthentic behavior,” verification practices, product features, and more. This Article critically examines authenticity regulation by the social media industry, including companies’ claims that authenticity is a moral virtue, an expressive value, and a pragmatic necessity for online communication. It explains how authenticity regulation provides economic value to companies engaged in “information capitalism,” “data capitalism,” and “surveillance capitalism.” It also explores how companies’ self-regulatory focus on authenticity shapes users’ views about objectionable speech, upends traditional commitments to pseudonymous political expression, and encourages collaboration between the State and private companies. The Article concludes that “authenticity,” as conceptualized by the industry, is not an important value for users on par with privacy or dignity, but that it offers business value to companies. Authenticity regulation also provides many of the same opportunities for viewpoint discrimination as does garden-variety content moderation. * Associate Professor of Law, Washington and Lee University School of Law. The Author thanks Carliss Chatman, Rebecca Green, Margaret Hu, Lyman Johnson, Thomas Kadri, James Nelson, Elizabeth Pollman, Carla L. Reyes, Christopher B. Seaman, Micah Schwartzman, Morgan Weiland, participants in the W&L Law 2019 Big Data Research Colloquium, and participants in the 2019 Yale Freedom of Expression Scholars Conference (“FESC VII”), for their insightful comments on early drafts of this Article.
    [Show full text]
  • Propaganda and the Nihilism of the Alt-Right
    ***Please do not cite. Use Published Version: 10.5840/radphilrev2020412110*** Propaganda and the Nihilism of the Alt-Right Abstract: The alt-right is an online subculture marked by its devotion to the execution of a racist, misogynistic, and xenophobic politics through trolling, pranking, meme-making, and mass murder. It is this devotion to far-right politics through the discordant conjunction of humor and suicidal violence this article seeks to explain by situating the movement for the first time within its constitutive online relationships. This article adds to the existing literature by viewing the online relationships of the alt-right through the genealogy of propaganda. Through situating the alt-right alongside the genealogy of propaganda, the article offers new insights into the social isolation, increasingly extreme social and political positions, nihilism, and violence that have emerged within the alt-right. The article concludes by applying the lessons of the alt-right for online organizing across the political spectrum and argues that a class-based politics of the left is an important part of countering the rise of the alt-right. Keywords: Propaganda, Alt-right, Alt-light, Meme, Incel, Mass Shooting, Nihilism, 4chan, Blackpill, Redpill, Trolling Cory Wimberly Associate Professor of Philosophy University of Texas Rio Grande Valley [email protected] Page 1 of 27 Propaganda and the Nihilism of the Alt-Right The alt-right has two seemingly contradictory faces. One face of the alt-right, highlighted by Milo Yiannopoulos and
    [Show full text]
  • How Telegram Disruption Impacts Jihadist Platform Migration (Pdf
    JANUARY 2021 How Telegram Disruption Impacts Jihadist Platform Migration FULL REPORT Amarnath Amarasingam, Queen’s University, Canada Shiraz Maher, King’s College London Charlie Winter, King’s College London The authors would like to thank Pieter Nanninga, Aaron Zelin, and one anonymous reviewer for their comments and feedback on earlier drafts of this paper. This research was funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats – an independent Centre commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1) and which is funded in part by the UK security and intelligence agencies and Home Office. www.crestresearch.ac.uk ©2021 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence.www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..........................................................................................................................4 OVERVIEW .................................................................................................................................................5 INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................................8 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ...............................................................................................................11 DATA AND METHODS ...........................................................................................................................15 RESULTS ..................................................................................................................................................18
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2017 Download
    highways & byways Goldman School and Transportation FALL 2017 California’s Local Crisis The Uber and Lyft Revolution? A Conversation with Bill Easterly gspp.berkeley.edu Dean’s Message table of contents SOMETIMES YOUR BRAND IS YOUR CURSE. UC Berkeley strongly identifies with the departments 1964–5 Free Speech Movement — the first mass civil disobedience by students in the 1960s. The FSM called for lifting the existing ban on campus political activities and for 7 Space Matters allowing students the rights of free speech and academic freedom. The FSM made it 4 10 Faculty Notes possible for students to invite speakers of any political persuasion to campus. 11 Students: Julie Nguyen In this past year, Berkeley has been tested by conservative campus organizations that have invited far right “controversialists” Milo Yiannopoulos and Ann Coulter to speak. 12 Students: Emily Alter On February 1st of this year, peaceful demonstrators were upstaged and literally shoved 13 Students: Michael Pimentel out of the way by anarchist “anti fascist” members who destroyed property, started a 16 Event Highlights fire, and engaged in altercations with people near Bancroft and Telegraph. Yiannopou- CA’s Local Crisis los’s speech was canceled about two hours before the planned starting time because 18 Class Notes administrators feared for public safety. 20 From Annette Doornbos Milo is certainly controversial, and I think that his mockery, posturing, juvenility, 2 1 Board of Advisors and bloviation adds nothing to academic debate and dialogue. Nevertheless, as the FSM 6 The Uber and Lyft Revolution? argued, students and student groups should have the right to invite whom they want.
    [Show full text]