TRADING ARMS, BOMBING TOWNS the Lethal Connection Between the International Arms Trade and the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas
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Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering
In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering Saba Bazargan Department of Philosophy UC San Diego Abstract The principle of noncombatant immunity prohibits warring parties from intentionally targeting noncombatants. I explicate the moral version of this view and its criticisms by reductive individualists; they argue that certain civilians on the unjust side are morally liable to be lethally targeted to forestall substantial contributions to that war. I then argue that reductivists are mistaken in thinking that causally contributing to an unjust war is a necessary condition for moral liability. Certain noncontributing civilians—notably, war-profiteers— can be morally liable to be lethally targeted. Thus, the principle of noncombatant immunity is mistaken as a moral (though not necessarily as a legal) doctrine, not just because some civilians contribute substantially, but because some unjustly enriched civilians culpably fail to discharge their restitutionary duties to those whose victimization made the unjust enrichment possible. Consequently, the moral criterion for lethal liability in war is even broader than reductive individualists have argued. 1 In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 1. Background 1.1. Noncombatant Immunity and the Combatant’s Privilege in International Law In Article 155 of what came to be known as the ‘Lieber Code’, written in 1866, Francis Lieber wrote ‘[a]ll enemies in regular war are divided into two general classes—that is to say, into combatants and noncombatants’. As a legal matter, this distinction does not map perfectly onto the distinction between members and nonmembers of an armed force. -
The Reverberating Effects of Explosive Weapon Use in Syria Contents
THE REVERBERATING EFFECTS OF EXPLOSIVE WEAPON USE IN SYRIA CONTENTS Introduction 4 1.1 Timeline 6 1.2 Worst locations 8 1.3 Weapon types 11 1.4 Actors 12 Health 14 Economy 19 Environment 24 Society and Culture 30 Conclusion 36 Recommendations 37 Report by Jennifer Dathan Notes 38 Additional research by Silvia Ffiore, Leo San Laureano, Juliana Suess and George Yaolong Editor Iain Overton Copyright © Action on Armed Violence (January 2019) Cover illustration Syrian children play outside their home in Gaziantep, Turkey by Jennifer Dathan Design and printing Tutaev Design Clarifications or corrections from interested parties are welcome Research and publication funded by the Government of Norway, Ministry of Foreign Affairs 4 | ACTION ON ARMED VIOLENCE REVERBERATING EFFECTS OF EXPLOSIVE WEAPONS IN SYRIA | 5 INTRODUCTION The use of explosive weapons, particularly in populated noticed the following year that, whilst total civilian families from both returning to their homes and using areas, causes wide-spread and long-term harm to casualties (deaths and injuries) were just below that their land. Such impact has devastating and lingering civilians. Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has been of the previous year, civilian deaths had increased by consequences for communities and cultures. monitoring casualties from the use of explosive 50% (from 5,639 in 2016 to 8,463 in 2017). As the war weapons around the globe since 2010. So extreme continued, injuries were increasingly less likely to be In this report, AOAV seeks to better understand the has such harm been in Syria in recent years that, recorded - particularly in incidents where there were reverberating harms from the explosive violence in by the end of 2017, Syria had overtaken Iraq as the high levels of civilian deaths. -
Overthrow Kinzer.Pdf
NATIONAL BESTSELLER "A detailed, I)assionateandconvincingbook ... [wilh] lhe pace and grip ofagood lhriller." - TheNew York Tillles BookReview STEPHEN KINZER AUTHOR OF ALL THE SHAH'S MEN OVERTHROW ___________4 _____ 4 __ 111_11 __iii _2_~ __11 __ __ AMERICA'S CENTURY OF REGIME CHANGE FROM HAWAII TO IRAQ STEPHEN KINZER TIM E S BOO K S Henry Holt and Company New York Times Books Henry Holt and Company, LLC Publishers since 1866 175 Fifth Avenue New York, New York 10010 www.henryholt.com Henry Holt® is a registered trademark of Henry Holt and Company, LLC. Copyright © 2006 by Stephen Kinzer All rights reserved. Distributed in Canada by H. B. Fenn and Company Ltd. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kinzer, Stephen. Overthrow: America's century of regime change from Hawaii to Iraq I Stephen Kinzer. -1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8050-8240-1 ISBN-1O: 0-8050-8240-9 1. United States-Foreign relations-20th century. 2. Hawaii-History Overthrow of the Monarchy, 1893.3. Iraq War, 2003- 4. Intervention (Internationallaw)-History-20th century. 5. Legitimacy of governments-History-20th century. I. Title. E744.K49 2006 327. 73009-dc22 2005054856 Henry Holt books are available for special promotions and premiums. For details contact: Director, Special Markets. Originally published in hardcover in 2006 by Times Books First Paperback Edition 2007 Designed by Kelly S. Too Printed in the United States of America 791086 Time present and time past Are both perhaps present in time future, And time future contained in time past. -T. -
2015-2016 Official Manual
CHAPTER 3 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT The “Castle” ruins at Ha Ha Tonka State Park. Photo courtesy of Missouri State Archives 80 OFFICIAL MANUAL Members, President Obama’s Cabinet Joseph R. Biden, Vice President www.whitehouse.gov/vicepresident John Kerry, Secretary of State United States www.state.gov Jack Lew, Secretary, Department of the Treasury Government www.treasury.gov Ashton Carter, Secretary, Department of Defense www.defense.gov Executive Branch Loretta E. Lynch, Attorney General, Department Barack H. Obama, President of the United States of Justice The White House www.usdoj.gov 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20500 Sally Jewell, Secretary, Department of the Interior Telephone: (202) 456-1414 www.doi.gov www.whitehouse.gov Thomas J. Vilsack, Secretary, Department of Agriculture The president and the vice president of the www.usda.gov United States are elected every four years by a Penny Pritzker, Secretary, Department of majority of votes cast in the Electoral College. Commerce These votes are cast by delegates from each state www.commerce.gov who traditionally vote in accordance with the Thomas E. Perez, Secretary, Department of Labor majority of the state’s voters. States have as many www.dol.gov electoral college votes as they have congressio- Sylvia Matthews Burwell, Secretary, Department nal delegates. Missouri has 10 electoral college of Health and Human Services votes—one for each of the eight U.S. Congress www.hhs.gov districts and two for the state’s two seats in the Julián Castro, Secretary, Department of Housing U.S. Senate. and Urban Development www.hud.gov The president is the chief executive of the Anthony Foxx, Secretary, Department of United States, with powers to command the Transportation armed forces, control foreign policy, grant re- www.dot.gov prieves and pardons, make certain appointments, Ernest Moniz, Secretary, Department of Energy execute all laws passed by Congress and present www.energy.gov the administration’s budget. -
Menu of Indicators to Measure the Reverberating Effects on Civilians from the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas
REFERENCE FRAMEWORK: MENU OF INDICATORS TO MEASURE THE REVERBERATING EFFECTS ON CIVILIANS FROM THE USE OF EXPLOSIVE WEAPONS IN POPULATED AREAS CHRISTINA WILLE & ALFREDO MALARET BALDO VERSION 1 ABOUT UNIDIR This reference framework should be considered a working document subject to changes, The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) is a voluntarily additions, editions and corrections. The authors may revise and correct the text, without funded, autonomous institute within the United Nations. One of the few policy announcing the edits or issuing a formal erratum. As such, users are encouraged to use the most institutes worldwide focusing on disarmament, UNIDIR generates knowledge and updated version of this research framework, as posted on the unidir.org site. promotes dialogue and action on disarmament and security. Based in Geneva, UNIDIR UNIDIR welcomes and encourages all feedback on improving the present menu of indicators and assists the international community to develop the practical, innovative ideas needed building on it for future iterations. This is a UNIDIR Tool, designed to contribute to ongoing efforts to find solutions to critical security problems. to protect civilians in conflict and attain the Sustainable Development Goals. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Please share comments and feedback with [email protected]. Support from UNIDIR core funders provides the foundation for all the Institute’s unidir.org | © UNIDIR 2020 activities. This research area of the Conventional Arms Programme is supported by For best viewing: go to View > Page Display > Two Page View the Government of Germany. CONTRIBUTORS This research framework recognizes the important work of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Insecurity Insight, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs, and the World Health Organization, on which this product is grounded. -
Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering
In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 Noncombatant Immunity and War-Profiteering Saba Bazargan Department of Philosophy UC San Diego Abstract The principle of noncombatant immunity prohibits warring parties from intentionally targeting noncombatants. I explicate the moral version of this view and its criticisms by reductive individualists; they argue that certain civilians on the unjust side are morally liable to be lethally targeted to forestall substantial contributions to that war. I then argue that reductivists are mistaken in thinking that causally contributing to an unjust war is a necessary condition for moral liability. Certain noncontributing civilians—notably, war-profiteers— can be morally liable to be lethally targeted. Thus, the principle of noncombatant immunity is mistaken as a moral (though not necessarily as a legal) doctrine, not just because some civilians contribute substantially, but because some unjustly enriched civilians culpably fail to discharge their restitutionary duties to those whose victimization made the unjust enrichment possible. Consequently, the moral criterion for lethal liability in war is even broader than reductive individualists have argued. 1 In Oxford Handbook of Ethics of War / Published 2017 / doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199943418.001.0001 1. Background 1.1. Noncombatant Immunity and the Combatant’s Privilege in International Law In Article 155 of what came to be known as the ‘Lieber Code’, written in 1866, Francis Lieber wrote ‘[a]ll enemies in regular war are divided into two general classes—that is to say, into combatants and noncombatants’. As a legal matter, this distinction does not map perfectly onto the distinction between members and nonmembers of an armed force. -
Changing Perceptions of War Profiteers Ezra Chaskelson Advisor
Changing Perceptions of War Profiteers Ezra Chaskelson Advisor: Philip Brenner Spring 2008 University Honors in International Studies Chaskelson 2 You, sir, are a snake in the grass. You are the sludge of the Earth, a stain on society, the banality of evil, and your presence disgusts me. You are a war profiteer. The act of war profiteering traditionally entails earning profits by selling weapons, goods, or services to fighting parties during times of war. Society reserved a very special feeling of contempt for those profiting from America’s military struggles against the tyrannies of evil during the early twentieth century, but the past few decades have witnessed changing values. This paper examines the change over time of the American public’s opinion of war profiteers through the expression of popular media such as newspapers, movies, and political cartoons. Under examination is the occupation of war profiteer’s transformation from one of individual, unbridled opportunism coupled with abysmal moral integrity to ambitiously savvy businessman or even entrepreneurial patriot in some cases. Why is it that fifty years ago someone engaging in war profiteering was considered scum of the earth, while today people clamor for the same jobs? Perceptions, values, and even terminology have all changed. War profiteering is rarely called by its name anymore, and even when the term is used it hardly elicits the outrage one would expect from such acts. Society’s values, it seems, have changed. Profiting from war is no longer looked down upon as it once was; rather, profiting excessively is the new stigma. Only when overcharging for services or failing to deliver on promises occurs is there public outcry, and even then it seems to quickly fade from public memory. -
Terrorism in Afghanistan: a Joint Threat Assessment
Terrorism in Afghanistan: A Joint Threat Assessment Terrorism in Afghanistan: A Joint Threat Assessment Introduction 7 Chapter I: Afghanistan’s Security Situation and Peace Process: Comparing U.S. and Russian Perspectives (Barnett R. Rubin) 9 Chapter II: Militant Terrorist Groups in, and Connected to, Afghanistan (Ekaterina Stepanova and Javid Ahmad) 24 Chapter III: Afghanistan in the Regional Security Interplay Context (Andrey Kazantsev and Thomas F. Lynch III) 41 Major Findings and Conclusions 67 Appendix A: Protecting Afghanistan’s Borders: U.S. and Russia to Lead in a Regional Counterterrorism Effort (George Gavrilis) 72 Appendix B: Arms Supplies for Afghan Militants and Terrorists (Vadim Kozyulin) 75 Appendix C: Terrorism Financing: Understanding Afghanistan’s Specifics (Konstantin Sorokin and Vladimir Ivanov) 79 Acronyms 83 Terrorism in Afghanistan Joint U.S.-Russia Working Group on Counterterrorism in Afghanistan Working Group Experts: Javid Ahmad1 Senior Fellow, Atlantic Council Sher Jan Ahmadzai Director, Center for Afghanistan Studies, University of Nebraska at Omaha Robert Finn Former Ambassador of the United States to Afghanistan George Gavrilis Fellow, Center for Democracy, Toleration, and Religion, University of California, Berkeley Andrey Kazantsev Director, Center for Central Asian and Afghan Studies, Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University) Kirill Koktysh Associate Professor, Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University) Member, Expert Council, State Duma Committee of Nationalities Mikhail Konarovsky Former Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Afghanistan Col. (Ret.) Oleg V. Kulakov* Professor of Area Studies, Military University, Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation Vadim Kozyulin Member, PIR Center Executive Board Researcher, Diplomatic Academy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Thomas F. -
War Is a Racket – Abolish Corporate Personhood Comments by Ira Harritt, KC AFSC Program Coordinator, 8/9/10 Move to Amend Rally, KCMO
War is a Racket – Abolish Corporate Personhood Comments by Ira Harritt, KC AFSC Program Coordinator, 8/9/10 Move to Amend Rally, KCMO Seventy years ago, Smedley Butler, perhaps the most highly decorated Marine Corps general, disturbed by his participation in various military interventions, declared that WAR IS A RACKET. And wrote a short book by that title. It begins… War is a racket. It always has been. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. Only a small "inside" group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes. In his farewell address Pres. Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1961 warned: In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. -
Preventing Gender-Based Violence Through Arms Control: Tools And
PREVENTING GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE THROUGH ARMS CONTROL Tools and guidelines to implement the Arms Trade Treaty and UN Programme of Action © 2016 Reaching Critical Will of the Women’s International Thanks to Maria Butler, Mia Gandenberger, María Muñoz League for Peace and Freedom Maraver, and Sofia Tuvestad for reviewing this paper and providing comments and suggestions. APRIL 2016 PREVENTING GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE THROUGH Thanks to Christer Ahlström, Emma Bjertén-Günther, Mark ARMS CONTROL - Tools and guidelines to implement the Bromley, Dongmo Feugap, Hardy Giezendanner, Maribel Arms Trade Treaty and UN Programme of Action Hernández, Paul Holtom, Martin Krueger, Justine Kwachu, Manuel Martínez, Patrick McCarthy, Ramon Muro Martinez, 1st edition Jasmin Nario-Galace, Sarah Parker, Cédric Poitevin, Martha 68 pp. Quintero, Mike Reilly, Katherine Ronderos, Nauris Rumpe, Rachel Stohl, Leonard Tettey, Faman A. Toure, and Stelios Permission is granted for non-commercial reproduction, Zachariou for taking the time to answer questions and copying, distribution, and transmission of this publication or provide information and assistance, Also, thank you to Marc parts thereof so long as full credit is given to the coordinating Finaud of the Geneva Center for Security Policy for providing project and organization, editor, and relevant authors; the information and assistance during the preparatory process. text is not altered, transformed, or built upon; and for any reuse or distribution, these terms are made clear to others. Written by Rebecca Gerome -
UFPJ OCCUPY PEACE SUMMIT Notes Final
OCCUPY PEACE SUMMIT REPORT February 24‐26, 2012, Philadelphia, PA Dear UFPJ Supporters and Member Groups, From Feb 24‐26, 2012 close to 100 people from a wide range of local and national peace groups came together in Philadelphia to reflect on the current political moment, assess opportunities and challenges, and see if there was work ahead that the UFPJ network was called to do. What follows are the notes from our weekend together. Click here http://smu.gs/xZfp8T for great photos taken by UFPJ’s own Siri Margerin. Work has already begun on some of what we planned. It was exciting to see how much energy, care and compassion was in the room and how many people made commitments whether it was to help stop a war with Iran or to start challenging corporate power in a more direct ways like protesting the Bank of America’s investments in war at its annual shareholder meeting. For 10 years UFPJ has been fighting for peace with justice. It has been a long and difficult struggle. Despite enormous challenges, we turned world opinion against war, even if we did not stop our government’s destructive wars. We built a broad and deep mass movement that continues to support those most impacted by war. We can learn and build on this rich history as we organize for the long haul that lies ahead. 2012 will be one of the most significant years for organizing in a long time. With the rise of the Occupy Movement, a serious challenge is underway toward the 1% and the corporations who are profiting off our backs. -
The Convergence of Military and Media Discourse James R
Shocked and Awed: The Convergence of Military and Media Discourse James R. Compton, Ph.D. University of Western Ontario [email protected] Submitted to International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR) Political Economy Section Communication and Democracy: Challenges for a New World Porto Alegre, Brazil July 25-30, 2004 More than one year after the United States military occupation of Iraq there still is no credible evidence linking Saddam Hussein to the Al Qaeda terrorist network, nor is there any trace of the Middle Eastern dictator’s ballyhooed Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program. These stubborn facts notwithstanding, and in the face of opinion polls that indicate public support for the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq had slipped, U.S. President George W. Bush and other members of his administration continued to reassert the same dubious claims that helped them win over American public opinion in the lead-up to the 2003 invasion. “The reason I keep insisting that there was a relationship between Iraq and Saddam and Al Qaeda: because there was a relationship between Iraq and Al Qaeda,” Bush said after a cabinet meeting June 17 (Milbank 2004). In a New York Times/CBS News poll, conducted over the weeks leading up to the invasion, 45 percent of respondents said Saddam Hussein was directly involved in the attacks. A second poll, conducted before the second anniversary of the September 11 attacks, found the number had increased. The Washington Post poll reported that nearly 7 in 10 respondents thought Hussein was involved in the attacks—a troublesome figure considering there is no evidence to support the opinion.