The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Master thesis

Shalom & Salaam The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Amsterdam 15/08/2016

Tom W. Etienne Student number | 10856005 [email protected]

Supervisor | Dr. V. D. Mamadouh

University of Amsterdam Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences (FMG) Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS)

Master thesis submitted to receive the degree Master of Science in Human Geography, track Political Geography

Source of cover: Ahmad Al-Bazz/ActiveStills (https://electronicintifada.net/content/month-pictures-august-2012/11640)

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 3 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis i The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

ABSTRACT Great amounts of academic research have been conducted on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as on the precarious state of the Israeli society itself. Any research, however, that offers insight in even a small portion of what contributes to the conflict, on what it causes or may temper it, seems welcome. From its establishment onward, Israel has known internal tensions, where the differences between language groups supersede linguistic differences greatly. Othering processes (Van Houtum & Van Naerssen, 2002) are widely seen and even politically and judicially pushed, often along religious lines, but often along (highly parallel) linguistic breaking lines. Although Israel is legally defined as a bilingual state, where both Hebrew and Arabic are official languages, they are culturally and spatially segregated, being explicitly linked to the Jewish and Arab population of the region.

This research examines in the first place to which extent, and how, different aspects of multilingualism influence the aggressive expression of othering in Israel. It does so based on an extensive quantitative questionnaire among Jewish Israelis, founded on a profound theoretical framework. The theoretical framework is built on the contact hypothesis, as well as on theories on ingroup love and outgroup hate (Brewer, 1999) in combination with Yiftachel’s vantage point on Territory as the kernel of the nation (2002) and the aggressive expression thereof, measured through an adapted scale of the Aggression Questionnaire (A. H. Buss & Perry, 1992).

Second, the research investigates the influence of electoral voting behaviour on the manner of this aggressive expression, finding that, although discrimination is very much present among Jewish Israelis towards Palestinian Israelis, a control over territory and security are major triggers for said discrimination. This speaks for the combined theory of Brewer and Yiftachel, showing that outgroup hate is not so much inherent to the outgroup as it is triggered by competition over scarce resources and power.

Hypothesised that multilingualism would facilitate contact and thus following the contact hypothesis, this contact would result in lower aggression levels, was found to have complex interrelations. While contact with native speakers of Arabic in itself resulted in lower aggression levels, knowledge of Arabic did not. This revealed the importance of the equality condition of the contact hypothesis. In intergroup contact, equality is a prerequisite for a successful devolution of the contact hypothesis.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis ii The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis iii The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Although it is not surprising that a master thesis that counts more than a hundred pages and countless times more hours and effort does not come about simply by one person’s work, a modest acknowledgements page does not sufficiently express my gratitude to the range of people who have supported me in writing it. Their help has been indispensable, and the thesis that lies in front of you now would not have been what it is without any of them.

I would like to thank Virginie Mamadouh, who has not only been an extremely critical but astonishingly qualified force in the past months’ process. Since September 2015, she has taken on my classmates and me and generously provided us with her knowledge and experience. I will be a fortunate graduate if I manage to take this with me and manage to incorporate it in this thesis. Through the Facebook page ExploringGeopolitics, managed by the second reader of this thesis, Leonhardt van Efferink, I have stumbled across a number of interesting reads, opinions and methodological approaches. A third major academic contributor who has come to feel like an academic ably in the process is André Krouwel. His unprecedented enthusiasm and persuasion have more than once helped me (back) on track. He has been so generous in sharing knowledge, data, contacts and anecdotes.

Secondly, my family, who has obviously supported me for over 22 years, should once again be reminded of the gratitude they deserve. My mother, Kris, has struggled her way through these pages to prove what she does best: not only point me to sleep-drunken typos and grammatical constructions, but also to inspire and support. My brother Evert and my father Walter made sure social sciences received sufficient mockery, giving me the sense of purpose that I needed. Engineering ain’t all that, you guys. At the same time, though, they are part of my amazing family, and I would be nowhere without any single one of them. Benjamin, my extraordinarily close friend deserves a mention in this paragraph for his undying love and conviction of my qualities, even in times when I doubted them so strongly myself. His understanding for the research fieldwork and all that came with it was unbelievable.

Evidently, the very set-up of my thesis required a lot of outside help. I would like to thank my good friends Tala, Nadeem and Dima for their selfless time sacrifices in translating my thesis survey to Arabic in incredible quality. The same goes for Elza, who took on the Hebrew translation of the survey. Elhanan, one of the many yet better friends I have made during my fieldwork was kind enough as to review and translate into Arabic, Hebrew and English, as well as to point to inaccuracies relating to realities on the ground. Elhanan is not the only friend I have made during two months in Jerusalem. Nimrod, from the very beginning, has shown me how he believed in the potential of my research, and I am grateful for his trust in my capabilities. This is not his sole contribution. As the most gifted GIS maniac I know, the maps in this research are to a large extent his to be credited. He provided tons of geodata and shapefiles and came to the rescue when I wished I could kill off the ArcMap character in this story. The difficulties I faced dealing with Stata, SAS and SPSS were greatly alleviated thanks to Eelco, Pieterjan and Andries, who patiently took the time to explain such awful matter to an even more awful statistics stranger.

Lastly, I would like to thank the people of Israel and Palestine for their hospitality and eagerness to talk about their perceptions of the conflict, their daily lives and struggles. These include my roommates, Shir, Leah, Samuel, David and Daniel, my Arabic teachers Rawan and Saed, and all the people who took the time to fill in my survey as well as those who spread it among their friends and family. This concerns Orr in particular, who was so busy spreading the survey that he forgot to fill it in himself. I am very grateful!

Tom

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis iv The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis v The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iv Table of contents ...... vi List of tables and figures ...... ix Tables ...... ix Figures ...... x Thematic introduction ...... 1 Relevance and aim ...... 1 Academic relevance ...... 2 Societal relevance ...... 3 Research question ...... 3 Conceptualising identities, language and aggression in Israel: a theoretical perspective ...... 4 Identity and its need of boundaries ...... 4 A geographical critique on nationalist identity theories ...... 5 The narratives accompanying territorial containers of identity ...... 6 The nested yet fragmented identities of Israel ...... 7 In-group and out-group reciprocal dynamics ...... 7 “What makes people go to war?” The aggressive turn of in-group love ...... 8 Multilingualism ...... 10 The decision-making effect of a second language ...... 10 Bilingual education in Israel ...... 11 Othering and its aggressive expression ...... 12 Othering processes ...... 12 Aggression, hostility, violence… ...... 13 Conceptual relation ...... 14 Methods and set up ...... 16 Paradigms ...... 16 Background of the author ...... 16 Ontological and epistemological considerations ...... 16 Data collection ...... 17 Operationalisation of the survey ...... 19 Identification features ...... 20 General statistics ...... 21 Geographical distribution ...... 23

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Multilingualism ...... 25 Indicator M1: Number of languages known ...... 25 Indicator M2: Level of language skills ...... 26 Indicator M3: Language acquisition ...... 29 Indicator M4: Language learning motivation ...... 30 Indicator M5 and M6: Language use and contact ...... 31 The aggressive expression of othering processes ...... 32 Indicator A1: The Aggression Questionnaire ...... 33 Indicator A2: 2015 Israeli Election Compass ...... 35 Hypotheses ...... 36 Limitations and shortcomings ...... 37 Ethical considerations ...... 39 This coefficient will tell you your aggression level: results of statistical analysis ...... 40 Descriptive statistics ...... 40 Political preference ...... 42 Geographical distribution ...... 43 Multilingualism ...... 46 Aggression and othering ...... 55 The aggression questionnaire ...... 55 The Election Compass ...... 57 The influence of multilingualism on aggression ...... 59 Identification models ...... 59 Language levels ...... 61 Language skills ...... 65 Language acquisition ...... 67 Language contact ...... 68 Language motivation and language use ...... 68 The relation between multilingualism and a political vote ...... 70 The relationship between aggression and the Election Compass scale ...... 71 The Election compass scale and multilingualism ...... 72 Conclusion ...... 74 Discussion ...... 75 The pitfalls of the contact hypothesis ...... 75 Out-group hate and its underlying causes ...... 76 Implications ...... 76

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Research retrospective and prospective ...... 77 Shortcomings ...... 78 Research prospective ...... 79 Bibliography ...... 80 Appendices ...... 85 Survey ...... 85 Codebook ...... 99 Result tables ...... 110

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LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Tables Table 1: common European reference levels, a global scale (Verhelst et al., 2009) ...... 27 Table 2: formal, non-formal and informal learning, defined as in the glossary (CEDEFOP, 2008)...... 29 Table 3: Buss and Perry's (1992) complete results on all four scales...... 34 Table 4: Buss and Perry's (1992) findings edited to exclude the anger scale and relative to the number of questions asked...... 35 Table 5: division of respondents in age categories...... 40 Table 6: highest completed level of education of respondents in survey...... 41 Table 7: 2015 parliamentary results and survey voting preferences...... 42 Table 8: geographical distribution of respondents...... 43 Table 9: average age and voting preference per district ...... 45 Table 10: Overview of respondents self-indicated language levels...... 47 Table 11: Knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic...... 48 Table 12: frequencies of parental mother tongues...... 48 Table 13: mother tongue combinations by frequency ...... 49 Table 14: absolute numbers and percentages of Hebrew and Arabic CEFRL can-do statements ...... 50 Table 15: Answer counts on Hebrew language acquisition questions...... 51 Table 16: schematic presentation of Hebrew language acquisition...... 51 Table 17: Answer counts on Arabic language acquisition questions...... 52 Table 18: schematic presentation of Arabic language acquisition...... 52 Table 19: schematic comparison of Hebrew and Arabic language acquisition...... 52 Table 20: language learning motivation counts for Hebrew and Arabic...... 53 Table 21: language contact ...... 54 Table 22: language use ...... 54 Table 23: the aggression questionnaire, total scale and subscales, descriptive statistics ...... 55 Table 24: This thesis research's findings on the adapted Aggression Questionnaire (Buss & Perry, 1992)...... 55 Table 25: Buss and Perry's (1992) findings edited to exclude the anger scale and relative to the number of questions asked...... 55 Table 26: geographical distribution of aggression scores ...... 56 Table 27: mean aggression scores of Jerusalemites ...... 56 Table 28: election compass scales, descriptives ...... 58 Table 29: regression models containing identification variables (models 1, 1a, 1b, 1c) ...... 60 Table 30: mean aggression levels per party vote ...... 60 Table 31: regression models 2-4, self-indicated language levels ...... 62 Table 32: mean aggression score per mother tongue ...... 62 Table 33: frequency division of sum of CEFRL can do statements in Hebrew and Arabic ...... 64 Table 34: regression model 5, CEFRL language levels ...... 65

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Table 35: regression models 6-7, language skills ...... 66 Table 36: regression models 8-10, language acquisition ...... 67 Table 37: model 11, language contact ...... 68 Table 38: language learning motivation correlations...... 69 Table 39: language use correlations ...... 69 Table 40: model 12, language learning motivation and language use ...... 69 Table 41: EC total score regression model (13) ...... 70 Table 42: EC, equality-discrimination model (13a) ...... 70 Table 43: EC, peace agreement-continued violence model (13b) ...... 70 Table 44: EC, land division-land occupation model (13b) ...... 71 Table 45: EC total score regression model (14), aggression ...... 71 Table 46: EC, equality-discrimination model (14a), aggression ...... 71 Table 47: EC, peace agreement-continued violence model (14b), aggression ...... 71 Table 48: EC, land division-land occupation model (14b), aggression ...... 71 Table 49: EC total score regression model (15), multilingualism ...... 72 Table 50: EC, equality-discrimination model (15a), multilingualism ...... 72 Table 51: EC, peace agreement-continued violence model (15b), multilingualism ...... 73 Table 52: EC, land division-land occupation model (15b), multilingualism ...... 73

Figures Figure 1: Introductory cartoon 'Shalom & Salaam' ...... 1 Figure 2: Simple conceptual model ...... 15 Figure 3: the first screen of the 2015 Israeli Election Compass ...... 18 Figure 4: welcome screen of the survey ...... 20 Figure 5: identification features ...... 21 Figure 6: identification questions in the survey...... 22 Figure 7: geographical location questions in the survey ...... 23 Figure 8: map of the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority ...... 24 Figure 9: multilingualism and its indicators ...... 25 Figure 10: Multilingualism, number of languages known, as asked in the survey...... 26 Figure 11: Asking about language levels skills within the CEFRL...... 28 Figure 12: language acquisition questions in the survey...... 30 Figure 13: language learning motivation questions in the survey...... 31 Figure 14: language use and contact questions in the survey...... 32 Figure 15: operationalisation of the aggressive expression of othering ...... 32 Figure 16: four aggression factors from the Aggression Questionnaire (A. H. Buss & Perry, 1992) ...... 33 Figure 17: Main hypothesis visualisation ...... 37 Figure 18: respondent age histogram ...... 41 Figure 19: geographical distribution of respondents...... 44 Figure 20: coalition-opposition votes map ...... 46

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Figure 21: CEFRL can do statements (Hebrew), results ...... 49 Figure 22: CEFRL can do statements (Arabic), results ...... 50 Figure 23: aggression scores map ...... 57 Figure 24: election compass scales, histograms...... 58 Figure 25: Hebrew language knowledge levels and aggression ...... 63 Figure 26: graph of frequency division of sum of CEFRL can do statements in Hebrew and Arabic ...... 64 Figure 27: scatter plot of CEFRL scenarios, Arabic ...... 66

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis xi The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis xii The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis xiii The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

THEMATIC INTRODUCTION

Figure 1: Introductory cartoon 'Shalom & Salaam'

In the cartoon in Figure 1, a Jewish and a Palestinian Israeli greet each other, respectively in Hebrew and and both mean ‘peace’. However, in a ,(سالم) ”is answered with “Salaam (שלום) ”Arabic. “Shalom stereotyped cartoon like this, the hostility underneath the greeting is prominent, building on their supposed misunderstanding that leads to a fearful and potentially aggressive perception of the other. This provides a great waypoint into the relevance of this research subject. This cartoon was composed especially for this purpose, reflecting the essential nature of mutual understanding in a hostile environment.

Language plays a considerable role in anyone’s daily life, whether that life is subject to conflict or not. This is not too hard to imagine; from one-on-one communication to narratives, language is omnipresent. Its presence undeniably influences the perception of the outer world, with examples as simple as street signs, restaurant menus or conversations at a bus stop. The latter’s impact may be larger than expected – who speaks with whom and in which language, but also questions such as ‘does the spoken language define the persons’ interaction’ are of interest. As a political geography thesis, this research’s focus is directed toward the role of multilingualism in othering processes (Van Houtum & Van Naerssen, 2002)1. More specifically, it delves into the aggressive expression of these processes.

The studied case for this research is Israel, where both Hebrew and Arabic are official and commonly spoken languages, although rather segregated along ethnic lines. Israel has long been a highly volatile region, where the differences between language groups supersede linguistic differences greatly. Othering processes are widely observed and even politically and judicially pushed, often along religious and ethnic lines, but many times along (highly parallel) linguistic divides.

RELEVANCE AND AIM The understanding of other groups in Israeli society is often limited to stereotypical images that are long fed by specific narratives as well as to a competitive perception of the other group over the region’s resources, whether they are physical in nature or not. In the past few years, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

1 The concept of othering processes will be explained further on, in paragraph 2.3.1. |

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has further and further prolapsed into vicious cycles of unconstructive political decisions, small-scale and organised violence and terror as well as a stronger othering-inducing narrative. Othering is an exclusionary practice that thrives on differences in identities and will be explained under paragraph 2.2. | For many, the situation is becoming more hopeless every day. Due to this realisation, voices have come to the surface calling for attenuation of the conflict through a more small-scale and bottom-up approach built on understanding. This thesis aspires to contribute to this debate. As illustrated by the quote below by Einstein, understanding is essential to the peaceful settlement of a dispute, and therefore indispensable for peaceful living together in a society where tensions exist between different groups.

"Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding. You cannot subjugate a nation forcibly unless you wipe out every man, woman, and child. Unless you wish to use such drastic measures, you must find a way of settling your disputes without resort to arms." . Einstein, 1930

In hopes that the majority of Israeli and Palestinian citizens strive for eventual peace, understanding is key to this. The former is not as self-evident as it may seem, given Bateson’s ‘double bind’ (1972, as referenced in Bekerman, 2009). This double bind describes “the desire to create a peaceful and democratic society where all groups can coexist while simultaneously striving to retain hegemonic group identities”. Einstein’s quote is furthermore accurate specifically for the Israeli case where force is becoming more prominent in the societal process the region knows, especially compared to other peace promoting initiatives, such as the bilingual education undertakings Bekerman and Horenczyk (2004) study. As Bekerman and Horenczyk state while explaining the contact hypothesis, language is a major mode to understanding. This contact hypothesis forms the basis of this research, and will be elaborated on further on. In short, it states that through increased contact under the important condition of contact equality, mutual understanding will increase.

ACADEMIC RELEVANCE Great amounts of academic research have been conducted on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as on the precarious state of the Israeli society. , However, his research does not exclusively serve the people immediately affected by the conflict or the body of literature on it. Exactly because of the unique situation of the conflict, it may offer paths to understanding other conflicts and all of their associated aspects, such as identity formation, exclusion, violent protest, racism, etc. It may thus contribute to scholarship about aggressive behaviour towards other ethnic groups and the potential of contact and more specifically language to attenuate this behaviour. In turn, this could be an addition to conflict resolution research, providing more specific insight into small-scale mitigative circumstances.

Furthermore, drawing on Flint’s (2003) questioning of political geography’s purpose and cohesion, this research does not avoid dealing with the ‘big P’ but believes that it is to be reached through analysis of the ‘little p’. The former, according to Flint, indicates the institutionalisation of high-level and abstract politics, whereas the little p points to a notion called subpolitics, which takes place in non-traditional venues. Flint’s “unease about the relevance and future of contemporary political geography” (ibid., p. 618) is attempted to be alleviated by directly linking both the P and the p. In this perspective, this research aims to go beyond the mere problematisation of issues (Antonsich, 2009) but aims to provide not only academic worthy results and handles for future research and the broad base of conflict research, but also to provide hands-on applicable results for society. Through this, and without anticipating this research’s

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findings, the research is not, at least not directly, attempting to dig towards the roots of the conflict, nor is it aiming to solve it. At best, it may provide solace; attenuate the conflict’s symptoms.

SOCIETAL RELEVANCE Besides this academic scholarship on the topic and the region, a lot has been said, suggested or imposed as well, aiming to solve the inhuman and seemingly hopeless character of the conflict. Any research, however, that offers insight in even a small portion of what contributes to the conflict, on what it causes or may temper it, is welcome. As discussed under the Academic relevance, it also adds to the societal debate about racism, inequality and aggression built on them. The voices that have been raised within this frame and through small-scale parties, grassroots programs as well as human rights organisations, call for a people-oriented approach that operates apart from and below the national political system as a result from the continued violence and nearly systematic unconstructive political decisions.

A studied case like Israel proves useful for scenarios around the world that may at first sight not appear very similar. Nevertheless, in Western-Europe alone, there are several regions which face types of conflict where linguistic divides play a role, such as the Basque country or Belgium. Even in multilingual regions where tensions are felt less strongly and not violently, a study indicating the effect of multilingualism on the perception of the other and its aggressive expression proves its worth. Furthermore, a conflictuous situation is no prerequisite for a useful application of the results of this research – an increased understanding of other groups in society through language will in multiple cases be considered beneficial.

RESEARCH QUESTION The following research question is both a result of the theoretical framework that follows, of the topical relevance and aim of this research and of hiatuses in academic literature on the Israeli case.

To what extent does multilingualism influence the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis?

The multilingualism studied concerns Hebrew and Arabic predominantly, but also the knowledge of other languages is included. It concerns individual multilingualism, not a country’s or a city’s or a linguistics landscape. The aggressive expression of othering processes indicates a violent manifestation of the exclusionary process that is othering, which will be explained under paragraph 2.3.1. | The studied case is not delineated as such by geographical borders alone, since not only respondents within Israel are included, but through a combination of citizenship and religion/culture, thus including subjects who are both Jewish and possess Israeli citizenship. Given this studied group, the party that is confronted with this aggressive expression consists of both Palestinian Israelis and Palestinian citizens, as well as other Palestinian people under different legal status, such as citizens of East Jerusalem. Nevertheless, the research focuses on the group of Palestinian Israelis, the people who live within the 1947 boundaries of Israel and within East Jerusalem. Furthermore, the research delves more into:

How does multilingualism influence the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis?

This secondary research question allows for more in-depth analysis of the contributing multilingualism factors in the aggressive expression of othering.

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CONCEPTUALISING IDENTITIES, LANGUAGE AND AGGRESSION IN ISRAEL: A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE This research is grounded in theory on identity construction, language and aggression. Even though the conflicting groups in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can to a large extent be equated with linguistic groups in the region, language is only one rather superficial aspect of the complexity of the conflict. It points, however, to different ethnic groups and their held identities, as demonstrated by Byram (2006) who states that acquisition of a language inherently creates a sense of inclusion and thus an in-group social identity. This is substantiated by the Central Bureau of Statistics in Israel by overlaying ethnic shares of the population with the languages spoken by them (Central Bureau of Statistics Israel, 2010, 2013).

Therefore, this literary frame starts off by studying the geographical containers of identity with a focus on conflicted situations, based on Yiftachel’s chapter in Nested Identities by Herb and Kaplan (1999), as well as his article Territory as the kernel of the nation (Yiftachel, 2002). This investigation of identity formation is crucial to understanding in-group and out-group feelings of inclusion as well as othering processes. The framework then continues onto the feelings accompanying in- and out-group identities, building on Brewer’s article assessing Allport’s theories (1999). A combination of Yiftachel’s Brewer’s work serves as one of two pillars on which this research rests.

The nature of multilingualism both generally and more specifically in Israel, with a focus on bilingual education through Bekerman and Horenzcyk’s work (2004), introduces the contact hypothesis and its conditions. This leads to an analysis of the aggressive expression of the exclusive practices incited by these othering processes, based on Van Houtum and Van Naerssen’s influential work (2002) as well as Böhm’s article on intergroup conflict motivation (Böhm, Rusch, & Gürerk, 2016). Throughout this theoretical evolution from identity formation over inclusion and exclusion to the aggressive expression thereof, the focus of this framework will be gradually more specifically about the case of Israel.

IDENTITY AND ITS NEED OF BOUNDARIES In most geographical literature, the territorial container of societal phenomena stands central. In the following paragraphs, this is substantiated immediately with a focus on Israel and its surrounding region. Oren Yiftachel repeatedly stresses the importance of the central place of geographical reference and critiques the lack of it in some literature (2002). Territorial factors are essential to identity formation, which forms the basis of Herb and Kaplan’s book Nested Identities (1999). Their book is comprised of several case-specific chapters ordered by scale, again pressing an important concept in geography. What may be more relevant for this thesis, as Paasi notes in his review (2000), is the stress on the nestedness of these scales. In Yiftachel’s chapter, Regionalism among Palestinian Arabs in Israel (1999), he delves into the scale of the minority population of Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel, stating that their ethnoregional identities are influenced by three key factors, being the geographical scale of identity, the impact of both nationalisms on their cohesion, and the construction and imagination of a regional collective identity. Even though his chapter discusses the Palestinian minority in Israel, the concepts he treats are well to be abstracted and reflected onto the Jewish majority in Israel.

Particular for the case of Jewish Israelis in Israel is the generally strong bind between civic affiliations with the state and nationalist identities. This is exemplified in the Israeli Declaration of Independence:

The Land of Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here its spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here it first attained statehood, created cultural values of

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national and universal significance […] By virtue of our natural and historic right we hereby declare the establishment of a Jewish state in the Land of Israel.

. Israel’s Declaration of Independence, 15 May 1948 (as referenced in Yiftachel, 2002)

What Yiftachel thus calls the double marginal relation of Palestinian Arab Israelis as a spatial relationship that influences identity formation, is much less applicable on the Jewish majority in Israel, but demonstrates the nestedness of different scales of identity. This particular double relationship is indeed more prominent for minority groups, in this case the Palestinian Arab Israelis, than for majorities, since majorities in a nation generally tend to identify more with the nation thus perceiving a smaller discrepancy between nation and state, but the dominant Jewish hegemony in Israel forge identities on both accounts that are spatially fractured, both within Israel and internationally. Yiftachel demonstrates that the struggle over the land of historic Palestine, the nationalism that have developed there are highly ethno-territorial, contradicting to a certain extent the leading theories on nationalism that place culture, economy or national time over spatial dynamics.

Within this framework, the multi-facetted expansion of the dominant ethnic group, rather than to merge nation and state, aims to segregate group identities as well as to invalidate rigid historical accounts that provide justification for a claim over the land. Although in Israel, territorial control constitutes the larger part of its Zionist nationalism according to Yiftachel, this in turn is based on a conception of a national origin. All of the former could lead to the illusion that Yiftachel’s article adopts an instrumental approach to nationalism. This is incorrect – it is merely seen as both a complimentary lever and result for and of a rather historical-ethnic interpretation that sees the forms of nationalism in Israel as a manifestation of a so-called ethnie. Yiftachel defines this as “a more primordial locus of cultural, religious and political heritage, born out of a mythical belief in common origins, shared texts and specific territories” (ibid., p. 218). Thirdly, a constructivist approach to nationalism is discussed, which focuses on the dynamics of identity construction instead of a state or ethnic-centred perspective.

A GEOGRAPHICAL CRITIQUE ON NATIONALIST IDENTITY THEORIES In fact, Yiftachel’s article critiques all three approaches from a critical political geography viewpoint and lays the groundwork for this thesis research’s paradigm, which, due to its bottom-up approach, tends to gear towards constructivism, while keeping in mind the three major critiques Yiftachel brings forward. First, the lacking distinction between a nation and a state, as well as the homogenous assumption of nation-states is criticised. Secondly, a bypassing of relevant scholarship on the topic, and geographic scholarship in particular is Yiftachel’s second critique. Thirdly, the privileging of time dynamics of space dynamics are mentioned. This, once again, stresses the geographical background of nationalism theories. This serves as a welcome introduction into the theories this research is framed in, but should not be considered absolute due to the rather psychological approach to aggression this work adopts. What may be one of the most relevant points of Yiftachel’s article, aside from his historical accounts, is the simple reminder that a nation-state should not be assumed a priori.

Along with this reminder comes a critique that many theories ‘flatten’ a state’s human space, disregarding dynamics of class, gender and ethnicity, which are essential for the creation of a (national) identity. Those links are in fact reciprocal: “that is, while political processes create spatial outcomes, these outcomes, in turn, create new political dynamics. […] Hence the division and struggle over space reflects, but also shapes, the social, ethnic and national landscapes” (ibid., p. 221).

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Knippenberg (2002, as referenced in Van Houtum & Van Naerssen, 2002) painfully points to its relevance for the Israeli case by arguing “that a state […] claims to represent and imagine one (homogeneous population). In this claiming and producing of a unity out of subcultures and different populations, some groups are (voluntarily) assimilated while others are or remain marginalised as semi-aliens.” Both the assimilation and the marginalisation were demonstrated by Yiftachel. Van Houtum goes on stating that the making of place is thus an act of purification in search for “a justifiable, bounded cohesion of people and their activities in space” (ibid., p. 126) with the consequence of reifying power and displacing others. In his review of Nested Identities, Paasi (2000) recaps that “Identity seems to imply distinction and boundedness, which often – but not always – mean presupposition of the geographies of exclusion” (ibid., p.686). These geographies of exclusion are central in Van Houtum’s work which forms a core of this research.

THE NARRATIVES ACCOMPANYING TERRITORIAL CONTAINERS OF IDENTITY Essential to these power practices is the naming of ‘the other’ or ‘the out-group’. Paasi’s Territories, Boundaries and Consciousness (1996) discusses identity (collective identity in particular) and its construction in more detail theoretically, and is therefore a welcome addition to Herb’s and Kaplan’s work and Yiftachel’s chapter. Both books stress the importance of narratives in identity formation. Paasi puts more emphasis on the daily aspect of this construction, as well as on the social processes of continuous re-writing of social collectives. Even though this research’s departure point is the status quo, Jewish, Palestinian and Israeli history constitute an indispensable part of people’s perception of that very status quo and can therefore not be omitted.

In the same critique where he emphasised the importance of the territory in nationalistic studies and practices, Yiftachel (2002) elaborates intricately and as objectively as possible on the history of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. His article gives particular insight in the formation of collective identity in Israel and therefore in a conflicted region, which, not unlike formation in less sensitive regions, is largely based on narratives. However, it does rely more heavily on a geography of exclusion, returning to Paasi’s review (2000).

As Oren et al. state in their paper Construction of the Israeli-Jewish Conflict-Supportive Narrative and the Struggle Over Its Dominance (2015), “societies involved in intractable conflicts form a conflict-supporting master narrative that provides justification and explanation of the conflict as a whole as well as narratives about its specific events and relevant persons.” They serve both internally and externally to maintain a clear and positive image of the image and storyline of the community in question. These parallel narratives on Israel have been widely recognized as a predominant one in the Middle East, and both the Israeli- sympathetic and the Palestinian-sympathetic one have been criticized (Falah, 2004; Tanner, 2014).

Falah, in his editorial Truth at War and Naming the Intolerable in Antipode, criticizes passionately the use of language in the Palestinian discourse, mainly claiming that it needs to be strengthened among other by an alternate vocabulary in order to overpower the much-supported Israeli one. An example he gives is not to name the current situation an occupation any longer, but to name it a suffocation. Furthermore, it discusses the lack of a coherent narrative of the Palestinian side of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, both internally and externally towards Israel and its citizens and to the outside world.

The Israeli narrative has in the last decades shifted more towards a focus on security, again drawing on a strong geography of exclusion (Jones,2012) but at the same time strongly includes the ‘other’ in it. Even though the macro-aim of the Israeli narrative does not seem to have shifted that strongly, namely to

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“maintain the hegemony of their own dominant narratives among in-group members and to persuade the international community of their validity” (Oren, Nets-Zehngut, & Bar-Tal, 2015, p. 215) as well as to validate their claim to the land, it is again the use of language that is a determining factor in the changed effects of the narrative. Oren et al. use the Israeli-Jewish narrative as a prototypical example and note that their findings can also be found in the Palestinian narrative.

Language is used as a framing practice to influence society members to feel certain emotions that foster continuation of the conflict (Winter, 2010, as referenced in Oren et al., 2015). A clear example is the reference of the West Bank as Judea and Samaria after the Six Day War in 1967 in order to emphasize the metanarrative about the historical link between the Jewish people and this area (Tsur, 2013, as referenced in Oren et al., 2015). This links language immediately to the territory-centred nationalism of Yiftachel’s article (2002) and the nested scales of geographical and linguistic identities.

The nested yet fragmented identities of Israel In Israel, this scale nestedness is closely linked not simply to identity, but also to ethnic divides in its society which greatly surpass the slightly too simple Palestinian-Israeli divide or even the Jewish Israeli-Palestinian Israeli distinction. Roughly speaking, there are three groups of Jewish Israelis in Israel, namely Ashkenazi Jews, who constitute the larger share of the population and are from European or Russian heritage, Sephardic Jews, who tend to be from Iberian or North African descent; and the Mizrachi Jews, who originally flee from Middle Eastern ancestry. There are of course also expats, refugees, both from the Middle East and from Africa, predominantly from Somalia and Eritrea, aside from a dispersed Palestinian Arab population. This latter share of Israeli society is generally segregated either in villages or cities that are predominantly Arab, or in neighbourhoods in larger cities. Jerusalem is a particular case in this sense

However, this fragmentation is not only spatial but also social and historical in nature. The Jewish Arabs (Mizrachim) who have migrated to Israel were, in the Ashkenazi Jews’ fear of integrating with the Palestinian Arabs, quickly stripped of their ‘Arabness’ (Shohat, 1988 as referenced in Yiftachel, 1999) creating a distance in their identities. Parallelly, Jewish Arab awareness of their Israeli identity has grown along with a Palestinian Arab nationalism even within Israel. This Jewish identity is largely constituted by two parts, national and civic affiliation, but complemented with historical accounts. Often, these include histories of persecution, which make for a traumatic view of ethnoregionalist identities that, in the case of Israel, are translated geographically. Furthermore, the dominant Jewish hegemony and nation-building discourse penetrates sub-nation identities, which in turn destabilises the former. This is concealed on a smaller scale due to the power the perceived nation-state possesses over its constituent communities.

IN-GROUP AND OUT-GROUP RECIPROCAL DYNAMICS Building on Yiftachel’s ethnocratic approach to Israel’s statehood, it is essential to take a closer look at the dynamics of intra- and interethnic relationships. Brewer’s assessment of Allport’s recognition that in- group attachment does not necessarily require hostility toward out-group members forms an excellent departure ground for this research. This is substantiated by cross-cultural research and experiments supporting the view that “in-group identification is independent of negative attitudes toward out-groups and that much in-group bias and intergroup discrimination is motivated by preferential treatment of in- group members rather than direct hostility toward out-group members” (Brewer, 1999, p. 249). In 1954 already, Allport published his influential book The nature of prejudice, which contains a chapter on in- group formation. Although these studies are predominantly from the field of psychology, it becomes obvious how easily applicable the theories are on geographical identity research.

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This chapter serves as Brewer’s waypoint into a deeper investigation of intergroup discrimination, building on Allport’s statement that there exists a primary attachment to in-group members that comes prior to the development of attitudes toward out-groups. To be sure, in-group emotions can be compatible with several other emotional attitudes ranging from positivity over indifference to aggressive hatred. Disregarding these theories, much contemporary research, often implicitly, assumes an automatic negative reciprocal relation between the emotions towards respectively in- and out-group members. Brewer demonstrates that, as she calls it, discrimination for in-groups and discrimination against out- groups are not two sides of the same coin; in-group favouritism and out-group prejudice are phenomena to be separated.

There exist two major approaches to these intergroup dynamics. On the one hand there are structural and functional approaches, and on the other hand there exists the social identity theory. The structural approach builds on an unavoidable clashing of groups over resources in a scarce environment, with the exigencies of conflict giving rise to the maintaining of group loyalty as well as to a combativeness towards out-groups. Functional theories of intergroup behaviour presume in-groups to be formed from a more positive interdependence and in pursuit of a shared aim with intergroup relations characterised by competition and negative interdependence. Both these theories are fairly similar in their approach. The two approaches constitute Campbell and Levine’s realistic conflict theory of intergroup relations (H. Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981 as referenced in Brewer, 1999) however, appoints this negative reciprocity to a more psychological level than to competition.

Brewer notes that there are several empirical and theoretical grounds that disprove an inevitable negative reciprocity. Although the resources that constitute a common goal may be of a zero-sum nature, and hence the preferential treatment of in-group members can be achieved only at the detriment of the out- group, this does not imply a parallel zero-sum nature of mutual attitudes. This indicates that discrimination can draw from an in-group preference exclusively, even in the absence of negative intent towards the out-group. Evidence for this can be found in many experiments and field studies, such as in Tajfel et al.’s study that proved that positive in-group attitudes manifested in the distributive decisions of positive resources disappear when such decisions involve the allocation of negative costs, which suggests that “individuals are willing to differentially benefit the in-group compared to out-group but are reluctant to harm out-groups more directly” (Brewer, 1999, p. 432). Furthermore, other research shows for instance that measures of patriotism and pride prove to be distinct from aggression against out-groups. Coming back on Yiftachel’s Territory as the kernel of the nation, one of the larger resources competed for, and thus a preferential claim over if by the in-group, would imply that territory is in fact what may cause discrimination in the Israeli case, as opposed to intentional discrimination.

“WHAT MAKES PEOPLE GO TO WAR?” THE AGGRESSIVE TURN OF IN-GROUP LOVE The conditions of in-group loyalty pave the way for out-group hate and hostility in more than one way. It is a thin line between an absence of trust and a presence of active distrust, as is it a small step from non- cooperation to overt competition. Brewer discusses five ways that may lead to an aggressive expression of out-group hate. The first potential lead towards hostile out-group directed behaviour are feelings of moral superiority, reinforced by a general preference for the familiar over the unfamiliar. The familiar tends to make for more predictable social interactions that are more easily understood than intergroup interactions. This familiarity takes on the form of an institutionalised moral authority. When this authority is seen as absolute rather than relative, as is the case in many of these institutionalised cases, moral superiority becomes incompatible with active feelings of tolerance for difference, according to Brewer.

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This intolerance turns into denigration and contempt when the out-group does not subscribe to similar sets of values. This can greatly be influenced by strong narratives that drive apparent sets of values further apart. These emotions are associated with avoidance rather than violence, in many cases making for long periods of unconfrontational mutual contempt. Social changes of many kinds can trigger a violent expression of these feelings however, and moral superiority can rapidly provide a perceived “justification or legitimization for domination or active subjugation of out-groups” (Sidanius, 1993 as referenced in Brewer, 1999).

A second potential way in which out-group emotions may turn hateful is a perceived threat of the out- group toward the in-group. Campbell and Levine’s realistic conflict theory of intergroup relations (H. Tajfel & Turner, 1979) dictates that this out-group hostility is nurtured by a competition over physical resources or political power. When an out-group appears to threaten the interests of the in-group, this creates the conditions for active hostile emotions. Constituting the third point in Brewer’s list, is a lack of common goals. Although a shared threat that faces an in-group increases intragroup solidarity, these dynamics do not necessarily hold up for intergroup behaviour due to a lack of mutual trust, problematising cooperative collective action. In fact, a common threat may promote scapegoating and blame rather than cooperation when social groups are highly differentiated and negative reciprocal emotions are already in place. When this is not the case, other dynamics loom. Positive intragroup relations are dependent on the clarity of in- group boundaries and intergroup distinctions. A cooperation with the out-group, or even a positive interdependence threaten the basis for social indentification.

Social values and comparison constitute the fourth way Brewer notes for a hateful turn of intergroup relations. A striving for positive distinctiveness of in-groups over out-groups may compromise a conflictless pursuit of common goals, as describes earlier. This positive distinctiveness can be achieved by multiple groups through the maintenance of a different set of values. In-groups can tolerate out-group superiority on value dimensions considered of lesser importance. In the basis, this is again a competitive striving for superiority on moral points, as both groups pursue positive distinctiveness within similar values. The last of this enumeration concerns political power under the condition that in-groups and out- group are politicised or even politically institutionalised. Political power play may for reasons of maintaining that very power make use of manipulation or mobilisation. Social differentiation provides welcome breaking lines to be exploited for such purposes, and negative feelings such as fear are easily put to use and controlled by a political elite.

Böhm, Rusch and Gürerk (2016) acknowledge the ways Brewer lists as potential leads for a hateful turn of intergroup relations, but heckle the lack of concrete triggers of aggressive behaviour directed at out- groups. Furthermore, they add an important note on the complex nature of intergroup conflict, namely the strong existing incentives of individual freeriding on others’ aggressive achievements, as well as the threat this entails in a falling apart of in-group loyalties. Given Böhm et al.’s recognition of Brewer’s point that in-group positivity does not systematically lead to out-group negativity, and given the existence of frequent and brutal intergroup aggression, it is essential to uncover the motives to such aggressive behaviour. A key factor here is considered to be the distinction between defense and offense where the former consists of in-group protection from an out-group threat, which may translate in strategic acts and pre-emptive strikes. Böhm et al. find direct and causal evidence that the motivation to protect the in- group predicts retaliatory aggression as well as is a promotor of pre-emptive offensive actions against potential threat-forming out-groups. Furthermore, they find that removal of this threat substantially reduced intergroup aggression.

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MULTILINGUALISM In the framework on identity and group feelings set out above, it becomes clear that language is a spatial phenomenon. Not only does it take place in a specific location, it is also defined and bounded by it. It furthermore influences its usage and its effects on the person using it. Speaking a specific language does not have the same effect on identity formation in the language’s birth region as it does abroad, but also the use of dialects has an influence on identity formation. This is further substantiated by Valentine, Sporton and Bang-Nielsen (2008), who study the use of language in two different places of encounter among Somali youngsters through surveys, observations and interviews. They note that because language is an interactional given and because individuals’ verbal repertoires contribute to defining the self, the use of different languages, be it mixed or singular, influences socio-spatial relations. More importantly, they demonstrate the opposite is also true. Specific places (of encounter) shape the performance of identity of their subjects, making language a situated practice.

This aside, the conceptualisation of multilingualism, directed towards the influence of a potential mediating effect on aggressive behaviour and its expression of othering consists predominantly of Bekerman and Horenczyk’s research on bilingual education, which builds on the contact hypothesis. This is complimented with cognitive psychological research by Costa, Hernández and Sebastián-Gallés who studied of the effect of multilingualism on conflict resolution, building on results from the ANT-task (attentional network task), as well as Keysar, Hayakawa, and An’s findings (2012) that a second language removes decision making biases. A combination of these studies provides sufficient ground for the main hypothesis of this research.

In most government schools in Israel it is a requirement to study a second language in grades seven to ten. Options include Arabic, Russian, French, or Amharic, which makes Arabic an elective subject in school. It is important to note that most Arabic education is limited to the literary form of Arabic (MSA), which is different from the colloquial forms of the language spoken in Israel and the Palestinian Territories. Very recently, Likud member of parliament Hazan proposed a bill requires that Arabic be taught to non-Arab Israeli students and Hebrew to Arab-Israeli students starting from the age of six (Abdelaziz, 2016). Currently, however, as has been the situation for respondents in this research as well, Arabic has always been an elective subject predominantly taught without actual intergroup contact in mind. As a waypoint to the discussion of Bekerman and Horenczyk’s research, Abdelaziz writes in his item that “there is no doubt that language is key to all human action and acts as the gateway to understanding the social and economic activities of different peoples, as well as their perceptions of conflict and peace. […] learning Arabic is not simply a goal in and of itself. Instead, the primary objective should be to promote peaceful coexistence, equality, respect for the rights of the other, forgiveness, and equal opportunity” (ibid.). Their research qualitatively investigates two bilingual schools, based on data of educational and sociocultural processes involved in the to four major areas of the schools’ functioning: language, cultural and religious identity, national identity, and social interactions.

THE DECISION-MAKING EFFECT OF A SECOND LANGUAGE It is essential to take a look at the cognitive roots that cause multilingualism to have an influence on decision making, judgement and thus near-rational outgroup perspectives. Reasoning involves the use of two types of processes. One type is based on mental resources and is more analytic, rule governed, and systematic, and the other is intuitive, affective, and heuristic (Keysar et al., 2012). It follows logically from Brewer’s study that the latter has a bigger influence on emotions felt towards the outgroup, but since both systems tend to act together, both will exert an influence over the expression of these emotions.

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Knowledge of a foreign language is said to provide a greater distance and thus reduce biases in decision making due to it being less grounded in the emotional system than a native tongue is. This reduction in emotional response might diminish the influence of affective processes and allow people to rely more on analytic processes when they make decisions. Also the less automatic processing of a foreign language than the processing of a native tongue may cause more distancing and more deliberate processing Favreau & Segalowitz, 1983 as referenced in Keysar et al., 2012. Keysar et al. prove that people rely more on systematic processes that respect normative rules when making decisions in a foreign language than when making decisions in their native tongue.

Keysar et al.’s research strengthens Costa et al.’s findings (Costa, Hernández, & Sebastián-Gallés, 2008), that state that bilingualism has a positive effect on the achievement of more efficient functioning of two attentional networks: the alerting network and the executive control network. Especially the executive control network has been further investigated by Keysar et al. and is assumed to have the biggest influence on this thesis research as well, especially because this executive control network can be subdivided into monitoring processes and conflict resolution. Again, this particular mention of conflict resolution points to decision making, but the links to geographical reference to intergroup conflict are many and apparent.

BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN ISRAEL Closer to this thesis’s case than Valentine et al.’s research, Bekerman and Horenczyk (2004) study two cases of bilingual education in Israel where both linguistic groups (Hebrew and Arabic speakers) come together voluntarily on generally constructive terms. They start off by referring to the contact hypothesis, which has a strong relationship with political and cultural geography despite its psychological origin. It suggests that intergroup contact—taking place under the conditions of status equality and cooperative interdependence while allowing for sustained interaction between participants and allowing for the potential forming of friendships—might help alleviate conflict between groups and encourage change in negative intergroup attitudes (Pettigrew, 1998 as referenced in Bekerman & Horenczyk, 2004). However, the paper notes that the structural asymmetry in contact situations is often unavoidable, and this is certainly an often case in Israeli society.

Language thus takes on an important double role. First, it serves as a facilitator for that very contact. When two groups know each other’s’ language, they tend to be more accessible for one another. Second, it serves to remove unequal interaction through offering a more equal platform for two groups to interact, although there will always be a native group and a taught group. Through incorporation of a minority language into an educational system, these minority students are empowered, also making for a more equal ground for interaction. The majority not only benefits from intellectual enrichment, but also from the social consequences of greater cultural integration and pluralism. The article furthermore references Fishman (1989 as referenced in Bekerman & Horenczyk, 2004), stating that “language not only constructs social identity but also may solidify or revitalize national or ethnic identities and loyalties”, which strengthens Byram’s findings.

The study of Bekerman and Horenczyk found that bilingual instruction was more successful among Arab students than it was among the Jewish students. The former group’s scores are markedly higher than those of the Jewish students. This prompted Arabic to be preferred over Hebrew in the second year of teaching in the two studied schools. This affirmative action, complimented with the start of English classes, led students and parents to question the time, effort and need spent on Arabic. This also follows from the general approach that cultural knowledge and understanding dominate the improvement of

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Arab-Jewish relations, and bilingualism is only a secondary measure. For this reason, a lot of attention was given to the cultural and religious experience of both groups. Nationalist feelings proved to pose a bigger problem, especially on national holidays which were held separately. Potentially due to the hegemonic force majeure of the Jewish identity, the Jewish group seemed to feel more threatened than the Arab group. Although an openness to the needs of the Arab population and a willingness to grant expression to their identity was observed, this expression does not always seem to falling within the limits delineated by the Jewish group. Especially identification with the Palestinian Authority is not welcomed. In line with the framework built on Yiftachel and Brewer’s articles, national feelings of Arab parents were repressed due to a defensive approach stressing the need for a Jewish homeland.

Another interesting observation from the research is that in unstructured periods such as recess or home visits, compared to structured situations like in the classroom, intergroup interaction is notably lower. Three explanatory attempts are made. The first one is geographical, in the sense that outside of school, both groups live segregated. The distance between homes is simply too great. Second, cultural differences regarding the protocol of social interaction are mentioned, and third, language gaps are considered to be a barrier to social communication. Lastly, it must be noted that participating parents and their children tend to be progressive and rather non-religious and thus provide a flaked view of Israeli society. This in turn contradicts the religious emphasis of the curriculum. However, tension between modernity and tradition, as well as fear of cultural losses are observed. This loss is expressed in other facets of fear, such as a fear for assimilation.

OTHERING AND ITS AGGRESSIVE EXPRESSION As Barzilai (1999) notes, there are several wars being fought in Israel, and they are all closely intertwined. They are both internal and external, and play out in many different fields, levels and in different arenas, such as on the topic of religion, education, territory, security, land use, etc., and in individual spheres, local communities, along the green line, in the media, in the entire Middle East and far outside of it. This sets out the link with Herb and Kaplan’s Nested Identities (1999) immediately. In his article War, Democracy, and Internal Conflict: Israel in a Comparative Perspective, Barzilai maintains a very state centric approach and therefore steers away from a nation-oriented perspective. Guterman et al.’s article (Guterman, Haj-Yahia, Vorhies, Ismayilova, & Leshem, 2011), as an example on the other hand, indicates widespread community violence, particularly for Israeli-Arabs, and the difficulties they face when trying to seek help. A combination of both accounts helps to conceptualise the aspect othering in this research, as well as its aggressive expression.

OTHERING PROCESSES Van Houtum and Van Naerssen’s Bordering, Ordering and Othering is an influential work in human geography. Although the focus of their article seems to be on migratory practices, it describes othering as a related practice to the bordering of a securisation of the ‘own’ welfare, identities and resources. Othering as a term was introduced in Tobler’s first law of geography as a cultural interpretation. It can be described as discrimination of people or a population that is different from the collective social norm. They are different and hence they are seen as deviant or in need of being cultured by the group that performs the othering practice (Gallaher, Dahlman, Gilmartin, Mountz, & Shirlow, 2009). In practice, this means othering excludes those who do not fit the norms of the ingroup.

Although Van Houtum and Van Naerssen state that othering generally takes place at an interstate level, they recognise the dangers of intrastate othering. Borders serve a paradoxical role to this extent, in the

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sense that serve segregation due to erection in order to erase territorial ambiguity and ambivalent identities. This process aims to shape a new cohesive order. Bordering thus both rejects and erects othering processes. They argue that othering is intrinsically a territorial process and are guided by normatively debatable decision-making. In light of the theoretical framework proposed before, this can be substantiated yet slightly altered in perspective in the sense that the territorial nature of othering is seen as the dominant resource in the Israeli case, together with political power. Furthermore, othering in this research is also a cultural and societal phenomenon where bordering processes are considered less geographical in nature.

AGGRESSION, HOSTILITY, VIOLENCE… In several cases, including Israel, these othering processes are observed to be expressed in aggressive manners. However, as seen in Brewer’s article (1999), this aggression is often not aimed at hurting the other, or the outgroup, with the sole intention of harm. A distinction must therefore be made between aggression with the intention of change of defence of resources and violence with a pure intention of harm, thriving on emotions of hate and discrimination. Two studies investigate the use of aggression and its purposes, which later serve in the operationalisation of this research as scales for the measurement of aggression. Therefore, these two studies are discussed in slightly more detail, as are their methods and outcomes.

The Aggression Questionnaire by Arnold Buss and Mark Perry (1992) is a remake of the frequently used 1957 Hostility Inventory developed by Buss and Durkee (1957). It has been redeveloped for several reasons which are outlined in the article (A. H. Buss & Perry, 1992) mostly concerning statistical improvements such as factor analyses, introduction of Likert scales and a reduction from seven to four scales of aggression manifestation. These are physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger and hostility. Buss and Perry’s questionnaire development made use of two studies, the first one containing exclusively self- reported data (n=1253), as in this master thesis research, and the second one containing self-reported data complemented with observations from knowledgeable informants (n=98).

Physical and verbal aggression involve hurting or harming others, representing the instrumental or motor component of aggressive behaviour. Hostility in its turn consists of feelings of ill will and injustice, representing the cognitive component of behaviour. The affective element of behaviour is constructed by the anger element in the questionnaire, which was not withheld for this survey due to unfit questions that asked about internal anger and as mentioned above, not about its expression. Furthermore, Buss and Perry recognize anger to be a prelude to aggression. What is interesting in their findings is that men are much more physically aggressive than women, slightly more verbally aggressive, and just a little more hostile. There is no sex difference for anger, pointing towards stronger inhibition mechanism among women.

Jackson et al.’s Monopolizing Force? Police Legitimacy and Public Attitudes Toward the Acceptability of Violence is an outstanding tool to measure respondent’s normative beliefs about the acceptability of violence. The article focuses on an acceptability of violence in order to achieve social control and change, where both control and change, and potentially in the case of Jewish Israelis in Israel even more prominently the former, are highly relevant to the case of Israel. The emphasis on the role of state actions and legitimacy in people’s willingness to use violence outside of formal legal or institutional channels, is pursued in the article in the aftermath of the 2011 riots in London and other cities throughout England. During these riots, although not exclusively then, the need to understand why people are willing to

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commit violence and others tolerate or approve of it, is stressed by politicians, commentators and society in general (Leiken, 2012; Pargeter, 2008 both as referenced in Jackson et al., 2013).

An important observation that came forth from prior research is that “when police act in line with the norms and values of procedural justice, members of the public tend to believe that the police have the right to power” (p.1, ibid.). This is an important observation in the case of Israel, which, like the UK, knows a trias politica and an established judiciary system in the sense that un-institutionalised violence might be tempered by a the perceived illegitimacy of the criminal justice system. Secondly, according to Black (1983 as referenced in Jackson et al., 2013), what the modern state categorizes as crime is often the moralistic pursuit of justice or otherwise a form of conflict resolution often coming forth from unresolved social grievances. Third, previous studies have found that justice judgements and fear of crime both influence individual aggressive behaviour. A last hypothesis in Jackson et al.’s article that seems relevant for this study is that increasing identification with the nation is correlated to a belief that the state shares one’s normative orientation toward crime and disorder, and therefore that private violence to enforce that normative vision is a positive choice.

The article addresses only two discrete types of private violence, namely social control and social change. This does not exhaust the possible forms of private violence. The latter may also be motivated, for example, by familial status disputes or collective (national, ethnic, or even soccer-related) identifications (Tilly, 2003). The collective violence coming from a community is emphasised more in this thesis’ research due to the items that have been withheld and adapted specifically for it in its survey. The article’s research focused on young men from various ethnic minority communities in London and is based on data gathered prior to the 2011 riots. It is based both on survey and interview data where the survey served to construct the explanatory and outcome variables, as well as the means, standard deviations and range of the relevant scales.

The study’s primary finding is that judgments about police legitimacy are negatively correlated with individual attitudes toward private violence for social control and social change, aside from that procedural justice was strongly correlated with judgments of police legitimacy. In other words, people who believe the right to power belongs with the police as the most important vehicle of state coercion, as well as the right to expect obedience and support, tend to believe that it is wrong to use violence to achieve certain social and political goals. It is noted however, that the regressional data are simply a threshold step identifying causal relationships as well as legitimacy judgements are not the sole determinant of attitudes to private violence. Furthermore, within the heavily policed BME communities that were the subject of this research, negative police contact was associated with diminished legitimacy judgements, to a larger extent than positive encounters. Another caveat in these results in the measurement of attitudes toward violence as a means of self-protection, resolving disputes, and achieving political goals, not actual violence in itself. In the article’s conclusion, a normative tone is taken at hand to state that an emerging social climate of tolerance toward violence would have deleterious implications for social order and justice or even that a such supporting climate has weak normative barriers to the use of force. It concludes with an advice towards policy that argues for a more consensual way of policing in order to generate and maintain police legitimacy.

CONCEPTUAL RELATION Two of the primary concepts of this research are multilingualism and othering processes. Both concepts have received fair amounts of scholarly attention, in academic literature nonetheless, the link between

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the two focuses strongly on narratives and discourses, not on personal experiences of speaking one or multiple languages. However, these are closely intertwined for the simple reason that access to a narrative is greatly determined by knowledge of a language. Language furthermore plays an important role in intergroup contact and understanding.

Aside from multilingualism, othering and aggression, there are other concepts to be included in this research’s conceptual model because they are assumed to exert an influence on the other concepts. These are discussed more thoroughly in the operationalisation of the research method. The first conceptual set consists of personal identification. The second concept that has not yet been discussed in depth is cognition. Costa et al. illustrate the importance of cognitive levels in bilingual subjects and their effect on conflict resolution. It must be noted however that conflict resolution in this context refers to a form of decision making, or task solving, and not to the context in which Israel and conflict resolution are generally named.

Cognition thus fulfils a triple role. First, heightened cognition levels are found to be a results from bilingual knowledge, but may on the other hand also influence a person’s capabilities to master multiple languages. Thirdly, cognition indicates not only a person’s conflict resolution skills, but on a broader note, it aids decision-making and hence may also be the cause for an altered aggressive expression of discriminatory views on outgroups.

Intergroup contact and cognition levels both directly influence a person’s multilingual abilities, as seen from Bekerman and Horenczyk as well as Costa et al.’s research. It is thus likely that it is not purely a person’s multilingualism that has an effect on his or her perception of the other. Furthermore, based on the literature, the location where a person lives influences his or her identity and therefore may also have an effect on his or her perception of the other. These linkages are discussed in more detail under the hypotheses.

Figure 2: Simple conceptual model

Based on the model above, that illustrates the relationship between the main concepts of this research as well as additional contributing factors, the method for this research can be operationalised and hypotheses can be constructed. This is done in the following chapter that firstly touches upon the paradigms found in this research and its inherent ontological and epistemological considerations, but also contains a research strategy and insight in the data collection as well as limitations of the research method.

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METHODS AND SET UP As stated before, this chapter will elaborate on the methodology implemented in this research. It will thus talk about the paradigms it adopts, its considerations, and data collection. Then, the concepts discussed in the previous chapter are elaborated and operationalised allowing to specify further substantiated hypotheses. Also limitations of the research and the research method is discussed.

PARADIGMS The adoption of a paradigm is as essential as it is unavoidable in research. It allows for a framed and robust research method and a perspective for the interpretation of its results. Furthermore, recognition of the applied paradigm can explain and justify certain amounts of bias that may come from the researcher, his or her personal perspective, surroundings and normative views, as well as a societally imposed angle. Where the literary framework started off as rather constructivist, this research will develop toward a post- positivist perspective. The constructivist ontological accounts , through a step-by-step construction of personal identities, group belonging and inclusion and exclusion, provide the foundation for the latter in the sense that they bring the necessary and critical frame to the table on which a post-positivist methodology can correctly develop. This post-positivism is particularly important given the research setup which included a two month fieldwork in Jerusalem and thus requires recognition of bias in order to allow such an approach aim for the most objective results. The researcher needs to grasp his subjective interpretation of phenomena and results in order to remove it or to give it contextual meaning (Bryman, 2012). Therefore, a small background on the author is needed.

BACKGROUND OF THE AUTHOR My interest in the Middle East developed rather recently, when, in 2014, I both organised and participated in an Erasmus exchange in Leuven, the Belgian city where I originate from, that brought 10 Palestinian and 10 European students together around the topic of social entrepreneurship. This sparked an emotional and investigative interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In the winter of 2014-2015, I first visited Israel, the Palestinian Territories, along with Jordan. Now, in 2016, I spent two more months in the region, more specifically in Jerusalem, to conduct fieldwork for this research. My fascination for geography grew from a more architecture and urban planning directed focus, and shifted towards the governing aspect in the later years of my bachelor’s degree in Belgium. It then expanded again from more small-scale governance to national and international governing, with a focus on conflicted regions.

Towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I tend to adopt a perspective of a justice point of view. This leaves room for multiple voices in the conflict, which I experienced and appreciated during my fieldwork. It makes for an even more complex understanding of the situation, especially due to my stay in West Jerusalem where my daily contacts consisted mainly of Jewish Israelis. Even though I took Arabic classes in East Jerusalem, and met both Palestinian Israelis and East Jerusalemites (without Israelis citizenship but with an Israeli residence permit), as well as Palestinian citizens in the West Bank, I believe it shifted my frequency of contact towards a dominance of Jewish Israelis. While I realise all of this has an unavoidable influence on my research, and this goes without mention, I strive to maintain the highest levels of academic objectiveness.

ONTOLOGICAL AND EPISTEMOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS The entire set-up of this research rests on the assumption that multilingualism does, in one way or another, influence the perception of the other or at least the expression thereof. There is a lot to say about such an approach used on a delicate matter like language in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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Therefore, as mentioned before, a post-positivist account is key during the analysis of the data and the conclusions drawn from them, but a certain relativism must also be adopted. This implies consideration of ontologies and epistemologies, which are discussed below. However, such considerations can ever be broadened or extrapolated and in themselves trigger an entire discussion. Therefore, the most prominent and influential considerations are discussed below as well.

A first and basic ontological consideration consists of the seemingly simple and straightforward question: what can be called a language? This may seem as a rather trivial issue, and while still extremely important in this research, it is at the same time illustrative for the broader ontological debate to be considered in this research. Language can be interpreted not only as a verbal or written way of communication, but also as an act, feelings, emoticons, contiguity… While all of these linguistic forms of communication are potentially highly interesting and complex, most provide little practical use to this thesis’s research question. Therefore, a language is defined as a system of communication consisting of sounds, words, and grammar; a system that is largely agreed upon and known and understood by a group of people. This leaves room for dead languages, dialects, standard languages, etc. This may seem rather trivial in respect to the Israeli case, but it is essential to this research as it is its foundation and exemplifies many of the other ontological considerations about the concepts and terms used.

Secondly, leaning more towards an epistemological consideration, othering processes are not only difficult to operationalise and measure, but it is also challenging to pin down, especially in the case of Israel. What may seem like a conflict between Israelis and Palestinian has long evolved into a ants’ nest of interests, both internal and external, national and international, local and regional, as well as into a marking of several ethnic groups among other by inter- and intramultilingualism, but also by economic and social position, religion, duration and location of residence, etc. After defining othering processes, and achieving a scale that correctly measures its expression, it must be taken into account that this research may move on thin ice – the conflict is still a sensitive and extremely easily heated subject, even among friends and family, as well as even anonymously in one-way online communication. It must thus be taking into account that respondents may answer in a socially desirable manner. However, as seen in the results, an absolute difference in answers is still observed. This is more of an epistemological issue, but just like the previous ontological one, illustrating the larger respective consideration throughout this research.

The operationalisation of the concepts of this research will clarify to a sufficient extent their ontological as well as epistemological pitfalls and avoid them through thorough literary precedents and more importantly fieldwork-based findings.

DATA COLLECTION The purpose of this two month fieldwork in Israel was twofold. First, the realisation that a geographical thesis demands a physical presence on location imposes a stay in the region. This is highly essential; a situation like this cannot be understood from behind an Amsterdam desk full of literature. It requires living the dynamics of the region, the city of Jerusalem and many other Israeli and Palestinian cities, as well as personal contact with the persons who have lived part of or their entire lives in the region and thus possess a great source of knowledge on the situation. The author rented a room in a shared apartment in Katamon, the orginal Arab name for a neighbourhood in what is now West Jerusalem. The neighbourhood is nearly entirely Jewish, very quiet and residential. The fieldwork was not limited to this neighbourhood, and extended throughout both sides of Jerusalem as well as far outside of it. The author

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took Arabic classes in East Jerusalem at the Center for Jerusalem Studies at AlQuds University, and commuted both by bike and by bus, allowing for low threshold contact with both Jewish and Palestinian Israelis and East Jerusalem citizens. On several occasions, trips were undertaken to predominantly Jewish, Druze and Arab cities in Israel, often lasting overnight and in direct contact with locals. Second, the fieldwork stay facilitated and improved the implementation of the research method, which is elaborated further on.

Over the past three parliamentary elections in Israel, Krouwel’s Election Compass, a Voting Advice Application (VAA) (Krouwel, Vitiello, & Wall, 2012) has been available for Israelis (and any other interested party) to inform themselves of their own political position as well as of a comparison to the political parties’ positions. The Election Compass (EC) consists of 30 questions concerning contemporary issues on the political agenda of the country, many of which relate directly to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The respondents of the past EC (www.israel.electioncompass.org) who have agreed to participate in future research have all been sent an additional survey asking about their linguistic background, habits, knowledge and motivation. This provides the first part of the research question. Furthermore, they are asked about their acceptability towards violence, their aggressiveness, and they will complete a cognition test. The EC questions that relate most closely to the conflict and that can give insight into the motivations of people’s aggressiveness will also be asked again. This allows for people who had not filled in the 2015 EC or those who had not left their contact data to take the exact same survey without a loss of data. The gathering of this last group of respondents is one way in which the fieldwork research was indispensable.

Figure 3: the first screen of the 2015 Israeli Election Compass

The survey will thus be digitally distributed through Qualtrics to a panel of 3295 respondents, whose email addresses were collected through the VAA Election Compass Israel 2013 (2863 emails) and Election Compass Israel 2015 (432 emails), as well as personally through contacts, yet still online. It must be noted that the contacts on location were largely made within the two month fieldwork period only, and not prior to it. Given the author’s identity, contact circles, and much of the Jewish Israelis’ distance kept in social matters, resulted in a biased group of contacts that largely consisted of young and male persons. However, these contacts have all been asked to distribute the survey among their own friends and family members. Furthermore, respondents have been gathered on location, via email, social media (predominantly

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through location-based Facebook groups such as Secret Jerusalem, Secret Al Quds - East Jerusalem, Secret Tel Aviv etc.), small flyers and alternative second-hand connections.

Secondly, the presence of the author in Jerusalem during the fieldwork and the contact with locals this generated, allowed for a more precise and correct operationalisation of the concepts in the survey. Many of the concepts and their methods of analysis have been altered to better fit the situation on the ground or to allow for more understanding of more layers of the Jewish Israeli population. These instances range from improved translation to rephrasing of sensitive questions into questions that are assumed to generate less socially desirable answers, but also added entire variables such as the motivation for language acquisition.

All of this obviously rests on a thorough literary framework which in fact constituted the first phase of data collection, although this extends throughout the entire research process. This is the secondary data that not only provides the basis, but also triggers, supports and explains the primary data and its results gathered through the survey. The literary framework has in this regard been complimented with experiences from the fieldwork which serve to a large extent the same purpose, with the difference that these can be considered primary data and results as well. Although in particular the combination of the fieldwork and the survey make for a mixed methods approach, it is safe to say that this research’s results will predominantly draw from the survey and thus be quantitative.

The units of analysis in this survey as well as in the fieldwork are the Jewish Israeli individual. In the statistical analysis, these have been aggregated bases on differing variable values.

OPERATIONALISATION OF THE SURVEY In this paragraph, the research survey is operationalised. Each concept is worked out into variables and indicators or skills. The complete survey can be found in the appendices, but screenshots are included in this operationalisation at certain points in order to clarify the wording or display logic of the course of the survey. This display logic is not included in the appendices, so where necessary, it is elaborated under the relevant variable. The survey contained 90 questions in total, which did not all need to be answered by all respondents. They were directed to differing blocks based on their language skills and citizenship/ethnicity.

The survey was available in English, Hebrew and Arabic. Respondents were presented with the survey in the language of their internet browser if it was one of the three possible languages, but had the possibility to choose their preferred language at any time in the top right corner of the screen, as can be seen below.

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Figure 4: welcome screen of the survey

First, the identification features are discussed in order to be able to paint the image of the respondent basis and which corresponding data are analysed. Then, the multilingualism concept is divided into six different indicators, followed by the division of aggressive expression of othering processes into two scales complimented with an explanatory scale that will allow to delve into the reasons behind the specific forms of aggressive expression.

IDENTIFICATION FEATURES Although the questions asking about general statistics and identification were to be found between the concepts of multilingualism and the aggressive expression of othering processes for survey-technical purposes, it is included here first, as essential background information to all the data that are discussed later in this chapter. For these identification features, some preliminary descriptive statistics will also be presented as they provide useful knowledge for all further operationalisation and analysis.

The survey has been put online on 25/04/2016 and closed on 06/05/2016, being open for responses for twelve consecutive days. During this time, 950 responses were gathered of which 622 were complete. Seven hundred seventy nine originated from the EC databank, which implies 171 were gathered during the fieldwork, of which 155 were complete. The majority of respondents are Jewish Israeli, with 58% of all respondents. The combined number of Palestinian citizens and Arab/Palestinian Israelis is 22 and therefore too small for any significant analysis. Therefore, all future analysis is done uniquely with the Jewish Israeli share of the survey’s respondents that serves well enough for statistical analysis. The number of respondent records used thus totals 495. The division of ethnicities can be found in appendix 0

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Figure 5: identification features

General statistics The first part of the block of identification questions in the survey consisted of general factors, namely gender, age, religion and education. They were asked in a multiple choice format where a single option could be ticked only. For the age question, a drop down list of birth years was provided. The figure below illustrates the manner of asking these questions. For the question about religion, the categories used by the Israeli Bureau for Statistics were adopted (Population and Immigration Authority and the Population Register, 2015).

The question that ask about ethnicity and citizenship it at the same time has more complicated roots. First, to avoid the mentioning of either, the wording of the question is as follows: ‘What do you consider yourself?’ followed by four possible answer options: Jewish Israeli, Arab/Palestinian Israeli, Palestinian citizen and other. The first two indicate the possession of Israeli citizenship, where the distinction is made based on ethnicity. However, the Israeli authorities refrain from referring to the Palestinian Israeli population in their official communication, as they do in their national surveys. The denomination of this population group used by the government and its services is Arab Israeli. However, for two reasons, this research did not opt to adopt this terminology. First, Arab Israeli is an ambiguous term; it could denominate both Mizrachi Jews, or Jews who originally hail from the Arab world and the non-Jewish Arab population which is predominantly from Palestinian origin and are generally Druze, Christian or Muslim of religious culture. Second, the population group this research aimed to denominate under this answer possibility are those of Palestinian descent who generally prefer to be called and identify more with the term Palestinian Israelis, combining citizenship with ethnicity. The third option, Palestinian citizen, denominated the citizens of the West Bank and Gaza who possess Palestinian citizenship or who identify as such. There is a large share of the population that is ineligible for such citizenship, whose distribution is indirectly done by Israeli services.

The question about highest completed level of education was adopted from the 2015 EC and its wording adapted to be better fitting for the Israeli case. The question about gender included three options, male, female and other.

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Figure 6: identification questions in the survey.

Furthermore, the survey asked about whether respondents had been allowed to vote in the 2015 Parliamentary Elections in Israel, and which party they voted for. After sending out the survey however, it became clear that the list of political parties used by the Israeli Election compass, and thus the list used in this survey, only included selected larger parties, as can be seen in the screenshot below.

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The actual list of parties on the ballot list in 2015 is (in order of results in the 2015 parliamentary election):

. Likud . Meretz . Pirate Party of Israel . Zionist Union . Yachad . Flower Party . Joint List . Ale Yarok . Brit Olam . Yesh Atid . Arab List . Or . Kulanu . The Greens . Living with Dignity . Habayit Hayehudi . We are all friends Na Nach . Economy Party . Shas . U'Bizchutan . Democratura . Yisrael Beiteinu . Hope for Change . Social Leadership . United Torah Judaism Geographical distribution A last identification factor concerns a geographical location of respondents. This information has been gathered through two different ways, the first one being through simple questions in the survey as can be seen below. For this, the consequent question was only shown when a respondent indicated to live in respectively the Jerusalem District and the Jerusalem municipality. The first question asked whether a respondent lived in one of the Israeli districts, and which one. This included Judea and Samaria, the Israeli name for the West Bank and considered one of seven districts. Regarding the survey aim for Jewish Israelis, this name was put first, followed by West Bank between brackets, even though it is internationally not recognised as an Israeli district but as part of the Palestinian Territories within the pre-1967 Green Line.

Figure 7: geographical location questions in the survey

The second method of collecting geographical data was through automatic gathering of coordinates of the locations where the surveys have been filled in. However, these coordinates are concentrated on what

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are likely centroids to which the respondent’s IP address has been reduced and therefore do not reflect the accurate position of respondents. Especially the Southern District and the Tel Aviv district are severely overrepresented whereas the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) is underrepresented.

Figure 8: map of the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority

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MULTILINGUALISM Multilingualism is a complex and multi-facetted concept that can be operationalised through five different indicators: the number of languages known; the level of those languages in different language skills; the language acquisition methods; the language learning motivation and the use of language and language contact. There are likely more indicators of language, but they are not considered to be as relevant towards the research question of this thesis. Some of the indicators have been acquired through literature, some have been operationalised through literature and the fieldwork, others sprout from logic and common sense with the research topic in mind.

Figure 9: multilingualism and its indicators

Indicator M1: Number of languages known A first and perhaps most obvious indicator of multilingualism is the number of languages a person knows. Based on the 2011 Social Survey on Mastery of the Hebrew Language and Usage of Languages (Central Bureau of Statistics Israel, 2013), this research’s survey asked about a respondent’s self-indicated knowledge of the most spoken languages in Israel, including the option to add languages that were not given in the list, as can be seen in the figure below. This added a second measurement to this indicator, namely a self-indication of language knowledge level. The social survey found that 49% of Israelis above 20 years of age indicated Hebrew as their mother tongue, followed by Arabic (18%) and Russian (15%). Yiddish, French, German, English and Spanish all reported to have around 2% native speakers. Furthermore, the study noted that 9 out of 10 Jewish Israelis had a good understanding of Hebrew, although this valuing of Hebrew understanding was not further elaborated on in English in the CBSI social survey.

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Figure 10: Multilingualism, number of languages known, as asked in the survey.

Since the continuation of the survey is based on the answers on the levels of Hebrew and Arabic, these two languages were mandatory to be filled in. The scale that is used consists of a five point likert scale complemented with an option I don’t know this language and mother tongue. The wording of I don’t know this language should be noted in the sense that the term knowing is preferred over the term speaking, which may be slightly more intuitive when it comes to language. However, given there are several skills to language knowledge, which is discussed in the following indicator, knowing points to a more neutral knowledge.

A mother tongue can technically be known on all six levels, but receives a special status in this research, given its impact on identity as Byram articulates in his conference paper on language and identity. He expresses that “[…] not learning their ‘mother tongue’, […] because of the link between language and identity, […] can mean weakening or even forgetting the social identity created in the home, a regional identity or an identity brought from another country.”

The survey also asked about parental mother tongues (mother or first parent and father or second parent). Not only do parental mother tongues determine to a great extent the language knowledge of a respondent, it also determines a linguistic identity. Furthermore, the parental mother tongues serve as a proxy variable to their origin.

In respect to the research question, it is hypothesised that knowledge of Arabic will decrease the aggressive expression of othering processes, substantiated by the assumption that language serves as a facilitator for contact and building on the contact hypothesis. This leads to believe that with increased contact, mutual understanding will increase as well.

Indicator M2: Level of language skills The second indicator used here to construct multilingualism is the level of different language skills. The survey measured this in two different ways. The first way to measure language levels was limited to knowing the language, where particular attention has been given to the naming of knowing the language since it is possible to know but not speak a language. This can be seen in the figure above on a five-point Likert scale complemented with an option to indicate no knowledge of this language as well as an indication of a mother tongue.

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The second measurement is based on the Common European Framework of Reference Levels for languages (North, 2014; University of Cambridge, ESOL Examinations, 2011) which divides knowing a language into four skills, namely speaking, listening, reading and writing. Furthermore, the CEFRL classifies each of these skills into six reference levels, namely: A1 and A2, the basic level; B1 and B2, the independent level; C1 and C2, the fully proficient level. In the table below, taken from the CEFRL: learning, teaching, assessment (Verhelst, Van Avermaet, Takala, Figueras, & North, 2009), it is indicated which particular abilities must be mastered per level.

C2 Can understand with ease virtually everything heard or read. Can summarise information from different spoken and written sources, reconstructing arguments and accounts in a coherent presentation. Can express him/herself spontaneously, very fluently and precisely, differentiating finer shades of meaning even in more complex situations.

C1 Can understand a wide range of demanding, longer texts, and recognise implicit meaning.

Can express him/herself fluently and spontaneously without much obvious searching for expressions. Can use language flexibly and effectively for social, academic and professional purposes. Can produce clear, well-structured, detailed text on complex subjects, showing controlled use of organisational patterns, connectors and cohesive devices.

Proficient Proficient user B2 Can understand the main ideas of complex text on both concrete and abstract topics, including technical discussions in his/her field of specialisation. Can interact with a degree of fluency and spontaneity that makes regular interaction with native speakers quite possible without strain for either party. Can produce clear, detailed text on a wide range of subjects and explain a viewpoint on a topical issue giving the advantages and disadvantages of various options.

B1 Can understand the main points of clear standard input on familiar matters regularly

encountered in work, school, leisure, etc. Can deal with most situations likely to arise whilst travelling in an area where the language is spoken. Can produce simple connected text on topics which are familiar or of personal interest. Can describe experiences and events, dreams, hopes and ambitions and briefly give reasons and explanations for opinions and plans.

Independent user A2 Can understand sentences and frequently used expressions related to areas of most immediate relevance (e.g. very basic personal and family information, shopping, local geography, employment). Can communicate in simple and routine tasks requiring a simple and direct exchange of information on familiar and routine matters. Can describe in simple terms A1aspects of his/her background, immediate environment and matters in areas of immediate need.

A1 Can understand and use familiar everyday expressions and very basic phrases aimed at the satisfaction of needs of a concrete type. Can introduce him/herself and others and can ask

and answer questions about personal details such as where he/she lives, people he/she knows and things he/she has. Can interact in a simple way provided the other person talks slowly and clearly and is prepared to help.

Basic userBasic Table 1: common European reference levels, a global scale (Verhelst et al., 2009)

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Through the use of different can-do scenarios (Goodier, n.d.; University of Cambridge, ESOL Examinations, 2011), the level of the respondent’s language skills can be determined. These scenarios were presented to the respondents based on their own indication of the knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic, when either language was indicated on a level higher than not knowing the language in the first question of the survey. The scenarios asked about potential every-day situations that are meant to be recognisable as well as to reflect the specific skill on the particular level. These CEFRL-levels have been reduced to three here for the sake of the duration of the survey. The scenarios include the necessary skills for each level, based on can-do statements. The scenarios built up in difficulty level, going from A to C being presented only to the respondent when the previous level was tackled on both languages. The same validity check was implemented vertically, to present only languages in which the respondent was able to tackle at least one skill in the lower level. Sadly, due to an error in the survey validation, the B-level for Hebrew listening did not show up in certain cases when it should have.

Figure 11: Asking about language levels skills within the CEFRL.

Building on the hypothesis under the previous indicator, it is hypothesised that the better the knowledge of Arabic, the less aggressive othering processes will be expressed. It could furthermore be hypothesised that better listening skills would have a similar effect, but unfortunately, this will no longer be able to

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analyse. This hypothesis assumes that listening has a more important role in cultural understanding than other language skills. Following this logic, writing would have the lesser effect of all language skills.

Indicator M3: Language acquisition The 2008 European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training glossary (CEDEFOP, 2008) distinguishes between several forms of learning, though without an explicit focus on language learning. The definitions brought about by the glossary insist on the intention to learn as well as its learning structure. The former explains the central position of the learner in the learning process whereas the structure refers to the context in which learning takes place. This reflects the European realisation that learning is multi-facetted process that should be recognised in all its forms. Colardyn and Bjornavold’s work (2004) serves this thesis through the development of validation techniques in order to make visible the entire scope of knowledge and experience held by individual learners. This distinction will serve as one of two indicators of language acquisition.

. Formal learning: learning that occurs in an organised and structured environment (in an education or training institution or on-the-job) and is explicitly designated as learning (in terms of objectives, time or resources). Formal learning is intentional from the learner’s point of view. It typically leads to validation and certification. . Non-formal learning: learning which is embedded in planned activities not explicitly learning designated as learning (in terms of learning objectives, learning time or learning support). Non- formal learning is intentional from the learner’s point of view. Non-formal learning outcomes may be validated and lead to certification. Non-formal learning is sometimes described as semi- structured learning. . Informal learning: learning resulting from daily activities related to work, family or leisure. It is not organised or structured in terms of objectives, time or learning support. Informal learning is in most cases unintentional from the learner’s perspective. Informal learning outcomes do not usually lead to certification but may be validated and certified in the framework of recognition of prior learning schemes. Informal learning is also referred to as experiential or incidental/random learning.

Table 2: formal, non-formal and informal learning, defined as in the glossary (CEDEFOP, 2008).

The second indicator, which is based on Merrit’s article (2013) in which she talks about the two major types of language acquisition, namely integrative and instrumental, where the former points to the acquisition of language by being exposed to it, and the latter to the acquisition through instruments such as books or audio tapes... The distinction between integrative and instrumental methods is mostly important when uniquely instrumental methods have been used to acquire a language, implying there has been no language contact with the other language group.

Especially the distinction between formal, non-formal and informal language education is not easy to operationalise, since these concepts are extremely difficult to make comprehensive for respondents. Therefore, for both Hebrew and Arabic, given the respondent indicated not being native but knowing the language to a certain extent, received the questions as illustrated below. In the first question, both first choices are possible to be ticked, but the last one, learning a language unintentionally, is exclusive. The image below illustrates the Hebrew questions, but the exact same screen was shown to respondents who knew Arabic at a non-native level.

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Figure 12: language acquisition questions in the survey.

Indicator M4: Language learning motivation A fourth independent variable of multilingualism is one’s motivation to learn a language. The question as shown below was presented to respondents who knew respectively Hebrew or Arabic on a level that was not native, and who indicated to have learnt the language voluntarily, a condition for indication a learning motivation. However, in hindsight, even under mandatory language learning circumstances, there might equally be such a learning motivation. The image below shows the questions for Hebrew, but an identical screen was shown to the respondents who fit the same criteria for Arabic language.

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Figure 13: language learning motivation questions in the survey.

The questions asked can be subdivided into three categories, namely learning Hebrew or Arabic to use the language with certain people (the first four answer possibilities), for a specific purpose (the middle two answer possibilities) or in a certain location (the last three answer possibilities). It could be argued that

Indicator M5 and M6: Language use and contact The fifth multilingualism variable is language use. Including this indicator into the concept of multilingualism links closely to the contact hypothesis, leading to assume a negative correlation between this indicator and the aggressive expression of othering processes. Language use has been divided into the same categories as language learning motivation, namely use with specific people, on a specific location or for a specific purpose, where the latter now contains the internet following the media instead of culture, literature and media. This is complemented with a frequency variable called language contact which uses a 5 point Likert scale, as shown below.

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Figure 14: language use and contact questions in the survey.

THE AGGRESSIVE EXPRESSION OF OTHERING PROCESSES In order to measure the aggressive expression of othering processes, the survey makes use of two scales, namely Buss and Perry’s Aggression Questionnaire (1992) and selected questions from the Israeli Election compass. These scales will provide a multi-dimensional insight in the aggressive expression of othering processes. The Aggression Questionnaire measures personal use of violence, thus where the aggressive actor is the respondent (e.g. Please answer how much you agree or disagree with the following statements - If I have to resort to violence to protect my rights against Palestinian Israelis, I will.).

The majority of the questions asked have been adapted to ask specifically about aggression or violence against Palestinian Israelis. Some of the questions however have been literally implemented in this survey with the intention to be able to compare a general aggression towards an unspecified outgroup with aggression towards a specified one, namely the Palestinian Israelis.

Figure 15: operationalisation of the aggressive expression of othering

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Indicator A1: The Aggression Questionnaire Buss and Perry’s Aggression Questionnaire (1992) proves useful in this operationalisation firstly because it specifies the actor of the aggression as the respondent, but second also because it distinguishes different factors of aggression. These are physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger and hostility. The questions concerning anger have not been withheld for this research’s survey because they seemed unfit for its purpose since they did not imply a ‘beneficiary’ actor in the aggression, as can be seen in Figure 16.

Figure 16: four aggression factors from the Aggression Questionnaire (A. H. Buss & Perry, 1992)

Nine questions from the questionnaire have been asked, divided equally over the three withheld factors of aggression. In each aggression factor, one question has been left unchanged in order to be neutral, and two out of three have been adapted to ask specifically about aggression towards Palestinian Israelis.

1. Physical aggression (9 questions in the original questionnaire) 1. If I have to resort to violence to protect my rights against Palestinian Israelis, I will. 2. I can think of no good reason for ever hitting a Palestinian Israeli.* 3. I have threatened people I know. 2. Verbal agression (5 questions in the original questionnaire) 4. I often find myself disagreeing with Palestinian Israelis. 5. When people annoy me, I may tell them what I think of them. 6. I can’t help getting into arguments when Palestinian Israelis disagree with me. 3. Hostility (8 questions in the original questionnaire)

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7. I feel that Palestinian Israelis always seem to get the breaks. (slightly adapted paraphrasing in order to fit the answer choices better) 8. I am suspicious of overly friendly Palestinian Israelis. 9. When people are especially nice, I wonder what they want.

The answering scale of this block of the survey consisted of a five point likert scale that was adopted directly from the article by Buss and Perry. It ranges from Extremely characteristic of me to Extremely uncharacteristic of me where the former was valued at 5 and the latter at 1, under the condition that the scales were not inverted. This is the case for the questions marked with an asterisk (*). The values were then rescaled to range from 100-0.

The article focused more on the construction of the questionnaire than on the results of its questions, laying more emphasis on validity of scales and factor analyses between them. However, their results provide an interesting case to compare this research’s current results with. The results presented below come from Buss and Perry’s first study, questioning 1253 college students in a psychology degree. This must be taken into account when comparing to this research’ findings. Both their and this research however used self-reporting.

Men (n=612) Women (n=641) Scale M SD M SD 1. Physical Violence 24,3 7,7 17,9 6,6 2. Verbal Violence 15,2 3,9 13,5 3,9 3. Anger 17,0 5,6 16,7 5,8 4. Hostility 21,3 5,5 20,2 6,3 Total score 77,8 68,2 Table 3: Buss and Perry's (1992) complete results on all four scales.

Men (n=612) Women (n=641) Scale M SD M SD 1. Physical Violence 8,1 7,7 6,0 6,6 2. Verbal Violence 9,1 3,9 8,1 3,9 3. Hostility 8,0 5,5 7,6 6,3 Total score 24,9 21,1

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 34 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Table 4: Buss and Perry's (1992) findings edited to exclude the anger scale and relative to the number of questions asked.

Indicator A2: 2015 Israeli Election Compass The 2015 Israeli Election Compass consisted of 30 statements on relevant political topics at the time of the elections. Most of them are still highly relevant a little more than a year later. These statements have been divided into six dimensions reflecting the most relevant topics in the parliamentary elections of 2015. Through this division, some of the motives of aggressive expressions can be investigated. The dimensions and their questions are presented below. The ones that have been withheld for this survey are marked in italics.

1. Peace and Territories 1. Under no circumstances should settlements be evacuated from Judea and Samaria 2. As part of a permanent peace settlement, Arab neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem should be given to the Palestinians 3. As part of a peace treaty, the establishment of a Palestinian state should be accepted 4. As part of a peace treaty with appropriate security arrangements, the Golan Heights should be returned to Syria 5. A peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority is necessary for the long term security of Israel 2. Security and Terror 6. Israel should do all that is necessary for its national security, even if it causes casualties among Palestinian civilians in neighbouring territories 7. To combat terrorism, discrimination against non-Jews is justified 8. If diplomatic efforts fail, Israel should attack Iran's nuclear facilities 9. To prevent rocket fire from Gaza, the military should occupy key sections of the Gaza strip and hold them over time 10. Israel should closely coordinate its foreign policy with the USA, to ensure its security 3. Religion and State 11. Jewish people should have more access and rights to the Temple Mount 12. Civil marriage should be fully recognised and available to all Israeli citizens 13. Commercial businesses should be allowed to open on the Sabbath. 14. All Israeli citizens should serve in the Military 15. Segregation between men and women on public transportation lines that mainly serve Haredi populations should be allowed 4. Economy and Welfare 16. The role of the state in the economy should be restricted 17. The state should spend more money to create affordable housing 18. People with high incomes should pay more taxes than they pay today 19. Money from the security budget should be transferred to societal programmes on education and health 20. The unemployed who refuse to accept work offered by the Employment Bureau should lose their unemployment payment 21. Public service and utility companies should be in the hands of the state 5. Civil and Human Rights

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 35 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

22. All people who apply for Israeli citizenship should sign a declaration of loyalty to the state 23. All Israeli citizens should have the same rights under the law, regardless of their religion 24. Same-sex marriage should be legalized 25. Freedom of speech should be guaranteed even for people who speak against the Israeli state 26. Israel should be defined as a state for all its citizens, and not as a Jewish state 27. More refugees should be given a temporary permit to stay in Israel 6. Law and Governement 28. If Jewish religious law conflicts with democratic values, Jewish religious law should prevail 29. Palestinian refugees should be allowed to return to Israel 30. The Prime Minister should be the leader of the party which receives the most votes in the election

The answer choices in both the 2015 EC and this survey consisted of a five point likert scale ranging from Completely agree to Completely disagree complimented with a No answer possibility. Three axes are scaled based on the answers on the questions from the above dimensions where Completely agree is valued as 5 and completely disagree as 1 and were rescaled to range from 0-100. Questions with an asterisk (*) have been inverted.

1. Equality – Discrimination  To combat terrorism, discrimination against non-Jews is justified  Jewish people should have more access and rights to the Temple Mount  All Israeli citizens should have the same rights under the law, regardless of their religion*  Israel should be defined as a state for all its citizens, and not as a Jewish state* 2. Peace treaty – Continued violence  As part of a permanent peace settlement, Arab neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem should be given to the Palestinians*  As part of a peace treaty, the establishment of a Palestinian state should be accepted*  A peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority is necessary for the long term security of Israel*  Israel should do all that is necessary for its national security, even if it causes casualties among Palestinian civilians in neighbouring territories  To prevent rocket fire from Gaza, the military should occupy key sections of the Gaza strip and hold them over time 3. Land division – Land occupation  Under no circumstances should settlements be evacuated from Judea and Samaria  As part of a permanent peace settlement, Arab neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem should be given to the Palestinians*  Palestinian refugees should be allowed to return to Israel*

HYPOTHESES The diverse body of literature, ranging from cognitive sciences over psychology to geography, sets out a profound theoretical frame for this study. Although the majority of it points towards a similar direction, it is not conclusive on the main relationship investigated in this study. It does however lead to believe that an increased knowledge of Arabic would decrease an aggressive expression of othering processes towards Palestinian Israelis, coming from Jewish Israelis. This main hypothesis is built on several pieces of

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 36 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

literature, but predominantly on the contact hypothesis, as used in Bekerman and Horenczyk’s article as well as the ingroup love and outgroup hate Brewer’s research discusses. Complemented with Yiftachel’s theory that brings forward territory as an essence of the nation, this provides the second dominant hypothesis of this research. Based on the operationalisation set out above, as well as based on fieldwork experiences, more specific hypotheses can be constructed.

Figure 17: Main hypothesis visualisation

Now that for all concepts the indicators, variables and attributes have been defined, more in-depth hypotheses can be constructed. Following the contact hypothesis, the following two hypotheses are formulated:

1. Increased knowledge of Arabic, presumed to allow for increased contact between Jewish and Palestinian Israelis, will result in lower aggression levels. 2. More frequent contact with the outgroup, either in the outgroup’s or the in-group’s language, is hypothesised to result in a less aggressive expression of othering processes. Being in contact with (the language of) the ‘other’ group, will increase one’s understanding of the other, therefore making for a more peace-minded attitude towards them. 3. It is expected that respondents in the Jerusalem municipality will on average know lower aggression towards Palestinian Israelis than the other respondents.

Specifically building on a combination of Yiftachel and Brewer…

4. …it is hypothesised that aggression will increase when a conflict (implicitly) concerns control over resources between the in- and outgroup. The dominant resources in the case of Israel are assumed to be territory and political power.

LIMITATIONS AND SHORTCOMINGS Particularly in the construction of an extensive survey like the one used in this research, there are some limitations and shortcomings to be acknowledged. Some of these are assumed to have an influence, some are simple mistakes, and they are to be found in several stages of the research. However, none of the limitations or shortcomings hypothecates the research findings, as elaborated on below.

A first threat to this thesis research lays in the theoretical framework it is built on. It tends towards a very psychological analysis of othering and multilingualism that draws mainly from Brewer’s (1999) ingroup love and outgroup hate and many theory that was further built on Allport’s findings . However, to a large

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 37 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

extent, so does Van Houtum and Van Naerssen’s othering (2002), which is considered to be a psychological-spatial dynamic. In combination with Yiftachel’s article Territory as the kernel of the nation and the nearly identical point that is made in it, this psychological analysis is extrapolated largely to geographical theory. The cognitive and psychological background is seen as part of the observed dynamics, which are also spatial in nature, as seen in the framework.

The use of the 2015 EC panel data is both a limitation and a fact that carries great potential for this research. The main limitation here is the bias of the respondent basis which is logically connected through the internet (which is reinforced by sending out an online survey) and thus fairly unrepresentative for the whole of Jewish Israeli society. Secondly, the respondent basis tends to be politically engaged, given they took the time and effort to fill in the 2015 EC and provided their email address. The potential however greatly outweighs this misrepresentation. First, this research could barely attempt to be representative of Israeli society given its rather limited timeframe and resources and second, the number of responses is greater than could be attempted solely through the fieldwork.

In the operationalisation of the survey, there were likely the most limitations and shortcomings. A first would be the author’s extremely limited to non-existing knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic which required the translations of the survey to be done by external actors (for whose impeccable work I am very grateful). However, as their knowledge on the intricacies on a thesis concerning multilingualism is likely more limited than the author’s and given the importance of wording in this context, as well as the matching connotations between the translations, several checks had to be performed to streamline this. Multiple translators reviewed each other’s translation, and Elhanan Miller who is fluent in all three languages, cross-reviewed. Furthermore, it was later realised that it was not stated in the survey introduction that the survey was available in three languages and due to the small drop down list that was provided only, many respondents may have filled out the survey not in their mother tongue or refrained from filling it in at all.

Second in the operationalisation are a few mistakes that were discovered after sending out the survey. Some of these have already been mentioned in the operationalisation, and are grouped again here. Although the development of indicators out of the concepts has been done thoroughly and extensively, there are a few things that may have proven interesting to know, such as which type and colloquial form of Arabic was known by the respondents who indicated to have a certain knowledge level of Arabic. Also, in the list of political parties, some parties were missing, as was an option to indicate a respondent did not go to vote.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 38 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Furthermore, there was some serious confusion about the meaning of the term Palestinian Israelis. As one respondent stated in an email concerning the survey,

“The word ‘palestinian’ doesn't mean for me an arab that lives at West Bank or Gaza. "Palestinian" is any man that lives in Eretz Israel = Palestine. It may be arab, jew, druse etc. The new meaning of a word "palestinian" that is used my media, is wrong and is driven by political goals.” while others pointed towards the political load an bias of the term and even others who do not understand what is meant with the term.

“I think […] you are biasing the results by asking about "Israeli Palestinians" - the general term used in Israel by Israelis for non-Jewish citizens who speak Arabic, is "Israeli Arabs". The term "Palestinians" is questioned by some, and strongly favored by others, and therefore has a strong political bias attached to it - it is a "loaded" term so to speak, so I would try to avoid it in a balanced research questionnaire.”

The quotes are literal adaptations and grammatical errors are not to be accounted for.

In the validation of the survey, some errors were found. As was mentioned before, learning a language mandatorily does not exclude an explicit learning motivation while those questions were not shown to those who uniquely indicated to have learnt Hebrew or Arabic mandatorily. Furthermore, due to a validation error, the questions for B and C level listening in Hebrew were not shown to all the respondents who should have been presented with them.

ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS What is important to note concerning limitations as it is more inherent to the research process, is that the mere presence of the researcher may influence the research findings, hence the post-positivist approach. This plays out on several fronts, such as the rather limited circles frequented during the fieldwork, opinions on situations of injustice and the conflict, etc. As a white male student from Western Europe, having read predominantly Western literature, people in Israel quickly realise who they are dealing with. This resulted in several different reactions. Women were generally less eager to engage in interactions than men. Often it was assumed the author would take an anti-Israel, anti-Zionist or even anti-Semitist stance on matters. This had a profound effect on the researcher, causing a more defensive position at times and a more offensive one at other times.

The author himself in particular has questioned his entitlement to conduct this research. After all, he has no direct historical or ethnic links to the region, does not belong to any of the ethnic groups in the region, does not identify greatly with it and does not speak its language. It could be seen as post-colonialist for a Western-European author to conduct research on this topic. However, there is a lot to say for ‘outside’ voices investigating topics in the region because of an increased objectivity, a certain naiveté to certain issues and less of an emotional bias.

Because of the extremely sensitive nature of the conflict and the importance of discourse therein, the used methods are to a certain extent developed to fit their public, and as academic research befits, contain as little of the author’s opinions as possible. This may prove to become more difficult as the research evolves and its methods become specific and data has to be analysed and interpreted. The simple visual presentation of the maps in this research is not without issue, nor is the naming of the different groups in the studied Israeli society.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 39 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

THIS COEFFICIENT WILL TELL YOU YOUR AGGRESSION LEVEL: RESULTS OF STATISTICAL ANALYSIS In this chapter, the descriptive statistics of most relevant variables are presented to give an overview of the respondent base and its characteristics. Then, based thereon, more in-depth analysis is performed predominantly through multiple regression analysis, complemented with cross-tables and visual analysis. This is performed to analyse the relationship between multilingualism and aggression. However, it will quickly be determined how large and significant the influence of a political party vote is on aggression towards Palestinian Israelis, and therefore similar yet reduced analysis is performed on the Election Compass scale.

DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS After selecting the records of all Jewish Israeli respondents who provided sufficient data fit for analysis, 495 records remained, of which 314 indicated to be female and 181 to be male. This makes for a 63%- 37% female-male balance of the data, potentially impacting the measurements on aggression. Even though the question asking about gender included an option ‘other’, this was not chosen by any of the respondents.

The average age of all respondents is 36,88 years old with a standard deviation of 13,59. The youngest respondent is 18 and the oldest 86. The largest number of respondents is between 25 and 34 years old, followed by 35-44 year olds. The division of ages can be seen in the histogram below, as well as in the table where ages are categorised into 10 year intervals. The second intifada dates back to 2000-2005, which means all respondents, given they have lived in Israel since before 2000, have witnessed and lived through the intifada. This has had an unquestionable impact on the perception of fear and violence.

Age categories Male Female Total 18-24 40 27 67 25-34 126 78 204 35-44 71 34 105 45-54 29 19 48 55+ 47 23 70 Blank 1 - 1 Total 314 181 494 Table 5: division of respondents in age categories.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 40 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Figure 18: respondent age histogram

Among the 495 withheld Jewish Israeli records, there are 465 that indicate Judaism as their religion. Two indicate Christianity, 24 say to have another religion than the options offered and 4 left this question blank. The two Christian records may be considered bizarre as those respondents also indicated to be Jewish Israelis, but given the complexity of Israeli society and its identities, or simply for it potentially being a mistaken tick, this will not be given any further attention.

As for educational level, 76% of respondents completed a university degree. Nearly 17% of respondents completed secondary education as their highest educational level, and 2% finished school before that. With these numbers, a large share of the data population has completed higher education, with the majority listing a first cycle degree as their highest education (215 respondents), 134 respondents finishing a second cycle degree and 27 finishing a PhD degree. Also this relatively high level of education of the respondents may make for a less aggressive expression of othering processes.

Highest completed level of education Count Primary education 6 Intermediate education 6 Secondary education 82 First cycle university degree (bachelor’s) 215 Second cycle university degree (master’s) 134 Third cycle university degree (doctoral) 27 Other 25 Total 495 Table 6: highest completed level of education of respondents in survey.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 41 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

POLITICAL PREFERENCE Logically, almost all respondents had been allowed to vote in the past Knesset elections, with a total of only 40 out of 495 people not being allowed to do so. This is potentially due to age restrictions or a lack of Israeli citizenship at the time. The results of the last parliamentary elections have been included in the table below, next to the results from this survey. Another slight disadvantage of the survey that the list of parties did not include an option stating a respondent did not go to vote, only a preference not to answer.

2015 Parliamentary elections Survey Party name % Seats C/O* Party name Count % Diff. in %

Likud 23% 30 C Likud 55 12% -11%

Zionist Union 19% 24 O The Zionist Union 105 23% 4%

Joint List 11% 13 O United Arab List 3 1% -10%

Yesh Atid 9% 11 O Yesh Atid 62 14% 5%

Kulanu 7% 10 C Kulanu 12 3% -5%

The Jewish Home 7% 8 C HaBayit HaYehudi 40 9% 2%

Shas 6% 7 C Shas 2 0% -5%

Yisrael Beiteinu 5% 6 C Yisrael Beiteinu 5 1% -4%

United Torah Judaism 5% 6 C United Torah Judaism 20 4% -1%

Meretz 4% 5 O Meretz 93 20% 17% O Yachad - HaAm Itanu 10 2% I prefer not to answer. 40 9% Blank 8 2% Total 95% 455 100% -1% Table 7: 2015 parliamentary results and survey voting preferences.

In the last Israeli parliamentary elections, Benjamin Netanyahu’s party Likud received the most votes of the Israeli people. He is currently the Israeli prime minister in a coalition government originally including The Jewish Home (HaBayit HaYehudi), United Torah Judaism, Kulanu and Shas, later to be joined by Yisrael Beiteinu who delivered the new minister of defence, Lieberman. This way, the coalition currently has 67 out of 120 seats in the Knesset. The Zionist Union was an elective coalition consisting of the Labour Party and Hatnuah, intending to defeat Netanyahu’s Likud which had led the previous coalition before it collapsed. The current government thus includes right-wing and extremely right-wing parties, as well as some religious parties. This leads to the hypothesis that a vote for a party in the current coalition (n=134) will lead to a more aggressive expression of othering processes than a vote for the opposition (n=273).

Based on the results gathered from the thesis survey, the coalition parties are generally underrepresented (on average -4%) with Likud being the most underrepresented party with a difference of -11%. On the other hand, the opposition parties are generally overrepresented, with a surprising 17% difference for Meretz, a very outspoken party concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Their stance includes a two- state solution for two peoples along pre-1967 borders in close cooperation with the Palestinian Authority. This leftist overrepresentation and right-wing underrepresentation will likely have a strong influence on the results of this research. That the United Arab list is strongly underrepresented comes as no surprise as these results only show the voting preferences of Jewish Israelis. Yachad – HaAm Itanu, meaning ‘together – the nation is with us’ is an ultra-orthodox nationalist separated party from Shas, also an ultra- orthodox party.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 42 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION In absolute values, the Tel Aviv district is the largest represented district in Israel with 115 out of 495 respondents and thus nearly one in four. The Jerusalem district is a close second with 107 applicants, providing a little more than every fifth respondent. Within the Jerusalem district, 83 respondents live in the Jerusalem municipality and 24 live in one of the other municipalities in the district or left this question blank. Out of these 83 respondents, 72 or 87% live in West Jerusalem and 10 live in East Jerusalem. The third district in respondent count is the Central District with 106 respondents, after which no district provided more than 50 respondents. In the Judea and Samaria District, the West Bank, 21 respondents filled in the survey. In the appendices, this table can be found including the number of respondents per district through automatic gathering of coordinates of the locations where the surveys have been filled in. These do not accurately reflect the respondent spread.

Total Jewish District Count population2 population2 Tel Aviv District 115 1.350.000 1.258.800 Jerusalem District 107 1.034.200 689.900 Beit Shemesh 8 Jerusalem 83 East Jerusalem 10 West Jerusalem 72 Blank 1 Kiryat Yearim 1 Mateh Yehuda 5 Mevaseret Zion 6 Blank 4 Center District (HaMerkaz) 106 2.024.500 1.775.300 Southern District (HaDarom) 45 1.192.300 880.400 Haifa District 39 966.700 663.800 Northern District (HaZafon) 33 1.358.600 587.900 Judea and Samaria (West Bank) 21 370.700 362.900 Somewhere else 26 - Blank 3 - Grand Total 495 8.296.900 6.219.200 Table 8: geographical distribution of respondents.

These numbers change when looking at relative amounts compared to the Jewish population of each district. Apart from the Tel Aviv and Jerusalem district, all of them range around 0,005% of the population. However, the Tel Aviv district counts 0,009% and the Jerusalem district 0,016% of its Jewish population. These numbers over represent those districts with an average 0,008% representation of the Jewish population. This overrepresentation is partly attributable to the author’s efforts to gather respondents mainly in the Jerusalem district, as well as the district being highly politicised.

2 The numbers of Israel districts, divided into Jewish and Arab populations are taken from the 1/12/2014 Israeli census (Population and Immigration Authority and the Population Register, 2015)

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 43 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Figure 19: geographical distribution of respondents.

In the table below, aside from average age per district, as well as within Jerusalem, votes for the coalition and opposition parties are presented. It is remarkable that in all districts, coalition voters make up between 20%-40% of the respondents, except for in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank) and in the Northern district. The former, when it comes to Jewish Israelis, houses nearly exclusively settlers, explaining a relatively higher right-wing vote (coalition vote: 57%) given the right wing parties’ stances on

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 44 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

settlements. However, the particularly high percentage of opposition voters (76%) in the Northern district is more mysterious, and is likely to be attributed to the small number of respondents.

Avg. age Coalition Opposition Other3 Total Abs. Pct. Abs. Pct. Center District 36,12 27 25% 61 58% 18 106 Haifa District 35,74 15 38% 18 46% 6 39 Jerusalem District 39,65 34 32% 49 46% 24 107 Jerusalem 38,18 26 31% 38 46% 19 83 East Jerusalem 26,60 0 0% 1 10% 9 10 West Jerusalem 39,83 26 31% 37 51% 9 72 Judea and Samaria (West Bank) 35,67 12 57% 6 29% 3 21 Northern District 40,76 4 12% 25 76% 4 33 Southern District 39,51 13 29% 25 56% 7 45 Tel Aviv District 33,87 28 24% 71 62% 16 115 Somewhere else 33,58 1 4% 17 65% 8 26 Blank 51,00 0 0% 1 33% 2 3 Total 36,88 134 273 88 495 Table 9: average age and voting preference per district

3 Other includes I prefer not to answer and blanks.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 45 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Figure 20: coalition-opposition votes map

Once again it must be stressed that the numbers in the tables and map concerning voting behaviour are based on self-reported values, which are prone to misreporting even in an anonymous survey.

MULTILINGUALISM Among the Jewish Israeli respondents, Hebrew is the most prevalent mother tongue, outnumbering English with 311 to 161 speakers. Only two of the 495 respondents did not know Hebrew and only seven knew it on a very basic level which averages it out on a level of 5,2, compared to English with an average

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 46 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

score of 4,9 and all other languages barely reaching a score of 1. These score are calculated after encoding the variable as an ordinal variable. Arabic scores 0,6 which makes it only the sixth best known language among the respondents and the third most known. When intermediate and higher are considered to be sufficient for a good understanding of a language, then 93% percent of respondents have a good understanding of Hebrew and 94% percent have a good understanding of English. Along this logic, only 4% do so concerning the Arabic language. English has a surprisingly higher rate of native speakers than the numbers of the social survey would predict, namely 33%. Russian knows only half the percentage (7% versus 15%) of native speakers compared to the social survey. Arabic knows none, which is attributable to the selection of this thesis’ survey which only includes Jewish Israelis. This would not explain the difference when it comes to English or Russian in particular. Most respondents know 4 languages (141) followed by 3 languages (132). The average number of languages known is 3,8.

(0)

(3)

mediate

4

-

5

Mother tongue (6) Fluent (5) Advanced (4) Inter (2)Basic basicVery (1) No knowledge Total Avg. knowledge level Hebrew 311 85 33 31 26 7 2 493 3 5,2

English 161 204 74 24 12 4 10 479 4,9 Russian 34 9 2 3 15 40 326 103 0,8 Spanish 17 10 14 16 52 57 266 166 1,0 French 15 11 6 24 33 81 275 170 0,9 Yiddish 5 1 5 6 19 63 324 99 0,4 German 4 3 5 11 25 57 323 105 0,5 Arabic 0 3 5 13 29 141 304 191 0,6 Amharic 0 0 0 0 0 7 413 7 0,0 Other language 16 10 11 8 19 16 171 80 1,1 Total 563 336 155 136 230 473 2414 Table 10: Overview of respondents self-indicated language levels.

In the table below, it is shown that only 16 native Hebrew speakers know Arabic on a level that is higher than basic. This increases to 21 respondents who know Arabic on a level higher than basic in total. Including the basic level of Arabic, these numbers increase respectively to 38 and 50. The average knowledge level is thus 1,4, with increasing average knowledge from Hebrew levels mother tongue towards advanced. It is expected that knowledge of Arabic will decrease the aggressive expression of othering.

4 Excluding not knowing this language 5 The average knowledge level of a language is calculated simply by multiplying the bracketed scores per level with the number of respondents divided by the total number of respondents for that language.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 47 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Avg. knowledge knowledge Avg.

Mother tongue tongue Mother

No knowledge No

Inter

Very basic Very basic

Advanced Advanced

mediate

Fluent Fluent

level

Total Arabic () Basic

(6) (5) (4) (3) (2) (1) (0)

5

Hebrew ()

Mother tongue - 2 4 10 22 118 155 311 1,4 Fluent - - 1 2 6 18 58 85 1,5 Advanced - 1 - 1 1 2 28 33 2,4 Intermediate - - - - - 3 28 31 1 Basic ------26 26 - Very basic ------7 7 - No knowledge ------2 2 - Total 3 5 13 29 141 304 495 1,4 Table 11: Knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic.

In the previous question, 15 people did not indicate a mother tongue, 401 indicated one mother tongue and 79 indicated two mother tongues or more. Given the importance of mother tongue, the survey also asks for the mother tongue of the respondent’s parents. The average number of mother tongues is thus 1,14.

Mother Father Language (first parent) (second parent) Total Hebrew 201 190 391 English 125 111 236 Russian 51 55 106 Spanish 21 22 43 Yiddish 12 21 33 German 13 17 30 French 13 14 27 Arabic 6 9 15 Other languages6 31 33 64 Unknown 22 23 45 Grand Total 495 495 990 Table 12: frequencies of parental mother tongues.

6 The complete table of all other languages can be found in the appendices.

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Identical parental Differing parental combinations Count combinations Count Hebrew-Hebrew 161 English-Hebrew 18 English-English 95 Hebrew-French 9 Russian-Russian 45 English-Yiddish 8 Spanish-Spanish 16 Hebrew-Yiddish 6 Yiddish-Yiddish 7 Hebrew-Russian 5 German-German 7 English-Russian 5 French-French 6 Hebrew-German 5 Dutch-Dutch 4 Hebrew-Spanish 4 Arabic-Arabic 3 Arabic-Hebrew 4 Italian-Italian 3 French-Arabic 3 Turkish-Turkish 3 English-German 3 Farsi-Farsi 2 Hebrew-Polish 3 Russian-Hebrew 2 English-Czech 2 Spanish-English 2 English-French 2 Spanish-German 2 Hebrew-Romanian 2 Swedish-Swedish 2 Other combinations 22 Hungarian-Hungarian 2 Unknown combinations 28 Georgian-Georgian 1 Ladino-Ladino 1 Marathi-Marathi 1 Romanian-Romanian 1 Total 366 Total 129 Table 13: mother tongue combinations by frequency

In the table above, it is shown which are the most frequent mother tongues spoken by the respondents’ parents. Hebrew, followed by English, again stands out. Fifteen parents in total natively spoke Arabic, whereas Arabic is no longer any of the respondents’ mother tongue. Nearly one in four (119 or 24%) parents do not have the same mother tongue as their partner.

CEFRL: Hebrew can do statements 500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 Speak Listen Write Read Speak Listen Write Read Speak Listen Write Read A B C

Can do Cannot do N/A

Figure 21: CEFRL can do statements (Hebrew), results

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CEFRL: Arabic can do statements 500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 Speak Listen Write Read Speak Listen Write Read Speak Listen Write Read A B C

Can do Cannot do N/A

Figure 22: CEFRL can do statements (Arabic), results

Level A B C A B C A B C A B C Skill Speak Write Read Listen Can do 489 456 381 472 425 290 485 423 353 468 33 31 Cannot do 3 29 73 17 42 134 6 59 69 23 0 2 N/A 3 10 41 6 28 71 4 13 73 4 462 462

Hebrew Can do 99% 92% 77% 95% 86% 59% 98% 85% 71% 95% 7% 6% Can’t do - N/A 1% 8% 23% 5% 14% 41% 2% 15% 29% 5% 93% 94% Can do 76 15 3 27 6 0 50 13 5 33 19 8

Cannot do 115 85 25 163 91 26 140 86 22 158 13 15 N/A 304 395 467 305 398 469 305 396 468 304 463 472

Arabic Can do 15% 3% 1% 5% 1% 0% 10% 3% 1% 7% 4% 2% Can’t do - N/A 85% 97% 99% 95% 99% 100% 90% 97% 99% 93% 96% 98% Total 495 495 495 495 495 495 495 495 495 495 495 495 Table 14: absolute numbers and percentages of Hebrew and Arabic CEFRL can-do statements

Speaking is in both Hebrew and Arabic the most well-performed language skill on average, followed by reading and writing. Listening, due to the validation error, can unfortunately not be taken into account except for on the A-level where it ranks last in Hebrew and third in Arabic. A noteable result is that not a single respondent is able to write Arabic on the CEFRL C-level. The descriptives below contain the data for respondents who were shown the image above, hence solely when they indicated to know Hebrew but the language not being their mother tongue. There are 182 respondents fitting these criteria, compared to 190 for the same criteria concerning Arabic.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 50 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Number of respondents (n=182) Answer choice (Hebrew) Yes No No answer I chose to learn this language voluntarily. 104 59 19 Learning this language was mandatory. 50 113 19 I learned this language unintentionally. 18 145 19 Yes, I only ever took formal classes. 30 117 35 Yes, but I also learned or improved it outside of class. 112 35 35 No, I never took formal classes. 5 142 35 I used instruments to learn or improve this language. 120 45 17 I learned or improved this language because I was exposed to it. 139 26 17 Are you still learning Hebrew at the moment? 85 97 0 Table 15: Answer counts on Hebrew language acquisition questions.

The majority of non-native Hebrew language learners learnt the language voluntarily, namely 64%. For less than a third, learning Hebrew was mandatory. A minority of these respondents, 11% only, learnt the language unintentionally, which follows logically from not having these questions viewed by native Hebrew speakers. More than eight out of ten non-native Hebrew respondents learned or improved their Hebrew through being exposed to the language whereas more than 7 out of ten used instruments to do so. Only five respondents never took formal classes.

Based on the aforementioned literature pieces, the scheme below can be constructed, illustrating a methodical distinction of language acquisition. Even though one method might be dominant, it is likely that most languages are acquired through multiple methods. The categories are determined based on the questions above. The exact conditions are to be found in the appendices.

Hebrew Integrative Instrumental Total Formal 23 22 45 Non-formal 117 108 225 Informal 0 0 0 Total 140 130 270 Table 16: schematic presentation of Hebrew language acquisition.

The most practised acquisition method is by far through non-formal education, thus intentionally but outside of formal education. However, given the condition of intentionality, one may ask whether the planned activities as contained in the glossary definition hold up. It is imaginable that informal learning may be perceived as largely intentional by the learner, particularly in the case of Israel where intentional migration is a large factor to be taken into account and the Hebrew language is learnt through unintentional exposition. This assumption is strengthened by the lack of respondents classified under informal learning, namely 0 in both instrumental and integrative methods. Formal education gathers 45 respondents, but, as stated before, a single respondent can be present in more than one category. On average, 1,48 methods are used by a single respondent. The divide between integrative and instrumental methods is fairly equal, with respectively 52% and 48%, or 140 and 130 respondents. It must be noted that due to the non-mutual exclusivity of these categories, the totals do not reflect unique individual respondents. A single respondent can have acquired a language through multiple acquisition methods.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 51 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Out of 495 respondents, 38% or 190 knew Arabic non-natively. However, only fifty of them knew Arabic on a level higher than very basic and less than half can speak Arabic on the CEFRL A-level. The majority of Arabic language learners learnt it consciously (86%). A minority of 40% did so voluntarily and a slight majority of 51% mandatorily. The number of respondents took formal Arabic classes is nearly nine times the amount that never has and the number that only ever took such classes is more than six times bigger. Only 14% of respondents consider themselves still learning Arabic at the moment.

Number of respondents (n=191) Answer choice (Arabic) Yes No No answer I chose to learn this language voluntarily. 76 113 1 Learning this language was mandatory. 97 92 1 I learned this language unintentionally. 26 163 1 Yes, I only ever took formal classes. 106 58 26 Yes, but I also learned or improved it outside of class. 41 123 26 No, I never took formal classes. 17 147 26 I used instruments to learn or improve this language. 98 54 38 I learned or improved this language because I was exposed to it. 76 76 38 Are you still learning Arabic at the moment? 27 162 1 Table 17: Answer counts on Arabic language acquisition questions.

Arabic Integrative Instrumental Total Formal 27 92 119 Non-formal 44 92 136 Informal 0 0 0 Total 71 184 255 Table 18: schematic presentation of Arabic language acquisition.

As for more comprehensive acquisition methods, non-formal learning is, just like with Hebrew learning, the larger method. However, formal learning is practiced nearly three times as much for Arabic than it is for Hebrew nearly equalling Arabic non-formal learning. On average, Arabic language learners make use of 1,34 methods per person. Just like with Hebrew, there are no respondents who practiced informal learning of the Arabic language. When looking at the divide between integrative and instrumental methods, instrumental methods contain nearly 3 out of 4 respondents, leading to the explanation that formal and instrumental methods are so large in Arabic language learning because it is learnt in an entirely different environment than Hebrew.

Integrative Instrumental Total HE AR HE AR Formal 9% 11% 8% 36% 17% - 47% Non-formal 43% 17% 40% 36% 83% - 53% Informal 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% - 0% Total 52% 28% 48% 72% Table 19: schematic comparison of Hebrew and Arabic language acquisition.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 52 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

This is further illustrated by the comparative table above, where more than half of the Hebrew language learners practice integrative methods, whereas not even a third of Arabic language learners do so. On the other hand, the share of Hebrew learners practicing instrumental methods is more than 20% lower than the share of Arabic learners who do so and only half of Arabic language learners practice non-formal learning compared to 83% of Hebrew language learners. This is an important thing to realise in regard to this thesis’s research question and the contact hypothesis it is based on, since integrative methods would be far more effective in facilitating contact between language groups than purely instrumental methods. The same line of thinking goes for formal and non-formal education.

Being able to talk to certain people was a motivation for 99 unique Hebrew language learners, and for 39 unique Arabic language learners. To use the language at a certain location was a learning motivation for 74 Hebrew and for 40 Arabic learners. Using the language for another specific purpose was the motivation for respectively 89 and 59 respondents. This makes the use of Hebrew with certain people the dominant learning motivation for Hebrew, and another specific purpose dominant for Arabic language learning.

Hebrew (n=104) Arabic (n=76) To use it… Yes No Total (yes) Yes No Total (yes) Family 21 91 1 75 … with certain Partner 18 94 4 72 99 39 people Friends 50 62 16 60 People on the street 96 16 33 43 School 26 86 26 50 ... in a certain Work 64 48 74 14 62 40 location Military service 25 87 17 59 Culture 75 37 89 48 28 59 … for a specific Literature and media 70 42 35 41 purpose Other 15 97 14 62 Table 20: language learning motivation counts for Hebrew and Arabic.

More specifically, for Hebrew language learners, being able to speak with people on the street is by far the most important motivation with 96 respondents indicating it as a learning motivation of theirs, followed by 75 indicating to learn Hebrew to understand ‘Hebrew’ culture and 70 to understand its literature and media. The least popular reasons to learn Hebrew are to be able to speak to family and a partner.

For Arabic language learners, less than half of the respondents indicated being able to speak with people on the street is one of their language learning motivations. Primarily, being able to understand Arabic culture, literature and media are the biggest motivations with respectively 48 and 35 respondents. A little over one in five respondents said to learn Arabic because it is useful in their military service. The least popular language learning motivations are, just like in Hebrew, being able to speak with family and a partner.

Nearly all respondents get in contact with native Hebrew speakers on a daily basis. Only 8% of all respondents get in touch with native Hebrew speakers a couple of times per week or less. There are no respondents who do never get in touch with native Hebrew speakers. A disadvantage of the wording of this question is that it does not ask for the language used in this contact. For Hebrew, it can be assumed the preferred language is Hebrew given the large number of respondents that know this language, but

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 53 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

this is not true for Arabic or any other mother tongue. For the latter, over half of the respondents still indicate to get in touch with non-Hebrew or -Arabic speakers nearly every day.

Hebrew Arabic Other mother tongue Nearly every day 457 67 255 A couple of times per week 26 92 93 Around once per week 6 66 59 Less than once per week 6 177 72 Never 0 87 10 Average7 4.89 1.70 2.99 Standard7 deviation 0.44 1.32 1.19 Table 21: language contact

The results for contact with native Arabic speakers are dramatically different than for native Hebrew speakers or native speakers of another language. Less than a third of the respondents get in touch with native Arabic speakers a couple of times per week or more. Nearly one in five does never have any contact with native Arabic speakers. The majority of respondents gets in touch with native Arabic speakers on a less than weekly basis. This brings the average score of contact with native Arabic speakers down to 1,70, compared to a very high 4,89 average for Hebrew and 2,99 for other native languages.

It is hypothesised that the more frequent respondents get in touch with native Arabic speakers, the less aggressive their expression of othering processes towards them will be. Presumably, this effect would be stronger when this contact takes place in Arabic, but due to the lack of such measurement, this cannot be tested.

Hebrew Arabic To use it… (n=495) Yes No Yes No Family 333 162 2 493 Partner 298 197 0 495 … with certain people Friends 400 95 13 482 People on the street 449 46 10 485 School 244 251 3 492 ... in a certain location Work 382 113 16 479 Military service 205 290 14 481 Media 390 105 16 479 … for a specific purpose Internet 380 115 14 481 Other 174 321 4 491 Not using this language right now 4 491 109 386 Table 22: language use

7 The average and standard deviation are calculated by scoring the likert scale from 1-5 with 1 being ‘never’ and 5 being ‘nearly every day’.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 54 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

AGGRESSION AND OTHERING In the following analyses, the results from the adopted Aggression Questionnaire questions as well as from the Election Compass (EC) are described. The results from the questions taken from the Acceptability towards Violence will not be withheld due to large statistical insignificance and the time and space constraints of this thesis.

The aggression questionnaire The nine questions taken from the Aggression Questionnaire originate from three subscales that each are represented by three questions. The mean of the encompassing scale which will predominantly be used in further analysis (34,29). Physical violence’s mean is lower with 22,26. Verbal violence has a mean of 48,58 and hostility of 32,28.

Scale n Min. Max. Mean Std. Dev. Aggression questionnaire, total score 486 0,00 77,78 34,29 15,48 Aggression questionnaire, physical violence 486 0,00 91,67 22,26 18,90 Aggression questionnaire, verbal violence 480 0,00 100,00 48,58 20,60 Aggression questionnaire, hostility 484 0,00 100,00 32,28 23,06 Table 23: the aggression questionnaire, total scale and subscales, descriptive statistics

This research’s findings are surprisingly lower than Buss and Perry’s for most scales except for verbal violence. This is rather unexpected, given Buss and Perry’s contingent of American psychology students and this research’s respondent base of Jewish Israelis who were asked specifically about violence towards Palestinian Israelis. This can be seen in the two tables below.

Men (n=307-308) Women (n=172-178) Total (n=480-486)) Scale M SD M SD M SD 1. Physical Violence 5,9 2,3 5,3 2,1 5,7 2,3 2. Verbal Violence 9,1 2,4 8,3 2,5 8,8 2,5 3. Hostility 7,2 2,8 6,3 2,6 6,9 2,8 Total score 22,2 20,0 21,4 Table 24: This thesis research's findings on the adapted Aggression Questionnaire (Buss & Perry, 1992).

Men (n=612) Women (n=641) Scale M SD M SD 1. Physical Violence 8,1 7,7 6,0 6,6 2. Verbal Violence 9,1 3,9 8,1 3,9 3. Hostility 8,0 5,5 7,6 6,3 Total score 24,9 21,1 Table 25: Buss and Perry's (1992) findings edited to exclude the anger scale and relative to the number of questions asked.

It is likely that given the situation of many of this research’s respondents, living in a conflict situation, the perception of the question is different and are thus interpreted differently than with the research group of Buss and Perry.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 55 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

District Count % count Mean aggression score Tel Aviv District 115 23% 34,34 Jerusalem District 107 22% 33,67 Jerusalem 83 17% 33,62 East Jerusalem 10 2% 36,67 West Jerusalem 72 15% 33,18 Center District (HaMerkaz) 106 21% 35,31 Southern District (HaDarom) 45 9% 30,00 Haifa District 39 8% 35,56 Northern District (HaZafon) 33 7% 33,60 Judea and Samaria (West Bank) 21 4% 40,87 Somewhere else 26 5% 33,55 Grand Total 495 34,29 Table 26: geographical distribution of aggression scores

In Table 26, it is shown that the West Bank shows by far the highest aggression levels with a score of 40,87. The next highest score of any district is the Haifa District with 35,56. Excluding the West Bank, all districts range between 30,00 and 36,00. The Jerusalem district does not have a particularly high or low score. The municipality of Jerusalem knows a slightly lower score of 33,62 compared to 33,67 of the district. East Jerusalem however shows a mean aggression score of 36,67 compared to 33,18 in West Jerusalem.

Mean N Std. Dev. Median Min. Max. Not living in the Jerusalem municip. 34,42 406 14,96 33,33 0,00 77,78 Living in the Jerusalem municipality 33,62 80 17,99 30,56 5,56 75,00 Total 34,29 486 15,48 33,33 0,00 77,78 Table 27: mean aggression scores of Jerusalemites

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 56 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Figure 23: aggression scores map

The Election Compass The operationalisation of the scale constructed out of the retained questions from the 2015 EC has been elaborated on under paragraph 3.3.3. | . The encompassing scale has an average score of 47,52, a lot lower than the aggression questionnaire scale (µ=77,78). The means of the subscales can be found in Table 28. It is clear that the land division – land occupation scale has a significantly higher mean than the other two scales. This substantiates Brewer’s findings that outgroup hate is triggered by a conflict over limited resources.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 57 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

N Min Max Mean Std. Dev. Election compass, total score 483 0,00 100,00 47,52 21,90 Equality-discrimination 459 0,00 100,00 44,49 21,07 Peace agreement-continued violence 486 0,00 100,00 44,58 27,05 Land division-land occupation 459 0,00 100,00 57,12 25,96 Table 28: election compass scales, descriptives

This can also be seen in the histograms below which illustrate the division per scale. A normal division can be recognised in the encompassing scale, as well as in the equality-discrimination subscale. The other two subscales, however, know a negatively skewed distribution.

Figure 24: election compass scales, histograms

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 58 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

THE INFLUENCE OF MULTILINGUALISM ON AGGRESSION Several multinomial regression models are constructed with the use of SPSS in order to analyse the multidimensional nature of multilingualism and its influence on aggressive behaviour. As indicated before, the Acceptability for Violence scale did not provide steady results, possibly due to a lack of adopted questions. Therefore, the regression analyses are conducted with the scale from the Aggression Questionnaire, which ranges from 0-100 where 0 is the least aggressive and 100 is most aggressive.

In the codebook in the appendices, more information about the variables used in the models can be found. The most relevant information is given along with the model itself. Gender is a variable that is included in every model, given its great significance and political neutrality. In the gender variable, male (n = 181) is coded as 1, and female (n = 314) as 1. In every model, female respondents are around 6 percentage points less aggressive. The notion of percentage points can be substantiated since the aggression scale scales from 0-100 and an unstandardized B-coefficient therefore implies a certain change on that scale. Furthermore, in the binary variables, the variable label indicates the value coded as 1, whereas the 0 value comprehends all other non-missing variables. Due to a limited number of respondents, many of the regressions have insignificant coefficients (p<0,05). They are included because of dataset tendency representations and for the completeness of the models. The variables may be shortened in the regression formulas for space reasons, but will always be clearly referring to their respective full labels.

IDENTIFICATION MODELS Before the construction of models including multilingualism variables, some of the identification features are related to the aggression scale. These are gender, a binary variable on university education (n = 181, university education = 1, no university education = 0) and a binary variable on coalition vote (n = 181, coalition vote = 1, opposition vote = 0). The regression formula looks as follows:

(1) aggression = 34,822 – 5,945*gender – 3,433*university education + 9,726*coalition vote

The model (R^2 = 0,139 and adjusted R^2 = 0,132) shows that female respondents are 5,945 percentage points less aggressive than male respondents. This is in line with previous research proving that females are less aggressive than males, just like in Buss & Perry’s research (1992), where men had significantly higher scores on physical aggression, verbal aggression, and hostility, but not on anger. This has also been investigated in this research, with the following results:

(1a) physical aggression = 22,099 – 4,457*gender – 2,254*university education + 7,496*coalition vote

(1b) verbal aggression = 50,117 – 7,394*gender – 3,521*university education + 8,409*coalition vote

(1c) hostility = 32,913 – 6,534*gender – 4,717*university education + 12,683*coalition vote

Where the sex difference in Buss and Perry’s research was much larger than on the other scales, in this research, the difference between males and females is remarkably smaller on the physical aggression scale. On the verbal aggression scale, the coefficient is nearly 2 percentage points larger (-7,394) than on physical aggression (-4,457) and a little less than 1 percentage point more than hostility (-6,534). The models have respective R^2 values of 0,055; 0,078; 0,100 and adjusted R^2 values of 0,047; 0,071; 0,092. With each model, the influence of having a university education increases, as well as the influence of voting for a party of the current majority. It is furthermore noteworthy that the constant values for physical aggression are notably lower than for verbal aggression and hostility. Verbal aggression has the highest constant value, corresponding the subscales’ means.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 59 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Models: identification features Unstandardized Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, different scales B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 1 (Constant) 34,822 1,921 18,130 ,000 Respondent gender -5,945 1,536 -,185 -3,871 ,000 Respondent education level, -3,433 1,905 -,087 -1,802 ,072 university education Respondent coalition vote 9,726 1,596 ,293 6,095 ,000 1a (Constant) 22,099 2,436 9,071 ,000 Respondent gender -4,457 1,956 -,114 -2,279 ,023 Respondent education level, -2,254 2,414 -,047 -,934 ,351 university education Respondent coalition vote 7,496 2,038 ,186 3,678 ,000 1b (Constant) 50,117 2,613 19,182 ,000 Respondent gender -7,394 2,113 -,174 -3,499 ,001 Respondent education level, -3,521 2,600 -,068 -1,354 ,177 university education Respondent coalition vote 8,409 2,185 ,193 3,848 ,000 1c (Constant) 32,913 2,945 11,175 ,000 Respondent gender -6,534 2,341 -,137 -2,791 ,006 Respondent education level, -4,717 2,913 -,080 -1,619 ,106 university education Respondent coalition vote 12,683 2,429 ,258 5,221 ,000 Table 29: regression models containing identification variables (models 1, 1a, 1b, 1c)

In the first model, as well as in its submodels (1a, 1b, 1c), the parties who respondents vote for have a large positive influence on their aggression levels; meaning a respondent’s aggression increases with 9,726 percentage points in model 1, and similarly in its submodels. As elaborated on before, a coalition vote means a vote for a right-wing and religious ruling majority. Except for Yachad – HaAm Itanu, the top five parties with the highest aggression scores are part of the coalition. Yachad – HaAm Itanu is also a, ultra-orthodox nationalist party however. This leaves all relatively leftist parties at the bottom. It is surprising that the highest aggression score is nearly twice the lowest score, clearly indicating the major influence party vote has on aggression levels. It must be reiterated that these analyses cannot indicate causality. Parties for which less than 10 of the respondents say they voted were separated from this rank.

Respondent party vote C/O Mean n Std. Dev. Yachad - HaAm Itanu O 51,11 10 17,33 Habayit Hayehudi C 40,81 39 16,47 United Torah Judaism C 40,79 19 16,15 Likud C 40,13 53 16,25 Kulanu C 38,48 12 13,72 Yesh Atid O 36,22 60 13,35 The Zionist Union O 28,00 103 12,47 Meretz O 25,97 93 12,91 Shas C 51,39 2 13,75 Yisrael Beiteinu C 40,56 5 17,19 United Arab List O 10,19 3 11,23 I prefer not to answer. - 36,48 40 14,23 Total 34,29 486 15,48 Table 30: mean aggression levels per party vote

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 60 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

LANGUAGE LEVELS Three multiple regression have been constructed to define the influence of Hebrew and Arabic language levels on a person’s aggressive behaviour. In total, six different variables have been introduced in three different models. These are respondent gender, level of Hebrew knowledge, level of Arabic knowledge, a binary variable on self-indicated language levels, mother tongue, Hebrew (n = 485, 0 = not a mother tongue, 1 = mother tongue); a binary variable on self-indicated language levels, basic or better, Arabic (n = 485, 0 = very basic or less, 1 = basic or better); and a binary variable on self-indicated language levels, very basic or better, Arabic (n = 485, 0 = not knowing Arabic, 1 = very basic or better). The levels of Hebrew and Arabic knowledge (resp. n = 486 and n = 486) range from 0-6 where 0 indicates not knowing the language and 6 indicates knowing it as a mother tongue.

In the first model, the two ordinary variables are included on top of the gender variable. The regression formula therefore becomes:

(2) aggression = 44,460 – 6,300*gender – 1,511*level of Hebrew + 0,120*level of Arabic

The first two variables are highly significant. The level of Arabic knowledge indicates a tendency that better self-indicated knowledge of Arabic increases aggression levels. This goes against one of the main hypotheses of this research, and will therefore be further investigated in the next models. It was hypothesised under the contact hypothesis that better knowledge of Arabic would increase understanding and therefore reduce aggressive behaviour towards that same group. The R^2 of the first model is 0,051, and the adjusted R^2 = 0,045.

As further investigation of the effect of the Arabic knowledge variable on aggression levels, both language level variables have been recoded into binary variables, as described above. The model formulas take the following form:

(3) aggression = 39,253 – 6,514*gender – 3,563*Hebrew mother tongue + 0,181*basic or better Arabic

(4) aggression = 39,228 – 6,518*gender – 3,634*Hebrew mother tongue + 0,248*very basic or better Arabic

These models further substantiate the positive effect on aggression levels, meaning an increase in aggression levels with knowledge of Arabic. However, they reduce the Arabic knowledge variable to a binary of respectively barely knowing and not knowing Arabic versus knowing Arabic, which limits the effect of increasing knowledge of Arabic. It must still be noted that neither of all three Arabic variables are significant at all.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 61 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Models: language levels Unstandardized Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 2 (Constant) 44,460 3,055 14,552 ,000 Respondent gender -6,300 1,426 -,196 -4,419 ,000 Level of Hebrew knowledge -1,511 ,570 -,122 -2,653 ,008 Level of Arabic knowledge ,120 ,810 ,007 ,148 ,882 3 (Constant) 39,253 1,491 26,333 ,000 Respondent gender -6,514 1,430 -,203 -4,556 ,000 Binary variable on self- indicated language levels, mother tongue (Hebrew) -3,563 1,584 -,101 -2,250 ,025 Binary variable on self- indicated language levels, basic or better (Arabic) ,181 2,288 ,004 ,079 ,937 4 (Constant) 39,228 1,499 26,169 ,000 Respondent gender -6,518 1,430 -,203 -4,559 ,000 Binary variable on self- indicated language levels, mother tongue (Hebrew) -3,634 1,651 -,103 -2,201 ,028 Binary variable on self- indicated language levels, very basic or better (Arabic) ,248 1,473 ,008 ,169 ,866 Table 31: regression models 2-4, self-indicated language levels

The Hebrew language levels variable has also been recoded to investigate the effect of being a native Hebrew speaker on aggression levels. Native Hebrew speakers are significantly less aggressive than non- native Hebrew speakers by around 3,5-3,6 percentage points, depending on the model. This in turn could in fact support the hypothesis, when interpreted as less recently immigrated and thus in contact for a longer time with the Palestinian population of Israel on location, but as well with local media and outgroup feelings that are not formed from such a large physical distance. This leads to the investigation checking whether respondents with different mother tongues are systematically more aggressive than native Hebrew speakers. The complete table can be found in the appendices.

Mother tongue Mean aggression n French 42,22 15 Spanish 36,30 15 English 34,92 153 Russian 33,76 33 Hebrew 33,61 309 Unknown 30,23 17 Total 34,29 559 Table 32: mean aggression score per mother tongue

From Table 32, it is clear that most mother tongues have higher mean aggression scores than Hebrew. There has been made a distinction between language with more than 10 native speakers and those who have less, in order not to let individual scores determine the means too much. When addressing only those with over 10 native speakers, Hebrew is the language with the least high aggressive scores, closely followed by Russian. French is the mother tongue with on average the most aggressive native speakers.

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 62 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

When Hebrew language knowledge levels are visually set out in a graph, like in Figure 25, the descending line is fairly obvious for both respondents who votes for coalition and opposition parties. As found under 4.2.1. | coalition voters systematically have higher aggression scores, but still follow the negative correlation between language level and aggression.

Coalition votes

Opposistion votes

Figure 25: Hebrew language knowledge levels and aggression

A more specific measure to investigate respondents’ language levels was using the CEFRL can do statements. Although the CEFRL levels cannot statistically be operationalised as ordinal variables, meaning the gaps between different levels are not necessarily equal, nor is there an order in skills or a dominance of one skill over another, they still prove interesting as additional information to the use of the self-indication of language levels. Given the impossibility to include Hebrew listening levels B and C, and the lack of respondents who were able to perform all 12/12 can do statements in Arabic, the results of the ‘scale’ ranges from 0-10 where each point represents an additional successful can do statement (the ‘scale’ in itself technically ranges 0-12). Therefore this regression models includes not only gender but also sum of can do statements in both Hebrew and Arabic. This results in the following regression, with R^2 = 0,047 and the adjusted R^2 = 0,041:

(5) aggression = 42,495– 6,313*gender – 0,679*CEFRL sum Hebrew – 0,127*CEFRL sum Arabic

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 63 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Hebrew Arabic CEFRL Count Percent. Count Percent. 0 7 1,4% 395 79,8% 1 2 0,4% 51 10,3% 2 7 1,4% 14 2,8% 3 10 2,0% 8 1,6% 4 18 3,6% 9 1,8% 5 15 3,0% 8 1,6% 6 24 4,8% 3 0,6% 7 27 5,5% 3 0,6% 8 38 7,7% 1 0,2% 9 77 15,6% 1 0,2% 10 270 54,5% 2 0,4% Total 495 100% 495 100% Table 33: frequency division of sum of CEFRL can do statements in Hebrew and Arabic

It is necessary to understand the frequency division of these last two variables before interpreting tie regression results. In Table 33, these can be found, as well as visually represented in Figure 26, where the opposite movements of Hebrew and Arabic knowledge are obvious. Hebrew follows an increasing convex curve where Arabic follows an increasing concave curve. Nearly 80% of the respondents is unable to successfully perform any of the Arabic can do statements. Ten percent can perform one statement successfully. In Hebrew, more than half the respondents could perform ten (or more) of the statements successfully.

Sum of CEFRL can do statements 500 100,0%

400 80,0%

300 60,0%

200 40,0%

100 20,0%

0 0,0% 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Hebrew Count Arabic Hebrew Arabic

Figure 26: graph of frequency division of sum of CEFRL can do statements in Hebrew and Arabic

Gender and Hebrew sum of can do statements show expected results based on the previous models, with respective coefficients of -6,313 and -0,679, implying a decrease in aggression levels for female of over 6 percentage points and a cumulative decrease per additional successful Hebrew can do statement. However, although the Arabic sum of can do statements variable is not significant, it reveals an opposite B-coefficient to what the previous models had shown. Models 2-4 contained B-coefficients for their Arabic variables ranging between 0,120-0,248, indicating an increase in aggression levels with better Arabic knowledge. The B-coefficient in model 5 is -0,127 for the Arabic language variable. It is likely that the

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 64 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Arabic variables in models 2-4 were influenced by their self-indication measurement, and that when confronted with detailed scenarios, respondents slightly reviewed their own Arabic knowledge.

Model: language levels, CEFRL Unstandardized Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 5 (Constant) 42,495 2,823 15,055 ,000 Respondent gender -6,313 1,432 -,197 -4,408 ,000 Sum of can do statements, -,679 ,313 -,098 -2,173 ,030 Hebrew Sum of can do statements, -,127 ,488 -,012 -,261 ,794 Arabic Table 34: regression model 5, CEFRL language levels

LANGUAGE SKILLS The CEFRL can do statements do not only provide an alternative perspective on the influence of language levels on aggression levels, but they also provide more in-depth insight into which language skills play which role in the expression of aggressive behaviour. As said before, the CEFRL can do statements variables asked about respondents’ speaking, listening, writing and reading skills, both in Hebrew and Arabic, given the respondent indicated to know that respective language at a certain level. Under this paragraph, two models (models 6-7) have been constructed, one containing the CEFRL skills of Hebrew and one containing the skills of Arabic. Their formulas are as follows:

(6) aggression = 44,376– 6,670*gender + 4,736*CEFRL-A Hebrew speaking – 0, 916*CEFRL-A Hebrew listening – 5,443*CEFRL-A Hebrew writing – 6,432*CEFRL-A Hebrew reading

(7) aggression = 33,108– 5,079*gender + 4,534*CEFRL-A Arabic speaking – 2,323* CEFRL-A Arabic listening – 2,683*CEFRL-A Arabic writing + 1,569* CEFRL-A Arabic reading

The models have respective R^2 values of 0,052 and 0,046 and respective adjusted R^2 values of 0,042 and 0,020. It must be noted that none of the CEFRL variables are significant on the 95% level and only the CEFRL-A Arabic speaking is significant on the 90% level. This variable, together with CEFRL-A Hebrew writing are the only ones where the standard error does not surpass 0. Speaking does in both models have a positive influence on aggression levels, meaning an increased level of aggression under the condition of successful completion of the A-level CEFRL can do statement. Speaking, as perhaps the most active of all language skills where most interaction is generally required, would have been hypothesised to have the opposite effect. Listening and writing in both models have negative B-coefficients, and reading have a negative coefficient in the Hebrew model (6) and a positive coefficient in the Arabic model (7).

Model: language skills Unstandardized Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 6 (Constant) 44,376 9,107 4,873 ,000 Respondent gender -6,670 1,446 -,207 -4,614 ,000 Can do statement, Hebrew, 4,736 10,258 ,024 ,462 ,645 CEFRL-A, speaking Can do statement, Hebrew, -,916 3,969 -,012 -,231 ,818 CEFRL-A, listening Can do statement, Hebrew, -5,443 4,697 -,065 -1,159 ,247 CEFRL-A, writing Can do statement, Hebrew, -6,432 7,769 -,046 -,828 ,408 CEFRL-A, reading

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 65 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

7 (Constant) 33,108 1,700 19,476 ,000 Respondent gender -5,079 2,368 -,158 -2,144 ,033 Can do statement, Arabic, 4,534 2,497 ,146 1,815 ,071 CEFRL-A, speaking Can do statement, Arabic, -2,323 3,542 -,057 -,656 ,513 CEFRL-A, listening Can do statement, Arabic, -2,683 4,181 -,062 -,642 ,522 CEFRL-A, writing Can do statement, Arabic, 1,569 3,238 ,046 ,484 ,629 CEFRL-A, reading Table 35: regression models 6-7, language skills

It is difficult to distinguish a clear line in these results. A further visual investigation into the Arabic CEFRL skills is presented in Figure 27 where all four skills are shown in scatter plots visualising the sum of successful CEFRL can do statements per skill. In general, a decreasing line can be observed when regarding the larger share of the highest values, and an increasing line can be observed at the bottom ranks of the aggression levels, making for an arrow shaped form pointing eastward. Although the number of respondents who could successfully complete multiple CEFRL can do statements decreases as the number of successful statements increases, and thus the range of aggression scores also logically reduces, a negative correlation is visually observable. This can however not be proven through an analysis of means, medians or ranges of all four skills.

Figure 27: scatter plot of CEFRL scenarios, Arabic

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LANGUAGE ACQUISITION The following batch of regression models consist of the Arabic language acquisition variables. The variables included are voluntary language acquisition, mandatory language acquisition, integrative methods and instrumental methods, formal methods and informal methods. When integrating these models, the statistical significance decreases dramatically. For the sake of this research, they have been separated. These models yield the following results:

(8) aggression = 42,692 – 5,641*gender – 8,351*voluntary Arabic acquisition – 8,888*mandatory Arabic acquisition

(9) aggression = 37,000 – 6,201*gender + 3,728*integrative acquisition – 4,659*instrumental acquisition

(10) aggression = 36,781 – 6,111*gender + 2,930*formal acquisition – 3,775*non-formal acquisition

The first language acquisition model (8) is in fact an in-depth analysis of the conscious Arabic language acquisition variable, which consists of the two variables included in the model, voluntary and mandatory acquisition. Since learning a language consciously and unconsciously are mutually exclusive, the large and significant B-coefficients of the conscious language acquisition variables indicated an opposite coefficient for unconscious language acquisition (B-coefficient in a model with gender only = 12,345). Both voluntary and mandatory language acquisition have a large negative influence over aggression levels and thus decrease aggression with more than 8 percentage points for both variables. This points towards an awareness triggered by conscious Arabic acquisition that relates to a less aggressive perception of Palestinian Israelis. The R^2 of this models is 0,087 (adjusted R^2 = 0,072).

Model: language acquisition Unstandardized Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 8 (Constant) 42,692 2,672 15,980 ,000 Respondent gender -5,641 2,270 -,176 -2,485 ,014 Voluntary Arabic language -8,351 2,799 -,269 -2,984 ,003 acquisition Mandatory Arabic language -8,888 2,753 -,292 -3,228 ,001 acquisition 9 (Constant) 37,000 1,658 22,315 ,000 Respondent gender -6,201 2,335 -,189 -2,656 ,009 Arabic language acquisition through an integrative 3,728 2,997 ,090 1,244 ,215 method Arabic language acquisition through an instrumental -4,659 2,465 -,136 -1,890 ,060 method 10 (Constant) 36,781 1,653 22,251 ,000 Respondent gender -6,111 2,354 -,186 -2,596 ,010 Arabic language acquisition 2,930 3,366 ,083 ,870 ,385 through a formal method Arabic language acquisition through a non-formal -3,775 3,112 -,115 -1,213 ,227 method Table 36: regression models 8-10, language acquisition

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Models 9 (R^2 = 0,058 and adjusted R^2 = 0,043) and 10 (R^2 = 0,043 and adjusted R^2 = 0,028) delve deeper into the different Arabic acquisition methods. It must be noted that these are not mutually exclusive, within each model. Model 9 shows a tendency that integrative methods are not conducive for lower aggression levels, whereas instrumental methods are. The former variable is not significant; the latter is significant on the 90% level. This goes against the contact hypothesis this research is partly built on, which would logically infer that an integrative method which implies increased contact between language groups would result in lower aggression levels. Model 9 thus shows a tendency that this is incorrect. Instrumental methods however do significantly decrease aggression levels.

The tenth model investigates the influence of formal and non-formal methods on aggression levels. Informal language acquisition methods have not been incorporated due to the lack of respondents who made use of such methods during their Arabic acquisition. The model shows tendencies that formal education has a positive influence on the increase of aggression levels, with the note that the coefficient is not significant and the standard error surpasses 0. Informal methods on the other hand show a tendency to decrease aggression levels. However, this variable is not significant either.

LANGUAGE CONTACT Language contact relates closely to the contact hypothesis. The questions in the survey asked about contact with native Hebrew and Arabic speakers or native speakers of another mother tongue, not in which language this contact takes place. Since the five point likert scale is questionable to be operationalised as an ordinal variable, the contact with native Arabic speakers frequency variable has been recoded into a binary variable that indicates whether a respondent says he or she never has any contact with native Arabic speakers (value=0, n=87) or if he or she does, less than once per week or more (value=1, n=402). This gives the following regression model with R^2=0,049 and adjusted R^2=0,045:

(11) aggression = 40,687 – 5,786*gender – 5,115*contact with native Arabic speakers

This model shows the strong and significant influence of contact with native Arabic speakers on respondents’ aggression scores. The B-coefficient of -5,115 indicates a decrease of over 5 percentage points when people have contact less than once per week or more with native Arabic speakers. This result lines up with the contact hypothesis as expected.

Model: language contact Unstandardized Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 11 (Constant) 40,687 1,698 23,956 ,000 Respondent gender -5,786 1,434 -,180 -4,034 ,000 Contact with native Arabic -5,115 1,790 -,128 -2,858 ,004 speakers Table 37: model 11, language contact

LANGUAGE MOTIVATION AND LANGUAGE USE The last two groups of variables concern language learning motivation and language use. Unfortunately, barely any variables yielded significant results. Therefore, the correlations found below are of more explanatory value than a regression model. Based on the statistically insignificant and rather unreliable correlations, only the learning motivation to use Arabic for a specific purpose, i.e. for understanding its media or for using it on the internet, as well as its actual use for those two reasons, present coherent results.

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Hebrew Arabic

Language learning motivation

use it atuse a

Correlation with aggression

questionnaire to it use with specific people to it use at a specific location to it use for a specific purpose to it use with specific people to specific location to it use for a specific purpose Pearson Correlation ,036 -,019 -,002 -,073 -,047 -,086 Sig. (2-tailed) ,427 ,679 ,960 ,109 ,305 ,059 N 486 486 486 486 486 486 Table 38: language learning motivation correlations

Hebrew Arabic

Language use

Correlation with aggression

questionnaire to it use with specific people to it use in specific locations to it use for a specific purpose to it use with specific people to it use in specific locations to it use for a specific purpose Pearson Correlation -,049 ,017 ,034 ,058 ,023 -,077 Sig. (2-tailed) ,277 ,703 ,456 ,203 ,612 ,091 N 486 486 486 486 486 486 Table 39: language use correlations

In both language learning motivation and language use, using Arabic to understand its media and to use it on the internet had both the largest influence and the smallest sigma values. They have therefore been used to construct a last regression model that looks as follows, with R^2=0,048 and adjusted R^2=0,042:

(12) aggression = 37,132– 6,205*gender – 3,478*learning motivation – 7,072*language use

Although still insignificant, a tendency appears showing that a learning motivation is subservient to its use within that learning motivation, with in this case a twice as strong B-coefficient (respectively -3,478 and - 7,072). This means learning Arabic because a respondent wanted to understand it media or use Arabic on the internet, decreases his or her aggression levels with nearly 3,5 percentage points, and his or her use in that way decreases his or her aggression levels with over 7 percentage points.

Model: language motivation and use Unstd’ed Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance Aggression, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 12 (Constant) 37,132 ,903 41,112 ,000 Respondent gender -6,205 1,427 -,193 -4,349 ,000 Arabic language learning motivation, to use it for a -3,478 2,153 -,073 -1,615 ,107 specific purpose Arabic language use, to use it -7,072 4,955 -,065 -1,427 ,154 for a specific purpose Table 40: model 12, language learning motivation and language use

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THE RELATION BETWEEN MULTILINGUALISM AND A POLITICAL VOTE In the first regression model, it became clear that the political vote and thus a respondent’s position on the political spectrum has a major influence on his or her aggression levels. Political discourse in Israel, as in several other places in the world, thrives on othering processes. Under paragraph 4.2.1. | and model (1) it was shown that a coalition vote has a strong positive influence on increased aggression levels. On the opposite, opposition voters have lower aggression levels. This is similar for the EC scale (Election Compass), as can be seen in model (13). In the following models, gender is often less significant and less influential than in the regression models concerning aggression. This model has an R^2=0,360 and an adjusted R^2=0,357.

(13) EC = 37,972– 3,332*gender + 28,098*coalition vote

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 13 (Constant) 37,972 1,297 29,272 ,000 Respondent gender -3,332 1,866 -,072 -1,786 ,075 Respondent coalition vote 28,098 1,908 ,591 14,723 ,000 Table 41: EC total score regression model (13)

Gender still has a negative influence on the scale, but to truly understand its meaning, it needs to be included in models that incorporate the subscales which contain more meaning than the encompassing scale. A coalition vote has an extremely large yet expectable positive influence on the EC scale.

However, this is different for the EC subscales. Gender is still significant on 90%, but becomes less significant with every model. The tendencies it reflects become less strong in nature as well, to a lean - 0,0581 when set out against the land division-land occupation scale. Furthermore it is remarkable that party vote has a large and highly significant influence on all three subscales, but it is significantly lower in the equality-discrimination model than in the other two.

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, equality-discrimination B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 13a (Constant) 38,531 1,456 26,461 ,000 Respondent gender -4,117 2,110 -,091 -1,951 ,052 Respondent coalition 18,695 2,138 ,409 8,744 ,000 vote Table 42: EC, equality-discrimination model (13a)

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, peace agr’t-cont’d violence B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 13b (Constant) 32,433 1,595 20,331 ,000 Respondent gender -3,204 2,298 -,056 -1,394 ,164 Respondent coalition 34,638 2,346 ,592 14,764 ,000 vote Table 43: EC, peace agreement-continued violence model (13b)

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, land div.-land occup. B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 13c (Constant) 45,105 1,574 28,652 ,000 Respondent gender -,581 2,273 -,011 -,256 ,798 Respondent coalition 31,986 2,311 ,579 13,842 ,000 vote

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Table 44: EC, land division-land occupation model (13b)

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGGRESSION AND THE ELECTION COMPASS SCALE Another regression model has been constructed to include coalition vote and the aggression questionnaire against the encompassing EC (Election Compass) scale. Self-reported voting behaviour has a very large and significant positive influence on the EC scale, with B-coefficients ranging from 13,627 in the equalitiy-discrimination model to 26,401 in the land division-land occupation model. Aggression plays as significant a role and keeping in mind that the aggression scale ranges from 0-100, a B-coefficient of around 0,500 is large as well.

(14) EC = 37,972– 3,332*gender + 28,098*coalition vote

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 14 (Constant) 19,700 1,895 10,397 ,000 Respondent coalition vote 22,112 1,825 ,462 12,113 ,000 Aggression questionnaire, ,570 ,055 ,398 10,431 ,000 total score Table 45: EC total score regression model (14), aggression

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, equality-discrimination B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 14a (Constant) 21,173 2,216 9,555 ,000 Respondent coalition 13,627 2,106 ,296 6,472 ,000 vote Aggression questionnaire, ,526 ,063 ,381 8,326 ,000 total score Table 46: EC, equality-discrimination model (14a), aggression

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, peace agr’t-cont’d violence B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 14b (Constant) 12,435 2,387 5,209 ,000 Respondent coalition 27,654 2,297 ,472 12,041 ,000 vote Aggression questionnaire, ,629 ,069 ,358 9,118 ,000 total score Table 47: EC, peace agreement-continued violence model (14b), aggression

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, land div.-land occup. B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 14c (Constant) 29,334 2,414 12,150 ,000 Respondent coalition 26,401 2,306 ,477 11,448 ,000 vote Aggression questionnaire, ,514 ,069 ,310 7,442 ,000 total score Table 48: EC, land division-land occupation model (14b), aggression

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THE ELECTION COMPASS SCALE AND MULTILINGUALISM As illustrated under 4.2. | there are very few variables who have a large significant impact on aggression. Therefore, and due to time and space restrictions in this thesis, only the most significant variables are included in this small complimentary analysis. These are the binary variable contact with native Arabic speakers, which indicates whether a respondent has contact with native Arabic speakers less than once per week or more (1), or not at all (0); speaking Hebrew as a mother tongue and speaking Arabic better than very basic.

(15) EC = 57,061– 4,496*gender – 2,306*Mother tongue (Hebrew) – -0,220*Very basic or better (Arabic) – -7,552*Contact with native Arabic speakers

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, total score B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 15 (Constant) 57,061 3,061 18,644 ,000 Respondent gender -4,496 2,072 -,099 -2,170 ,031 Mother tongue (Hebrew) -2,306 2,369 -,047 -,973 ,331 Very basic or better -,220 2,130 -,005 -,103 ,918 (Arabic) Contact with native Arabic -7,552 2,637 -,130 -2,864 ,004 speakers Table 49: EC total score regression model (15), multilingualism

Contact with native Arabic speakers has a large and significant influence on the encompassing EC scale. Contact decreases the scale, and does so in all three subscales. A similar influence as with coalition vote can be seen; its influence is a lot more limited in the equality-discrimination scale than in the other two subscales. In the former, language contact gears a respondent’s score 5,153 percentage points more towards equality. Language contact also ears a respondent’s score 8,680 percentage points more towards a peace agreement and 9,306 points towards land division. It is significant in all models.

Speaking Hebrew as a mother tongue (1) versus not speaking it as a mother tongue (0) also has a corresponding influence. It results in a tendency to gear more towards equality, striving for a peace agreement and land division. Having any knowledge of Arabic however, as seen in relation to the aggression scale, has the opposite effect in the equality-discrimination model. In relation to peace agreement-continued violence and in relation to land division-land occupation, it has a negative effect and thus shows a tendency to make a respondent gear more towards striving for a peace agreement and land division. In none of the four models it is significant at all though.

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, equality-discrimination B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 15a (Constant) 53,102 3,065 17,323 ,000 Respondent gender -4,346 2,069 -,098 -2,101 ,036 Mother tongue (Hebrew) -4,290 2,358 -,089 -1,819 ,070 Very basic or better ,741 2,114 ,017 ,351 ,726 (Arabic) Contact with native -5,153 2,629 -,091 -1,960 ,051 Arabic speakers Table 50: EC, equality-discrimination model (15a), multilingualism

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Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, peace agr’t-cont’d violence B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 15b (Constant) 54,959 3,756 14,631 ,000 Respondent gender -5,142 2,549 -,092 -2,017 ,044 Mother tongue (Hebrew) -1,754 2,920 -,029 -,601 ,548 Very basic or better -,680 2,614 -,012 -,260 ,795 (Arabic) Contact with native -8,680 3,217 -,122 -2,698 ,007 Arabic speakers Table 51: EC, peace agreement-continued violence model (15b), multilingualism

Model: EC and coalition vote Unstandardised Coefficients Stand. Coeff. Significance EC, land div.-land occup. B Std. Error Beta t Sig. 15c (Constant) 67,971 3,735 18,201 ,000 Respondent gender -2,728 2,529 -,050 -1,078 ,281 Mother tongue (Hebrew) -2,693 2,919 -,045 -,922 ,357 Very basic or better -,887 2,586 -,017 -,343 ,732 (Arabic) Contact with native -9,306 3,200 -,136 -2,909 ,004 Arabic speakers Table 52: EC, land division-land occupation model (15b), multilingualism

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CONCLUSION The following paragraphs will conclude the thesis’ findings and refer back to its research question and four primary hypotheses. A more in-depth discussion of the quantitative results of the previous chapter can be found under 5.1. |. As a recapitulation, the research question sounded as follows:

To what extent does multilingualism influence the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis?

Throughout this research, multilingualism has been operationalised into different indicators and therefore a research question of how multilingualism influences aggression. In fact, a combination of these two questions is more appropriate, since for all of the multilingualism indicators, an influential extent has been calculated. These can be found in the regression models constructed in chapter 4.2. | and will not one by one be repeated here. Instead, an attempt at an abstraction of the results is made in order to provide a conclusive and comprehensive answer to the research question.

The first hypothesis that stated that increased Arabic knowledge was expected to result in lower aggression levels, could not be confirmed. Instead, the majority of variables showed opposite tendencies, contradicting this hypothesis. Arabic knowledge showed a small tendency to increase aggression levels as the knowledge levels were higher among respondents. The basis of this hypothesis, the contact hypothesis, could therefore be considered discarded were it not that its primary condition, the one that requires equality between the groups in contact, can be considered not fulfilled in most cases. Pleading for this are the results of the contact with native Arabic speakers variable, which showed strong and significant negative coefficients set out against aggression scores. Since the variable did not specify the language in which the contact took place, it is presumable that a contact language was taken on in which the Jewish Israelis, who were the subject of the measurement of the variable, felt the contact took place on a more equal basis. This confirms this research’s second hypothesis and provides an interesting vantage point in future contact hypothesis research.

The third hypothesis that is based on the contact hypothesis stated that the municipality of Jerusalem was expected to show lower aggression levels than the mean of the entire dataset and other respondents. This was found to be true when comparing means, but the Jerusalemites’ scores (33,62 versus 34,42) did not stand out against the other districts. The Judea and Samaria district (West Bank) however, showed particularly higher means than the other districts.

The fourth and last hypothesis stated that territory, operationalised through the EC subscale of land division- land occupation would prove to be the main conflicted resource triggering outgroup hate. This, together with security through military dominance, expressed in the preference of continued violence over a peace agreement, showed strong indicators to be true. The EC subscale equality-discrimination returned much lower averages than the other two scales, which can be interpreted as proof of this hypothesis. Once again, however, the multinomial regression analyses performed in this research cannot uncover causality.

To what extent does multilingualism influence the aggressive expression of othering, and how? Aside from a very quantitative approach to answering this research question, this thesis’s research results reveal that the influence of multilingualism and particularly language contact are potentially very great in the sense that such contact results in lower aggression levels towards Palestinian Israelis. On the other hand, many of the multilingualism indicators pointed to the systematic inequality in such contact, resulting in a negative influence on aggression. This influence ranges from rather marginal to substantial.

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The research also sheds light on the how of the expression of othering. Discrimination is very much present against Palestinian Israelis, coming from Jewish Israelis. However, the scales measuring people’s holding onto their own land and security and as an aggregate of those two thus political and economic power, illustrated the dominance of those two over the discrimination scale leading to the confirmation of the constructed theory out of Brewer and Yiftachel’s work that out-group hate is not so much inherent to the out-group as it is a result of competing over territorial and power resources.

DISCUSSION The results observed in chapter 4. | , although often insignificant due to a relatively number of respondents with broadly ranging aggression scores, provide some fascinating insights relating to the theory set out in chapter 2. | Error! Reference source not found.. In that chapter, territorial, linguistic and groupist perspectives were used to analyse identity construction within Israel. Many of the theory’s findings are reflected in the data of this research, and some light must be shed on them in order to interpret them accurately. Many results have come forth from the analysis, but some larger lines can be abstracted.

THE PITFALLS OF THE CONTACT HYPOTHESIS This entire research was built on two dominant theories: the contact hypothesis and Brewer’s in-group and out-group reciprocal dynamics and its underlying motivations (1999). In one fascinating discussion conducted within this research with Dr. Zvi Bekerman, the author of Arab-Jewish Bilingual Coeducation in Israel: A Long-Term Approach to Intergroup Conflict Resolution (Bekerman & Horenczyk, 2004), the article in which he refers to the contact hypothesis in very similar manners as it is used in this thesis research, he showed his growing disbelief in the hypothesis. Twelve years after writing that specific article, he was extremely stressing the indispensable conditions for the hypothesis to be truly observed. These are, in one word, equality. It requires little amenability that contact between Jewish Israelis and Palestinian Israelis is rarely entirely equal. The former belong to a dominant class in the country from many different vantage points, the latter still a strongly discriminated social group within society that knows lower socio- economic standards then their Jewish counterparts.

The large majority of variables that were hypothesised to positively contribute to the contact hypothesis, shows tendencies not to do so. Knowledge of Arabic, the more participative language skills like speaking, non-formal and unconscious acquisition methods, as well as interactive language learning motivations and language uses showed opposite effect than expected. All of them increased the aggression levels of respondents. Nevertheless, the one variable asking about language contact was highly significant and showed a strong negative correlation with the aggression scale with a B-coefficient of -5,115 in a regression model including gender as well. What was first considered a shortcoming in this thesis research, namely the non-specification of the language used in this contact with native speakers, can now be considered it strength. Where all variables mentioned before differ from the language contact variable, is that they assume contact in Arabic. The dominant condition for the contact hypothesis to hold truth is equality, which in turn can be hypothesised to be achieved closer in Hebrew than in Arabic, from the perspective of Jewish Israelis only. From the perspective of Palestinian Israelis, a Jewish effort in Arabic would likely be more appreciated.

The contact hypothesis should not be referred to the recycle bin but more attention should be given to the conditions it requires to thrive. In projects like the one Bekerman and Horenczyk investigated, this

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proves of great importance. This research proves so too, confirming Bekerman’s statements that the hypothesis is fragile and more of a goal to be attained than a method on the way to mutual understanding.

OUT-GROUP HATE AND ITS UNDERLYING CAUSES Brewer convincingly argues that out-group hate is a reciprocal but not inherently unavoidable effect of in-group love, the connection felt between people of a similar identity group. She states that a potential trigger of active outgroup hate is a conflict over rare resources. Yiftachel in his turn argues that in Israel, territory is quite literally the kernel of the nation and thus together with the power over it, its resources and its people, the primary source of conflict. This is an interesting theory, for which the results of this research can be interpreted as substantiation thereof. Particularly the three subscales of the Election Compass scale and their different means and influential components support this theoretical construction.

The expression that the aggression scale has on the three EC subscales is striking, particularly compared to the effect party vote has on these subscales. A vote for a party in the current Israeli coalition gears a respondent nearly 16 percentage points less towards discrimination that it does towards a preference for continued violence over a peace agreement and 13 percentage points more towards land occupation than towards discrimination. Nevertheless, the outgroup hate in the form of discrimination is still extremely prominent with a B-coefficient of 18,695. This indicates a very real presence of out-group hate fuelled by a protectionist reflex over land and power. This is further substantiated by the significantly lower average of the equality-discrimination and peace agreement-continued violence scale compared to the land division-land occupation subscale.

Aggression on the other hand shows different correlations. Aggression shows, not very surprisingly, a larger B-coefficient relation to the peace agreement-continued violence subscale (0,629) compared to equality-discrimination (0,526) and land division-land occupation (0,514). These coefficients are a lot smaller than the coalition vote coefficients, but the latter concerns a binary variable and the former a scale from 0-100. Aggression is thus a larger determinant in an inclination towards continued violence than in the other two scales. While the relatively lower coefficient in relation to land division-land occupation is not entirely in line with the constructed theory, the lower coefficient in relation to equality- discrimination is.

IMPLICATIONS The dominant Israeli narrative focuses rigidly on its security (Jones, 2012). Critics of this narrative have long pointed towards the underlying discriminatory motives for a called unfair reasoning for some of Israel’s deeds. However, this research proves that in the minds of Israel’s Jewish population, the out-group hate in the form of discrimination does not trump and is even significantly lower than its perceived need for security and land protection. However contradictory it may seem, many seem to believe that security will only be achieved or maintained through military dominance, not a truce. Obviously, given this research’s set up, measuring only self-reported values at one point in time, it cannot define the effects of manipulation and indoctrination the Israeli population undergoes. This is a whole other discussion that although interesting and valid, cannot and should not be had within this thesis.

Although a beautiful result of this thesis would have been the simple correlation ‘teach Arabic, teach peace’. Of course, it is not as simple as that. While holding onto the contact hypothesis, it becomes painfully clear that its conditions are of primary importance, and its use only of secondary. This is tricky, because its conditions, use and effects work in a circle. Allowing for more equal contact conditions

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requires a certain amount of mutual understanding which in its turn could have been the results of successful contact. One more important notion concerning the contact hypothesis which has become more clear after this research, is its assumption of two distinguishable social groups with their own unique and distinctive characteristics that, although increasingly knowing mutual understanding. The hypothesis does not refer to any further stadia than this and assimilation is not mentioned. As far as the hypothesis concerns, these two groups will remain equally distinctive.

Although the knowledge of Arabic in itself did not prove to negatively influence aggression levels, some of the other Arabic multilingualism variables show negative tendencies. While mastery of the speaking skill in both Hebrew and Arabic showed higher aggression levels, this could be attributed to aggressive reproduction of narratives and ingroup feelings. A positive B-coefficient does not imply a language facet that does not deserve attention, on the contrary. Potentially, a focus on hate speech, a less aggressive narrative or controlled communication between groups could alleviate the positive coefficient. The strong negative coefficient of conscious language acquisition, whether voluntary or mandatory, speaks for more wide-spread Arabic classes in the Israeli education system. Increasing awareness for the study of Arabic and the presence of the language in Israeli society could lower aggression levels against Palestinian Israelis.

While Arabic knowledge did not prove to make for lower aggression levels at this time, Hebrew knowledge did. This could be interpreted as a need for thorough integration of Jewish immigrants into the Hebrew speaking Jewish community of the state in order to make for lower aggression levels. Although the author has not conducted in-depth research into Israeli immigration and integration policies, several integration programs, mostly for immigrants who make Aliyah8, have come to his attention. These programs included among other intensive language classes. While reiterating the author’s attempted objectivity, as long as Jewish immigration to Israel is a reality, it proves useful to put effort into language integration of these immigrants.

On the other hand, this research proves the importance of people’s trust in their territory. ‘This is my land, it’s safe and it’ll stay that way’ could be the hopeful and individual paraphrasing of the constructed territory theory. Unless group boundaries are bound to break down in the coming decennia, which is rather unlikely, even with the most successful contact hypothesis encounters, any two people, one homeland solution could be considered farfetched after this thesis’ results. Sharing land with two people who claim it as their own would be the logical cause of conflict based on this theory, the research results and current observations.

Lastly, the influence of political votes on aggression and the EC scales concludes that potentially the larger share of responsibility in decreasing aggression among Jewish Israelis towards Palestinian Israelis lies within the political realm or the big P (Flint, 2003).

8 Aliyah is the term for the voluntary return of people of Jewish descent to the land of Israel under the law of return. The term can be translated as a sort of spiritual ascent, and the person who makes Aliyah is called an Oleh.

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RESEARCH RETROSPECTIVE AND PROSPECTIVE On these last pages of the thesis, I will permit myself to consider my work a modest part of a specific branch of literature thus providing additional insight and vantage points for further research on the topic. Before I do so, I will look back on some of the shortcomings of this research.

SHORTCOMINGS In a research process that spans six months, which is both a long time for a student, but a very short time for a rather elaborate research that includes fieldwork, as probably in any research process, several issues arise during the process. Most of these have been anticipated or attempts have been made to do so, but unavoidably, some manage to find their way into this thesis. Especially the operationalisation seemed prone to smaller inaccuracies and left room for small-scale improvement. Most of these have been mentioned in the operationalisation chapter, but are repeated for the sake of completeness here. Following the structure of this thesis, some shortcomings in the theoretical framework are discussed before moving onto the operationalisation and analysis.

As a relatively unexperienced geographer, coming from a transportation sciences degree, human geographical literature is a treasure of information but at the same time a black box. Nearly a year of delving into it has not ceased the amount of highly relevant articles coming to the surface. One instance is Maoz’s Does contact work in protracted asymmetrical conflict? Appraising 20 years of reconciliation- aimed encounters between Israeli Jews and Palestinians (2011) in which he identifies and traces the evolution of four major models of Jewish—Palestinian planned encounters and analyses he strengths and limitations of each model in transforming intergroup attitudes in asymmetric conflict where exactly this last remark makes it highly relevant to this thesis’s results. A second instance is Gubler’s doctoral dissertation The Micro-Motives of Intergroup Aggression: A Case Study in Israel (2011). The dissertation uncovers the micro-motives behind individual support for and engagement in aggression against members of an outgroup and moves on to take on the realities of intergroup conflict resolution. Both works are in their cores parallel to this research and would have proven highly interesting in both findings, theory and methodology if they had been incorporated in this thesis’ framework.

On the first screen of the survey, a welcome text was shown to the respondent. This text, and the rest of the survey, was by default in English unless the respondent’s internet browser was in Hebrew or in Arabic. However, any respondent had the possibility to change the survey language to either English, Hebrew or Arabic, which all contained the exact same questions. This possibility was not mentioned in the welcome text, and it is presumable that many respondents whose English is insufficient to complete the survey dropped out. On the other hand, the open responses of the people who did fill out the survey in another language than English, were non-interpretable by the author. The same issue persisted for the cognition questions, which were not used in the research analysis in the end. There was a validation on the answers, making sure the answers were numerical. However, the system only allowed points or commas as decimal separators depending on the language or the keyboard. This caused several complaints and drop outs.

In the survey questions, it would have been useful to ask for which form of Arabic has been learnt or which form is spoken. These can be the Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) that is used in written form and in most media, or any form of colloquial Arabic, such as Palestinian or Levantine, Gulf or many others. This can play a large role in language understanding, since many speakers have trouble understanding other colloquial forms. Another error in question validation was the display logic of the Hebrew listening CEFRL can do statements that did not show up when they should have. Furthermore, it was later pointed out

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that people can in fact have an explicit language learning motivation even if their language acquisition was mandatory.

More basic, and not only concerning the survey is the terminology used in this research. Particularly the terminology defining Palestinian Israelis was controversial, and the respondents have made that clear in several email comments. These comments also stressed the complexity of the situation in Israel. Many pointed to the rather black and white approach of the survey and its answer scales and felt they could not accurately reflect their opinions through it. This is an extremely valid point. Although neither this research or its survey claim to accurately paint the entire image of the situation in Israel, it is an important realisation. Realising that no survey could attempt to do so is essential in the results interpretation.

The aggression questionnaire scale was adopted from Buss and Perry’s research, as were its subscales. This was not the case for the Election Compass scale or its subscales. In a more thorough and defendable statistical analysis, a factor analysis should have been performed on the encompassing scale to analyse the scaling of the individual questions as well as their internal correlation in order to construct the subscales. Furthermore, in the statistical analysis, a more widespread use of ANOVA analyses would have been welcomed to statistically determine the significance of differing means.

The recognition of these shortcomings, though post-factum, will hopefully aid further research in avoiding similar pitfalls and allows for a more grounded result interpretation.

RESEARCH PROSPECTIVE The limitations of this research set out above and its results provide in many cases a strong incentive for further research. Three topics were uncovered that deserve further research in the author’s modest opinion. The first one is the promising potential of language contact. Since the variable used in this research did not specify the language in which the contact took place, this leaves room for additional research particularly given the large significant coefficients that resulted from the regression analysis.

This immediately relates to the second topic. Since the contact hypothesis seemed to be missing its necessary conditions to thrive, this is worthy of further research that takes into account more thoroughly the discrepancies between groups in contact, tries to correct for it, and studies this evolution over time. Especially this last suggestion appears worthwhile. In this research, it is technically impossible to say that scores increase or decrease over time. When it is paraphrased like this in this thesis however, it indicates respectively a higher or lower score among respondents with certain values on the independent variables, not an increase or decrease among those same respondents. Lastly, the influence of voting behaviour on aggression and the EC subscales deserves further investigation, given the impressive influence and revealing value of party vote.

An adapted methodology to the issues addressed in this thesis would be welcomed. Interviews and observations were not possible within the frame of this research, but could potentially prove extremely valid in further research.

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APPENDICES Survey

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Codebook Variable name Variable description Type Value Label ResponseID Respondent identification Date that the respondent StartDate started filling in the survey Date that the respondent EndDate ended filling in the survey Respondent finished the Respondent did not Finished survey Binary 0 finish the survey Respondent did 1 finish the survey ID_GENDER Respondent gender Binary 0 Male 1 Female ID_BYEAR Respondent birth year Continuous ID_AGE Respondent age Continuous ID_AGECAT Respondent age category Ordinal 0 18-24 1 25-34 2 35-44 3 45-54 4 55+ ID_RELIGION Respondent religion Categorical 0 Other 1 Jewish 2 Christian ID_ETHN Respondent ethnicity Singular Jewish Israeli ID_EDU Respondent education level Ordinal 1 Primary education Intermediate 2 education Secondary 3 education First cycle university degree 4 (bachelor’s) Second cycle university degree 5 (master’s) Third cycle university degree 6 (doctoral) 7 Other Respondent education level, ID_EDU_CAT2 university education Binary 0 Primary education Intermediate 0 education Secondary 0 education

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First cycle university degree 1 (bachelor’s) Second cycle university degree 1 (master’s) Third cycle university degree 1 (doctoral) - Other ID_DISTRICT Respondent district Tekst Tel Aviv District Jerusalem District Center District (HaMerkaz) Southern District (HaDarom) Haifa District Northern District (HaZafon) Judea and Samaria (West Bank) Somewhere else Respondent municipality in ID_JLM_DISTR Jerusalem district Tekst Beit Shemesh Jerusalem Kiryat Yearim Mateh Yehuda Mevaseret Zion Respondent, East or West ID_JLM_CITY Jerusalem Tekst East Jerusalem West Jerusalem Respondent lives in ID_JLM_BIN Jerusalem Binary 0 No 1 Yes ID_VOTE Respondent voting allowed Binary 0 No 1 Yes ID_PARTY Respondent party vote Tekst Likud The Zionist Union United Arab List Yesh Atid Kulanu HaBayit HaYehudi Shas Yisrael Beiteinu United Torah Judaism Meretz

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Yachad - HaAm Itanu I prefer not to answer. ID_PARTY_CO Respondent coalition vote Binary 0 Opposition 1 Coalition 2 Other Binary variable on self- HE_LL_self_2 indicated language levels Binary 1 Mother tongue 0 Other Categorical variable (3) on self-indicated language HE_LL_self_3 levels Ordinal 2 Mother tongue 2 Fluent 1 Advanced 1 Intermediate 0 Basic 0 Very basic I don't speak this - language Binary variable on self- AR_LL_self_2 indicated language levels Binary 1 Mother tongue 0 Other Categorical variable (3) on self-indicated language AR_LL_self_3 levels Ordinal 2 Mother tongue 2 Fluent 1 Advanced 1 Intermediate 0 Basic 0 Very basic I don't speak this - language LL1no_self Number of languages known Continuous Number of languages known, fluent or mother LL5no_self tongue Continuous MTno_LL_self Number of mother tongues Continuous MT1_LL_self First mother tongue Tekst MT2_LL_self Second mother tongue Tekst I don't know this HE_LL_self Level of Hebrew knowledge Ordinal 0 language AR_LL_self Level of Arabic knowledge 1 Very basic RU_LL_self Level of Russian knowledge 2 Basic YI_LL_self Level of Yiddish knowledge 3 Intermediate EN_LL_self Level of English knowledge 4 Advanced

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FR_LL_self Level of French knowledge 5 Fluent DE_LL_self Level of German knowledge 6 Mother tongue AH_LL_self Level of Amharic knowledge ES_LL_self Level of Spanish knowledge Level of knowledge of LX_LL_self another language LX_LL_self_txt Other known language Tekst Mother or first parent's MT_MOM mother tongue Tekst Father or second parent's MT_DAD mother tongue Tekst Parents and children speak MT_LPURE Family language unity Categorical 0 different languages. Both parents and child speak the 1 same language One parent and 2 child speak Hebrew Both parents and 3 child speak Hebrew One parent and MT_HE_PURE Family Hebrew unity Binary 0 child speak Hebrew Both parents and 1 child speak Hebrew Other Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_A_SPEAK CEFRL-A, speaking Binary 0 Cannot do Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_A_LISTEN CEFRL-A, listening Binary 1 Can do Can do statement, Hebrew, Did not get to see HE_LL_CEFRL_A_WRITE CEFRL-A, writing Binary this statement Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_A_READ CEFRL-A, reading Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_B_SPEAK CEFRL-B, speaking Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_B_LISTEN CEFRL-B, listening Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_B_WRITE CEFRL-B, writing Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_B_READ CEFRL-B, reading Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_C_SPEAK CEFRL-C, speaking Binary

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Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_C_LISTEN CEFRL-C, listening Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_C_WRITE CEFRL-C, writing Binary Can do statement, Hebrew, HE_LL_CEFRL_C_READ CEFRL-C, reading Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_A_SPEAK CEFRL-A, speaking Binary 0 Cannot do Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_A_LISTEN CEFRL-A, listening Binary 1 Can do Can do statement, Arabic, Did not get to see AR_LL_CEFRL_A_WRITE CEFRL-A, writing Binary this statement Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_A_READ CEFRL-A, reading Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_B_SPEAK CEFRL-B, speaking Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_B_LISTEN CEFRL-B, listening Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_B_WRITE CEFRL-B, writing Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_B_READ CEFRL-B, reading Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_C_SPEAK CEFRL-C, speaking Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_C_LISTEN CEFRL-C, listening Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_C_WRITE CEFRL-C, writing Binary Can do statement, Arabic, AR_LL_CEFRL_C_READ CEFRL-C, reading Binary Hebrew language acquisition through an integrative HE_LAQ_INT_FORM formal method Binary 0 No Hebrew language acquisition through an integrative non- HE_LAQ_INT_NFORM formal method Binary 1 Yes Hebrew language acquisition through an integrative HE_LAQ_INT_NFORM informal method Binary Hebrew language acquisition through an instrumental HE_LAQ_INSTR_FORM formal method Binary Hebrew language acquisition through an instrumental HE_LAQ_INSTR_NFORM non-formal method Binary

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Hebrew language acquisition through an instrumental HE_LAQ_INSTR_NFORM informal method Binary Hebrew language acquisition through an integrative HE_LAQ_INT method Binary Hebrew language acquisition through an instrumental HE_LAQ_INSTR method Binary Hebrew language acquisition HE_LAQ_FORM through a formal method Binary Hebrew language acquisition HE_LAQ_IFORM through an informal method Binary Hebrew language acquisition through a non-formal HE_LAQ_NFORM method Binary Arabic language acquisition through an integrative AR_LAQ_INT_FORM formal method Binary 0 No Arabic language acquisition through an integrative non- AR_LAQ_INT_NFORM formal method Binary 1 Yes Arabic language acquisition through an integrative AR_LAQ_INT_NFORM informal method Binary Arabic language acquisition through an instrumental AR_LAQ_INSTR_FORM formal method Binary Arabic language acquisition through an instrumental AR_LAQ_INSTR_NFORM non-formal method Binary Arabic language acquisition through an instrumental AR_LAQ_INSTR_NFORM informal method Binary Arabic language acquisition through an integrative AR_LAQ_INT method Binary Arabic language acquisition through an instrumental AR_LAQ_INSTR method Binary Arabic language acquisition AR_LAQ_FORM through a formal method Binary Arabic language acquisition AR_LAQ_IFORM through an informal method Binary Arabic language acquisition through a non-formal AR_LAQ_NFORM method Binary

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Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it with HE_LMOT_FAMILY family Binary 0 No Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it with HE_LMOT_PARTNER partner Binary 1 Yes Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it with HE_LMOT_FRIENDS friends Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it with HE_LMOT_PPLSTR people on the street Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it at HE_LMOT_SCHOOL school Binary Hebrew language learning HE_LMOT_WORK motivation, to use it at work Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it at army HE_LMOT_ARMY service Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it for HE_LMOT_CULT understanding its culture Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it for understanding its literature HE_LMOT_LITMEDIA and media Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it for HE_LMOT_OTHER another reason Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it for HE_LMOT_OTHER_TXT another reason - tekst Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it with HE_LMOT_PPL specific people Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it at a HE_LMOT_LOC specific location Binary Hebrew language learning motivation, to use it for a HE_LMOT_PURP specific purpose Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it with AR_LMOT_FAMILY family Binary 0 No Arabic language learning motivation, to use it with AR_LMOT_PARTNER partner Binary 1 Yes

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Arabic language learning motivation, to use it with AR_LMOT_FRIENDS friends Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it with AR_LMOT_PPLSTR people on the street Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it at AR_LMOT_SCHOOL school Binary Arabic language learning AR_LMOT_WORK motivation, to use it at work Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it at army AR_LMOT_ARMY service Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it for AR_LMOT_CULT understanding its culture Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it for understanding its literature AR_LMOT_LITMEDIA and media Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it for AR_LMOT_OTARR another reason Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it for AR_LMOT_OTARR_TXT another reason - tekst Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it with AR_LMOT_PPL specific people Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it at a AR_LMOT_LOC specific location Binary Arabic language learning motivation, to use it for a AR_LMOT_PURP specific purpose Binary Contact frequence with HE_LCONTACT native Hebrew speakers Ordinal Contact frequence with AR_LCONTACT native Arabic speakers Ordinal Contact frequence with native speakers of another LX_LCONTACT language Ordinal Binary variable on contact AR_LCONTACT_BIN with native Arabic speakers Binary 0 Never Less than once per week or more 1 frequent

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 106 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_FAMILY it with family Binary 0 No Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_FAMILY it with family Binary 1 Yes Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_PARTNER it with partner Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_PARTNER it with partner Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_FRIENDS it with friends Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_FRIENDS it with friends Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_PPLSTREET it with people on the street Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_PPLSTREET it with people on the street Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_SCHOOL it at school Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_SCHOOL it at school Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_WORK it at work Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_WORK it at work Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_ARMY it at army service Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_ARMY it at army service Binary Hebrew language use, to use it for understanding its HE_LUSE_MEDIA media Binary Arabic language use, to use it for understanding its AR_LUSE_MEDIA media Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_INTERNET it on the internet Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_INTERNET it on the internet Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_OTHER it for another reason - tekst Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_OTHER it for another reason - tekst Binary

HE_LUSE_DONTUSE No current Hebrew usage Binary

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 107 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

AR_LUSE_DONTUSE No current Arabic usage Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_PPL it with specific people Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_PPL it with specific people Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_LOC it in specific locations Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_LOC it in specific locations Binary Hebrew language use, to use HE_LUSE_PURP it for a specific purpose Binary Arabic language use, to use AR_LUSE_PURP it for a specific purpose Binary EC_1 Election compass, question 1 Continuous EC_2_reversed Election compass, question 2 Continuous EC_3_reversed Election compass, question 3 Continuous EC_4_reversed Election compass, question 4 Continuous EC_5 Election compass, question 5 Continuous EC_6 Election compass, question 6 Continuous EC_7 Election compass, question 7 Continuous EC_8 Election compass, question 8 Continuous EC_9_reversed Election compass, question 9 Continuous Election compass, question EC_10_reversed 10 Continuous Election compass, question EC_11_reversed 11 Continuous EC_TOTAL Election compass, total score Continuous Election compass, equality- EC_EQUAL_DISCR discrimination Continuous Election compass, peace agreement-continued EC_PEACE_VIOL violence Continuous Election compass, land EC_LANDDIV_LANDOCC division-land occupation Continuous Acceptability for violence, TV_1 question 1 Continuous Acceptability for violence, TV_2 question 2 Continuous Acceptability for violence, TV_3 question 3 Continuous Acceptability for violence, TV_4 question 4 Continuous Acceptability for violence, TV_5 question 5 Continuous

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 108 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Acceptability for violence, JI_TV_TOTAL_100 total score (100) Continuous Acceptability for violence, JI_TV_TOTAL_5 total score (5) Continuous Acceptability for violence, total score, neutral JI_TV_N_TOTAL_100 questions (100) Continuous Acceptability for violence, total score, neutral JI_TV_N_TOTAL_5 questions (5) Continuous Acceptability for violence, total score, specific JI_TV_S_TOTAL_5 questions (100) Continuous Acceptability for violence, total score, specific JI_TV_S_TOTAL_101 questions (5) Continuous Acceptability for violence, JI_TV_DISP_TOTAL_100 total score, dispute (100) Continuous Acceptability for violence, JI_TV_DISP_TOTAL_5 total score, dispute (5) Continuous Acceptability for violence, JI_TV_POL_TOTAL_100 total score, political (100) Continuous Acceptability for violence, JI_TV_POL_TOTAL_5 total score, political (5) Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_1 question 1 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_2 question 2 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_3_N question 3 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_4 question 4 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_5_N question 5 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_6 question 6 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_7 question 7 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_8 question 8 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, AGGR_9_N question 9 Continuous Aggression questionnaire, JI_AGGR_TOTAL total score Continuous Aggression questionnaire, total score, neutral JI_AGGR_N_TOTAL questions Continuous

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 109 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Aggression questionnaire, total score, specific JI_AGGR_S_TOTAL questions Continuous Aggression questionnaire, JI_AGGR_PHYS_TOTAL total score, physical violence Continuous Aggression questionnaire, total score, physical violence JI_AGGR_PHYS_TOTAL_article (article calculated score) Continuous Aggression questionnaire, JI_AGGR_VERB_TOTAL total score, verbal violence Continuous Aggression questionnaire, total score, verbal violence JI_AGGR_VERB_TOTAL_article (article calculated score) Continuous Aggression questionnaire, JI_AGGR_HOST_TOTAL total score, hostility Continuous Aggression questionnaire, total score, hostility (article JI_AGGR_HOST_TOTAL_article calculated score) Continuous COGN_1_TRUE Cognition, question 1 Binary 0 Incorrect COGN_2_TRUE Cognition, question 2 Binary 1 Correct COGN_3_TRUE Cognition, question 3 Binary Blank COGN_TOTAL Cognition, total score Continuous

Result tables Concentrated Total Jewish District Count coordinates population9 population2 Tel Aviv District 115 250 1.350.000 1.258.800 Jerusalem District 107 42 1.034.200 689.900 Beit Shemesh 8 - Jerusalem 83 - East Jerusalem 10 - West Jerusalem 72 - Blank 1 - Kiryat Yearim 1 - Mateh Yehuda 5 - Mevaseret Zion 6 - Blank 4 - Center District (HaMerkaz) 106 48 2.024.500 1.775.300 Southern District (HaDarom) 45 116 1.192.300 880.400 Haifa District 39 29 966.700 663.800 Northern District (HaZafon) 33 4 1.358.600 587.900

9 The numbers of Israel districts, divided into Jewish and Arab populations are taken from the 1/12/2014 Israeli census (Population and Immigration Authority and the Population Register, 2015)

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 110 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Judea and Samaria (West Bank) 21 6 370.700 362.900 Somewhere else 26 - - Blank 3 - - Grand Total 495 495 8.296.900 6.219.200 Appendix table 1: geographic distribution of respondents and population

Ethnicity Count Jewish Israeli 550 Palestinian citizen 14 Arab/Palestinian Israeli 8 Other 162 Blank 216 Total 950 Appendix table 2: counts of all enthnicities

Language Mother (first parent) Father (second parent) Total Hebrew 201 190 391 English 125 111 236 Russian 51 55 106 Spanish 21 22 43 Yiddish 12 21 33 German 13 17 30 French 13 14 27 Arabic 6 9 15 Dutch 5 5 10 Romanian 4 3 7 Italian 3 3 6 Turkish 3 3 6 Hungarian 2 3 5 Swedish 3 2 5 Farsi 2 2 4 Polish 2 2 4 Czech 0 2 2 Georgian 1 1 2 Ladino 1 1 2 Marathi 1 1 2 Bulgarian 1 0 1 Créole 0 1 1 Croatian 0 1 1 Indonesian 0 1 1 Moroccan 1 0 1 norwegian 0 1 1 Persian 0 1 1 Portuguese 1 0 1 Serbian 1 0 1 Unknown 22 23 45 Grand Total 495 495 990 Appendix table 3: counts of all parental mother tongues

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 111 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Coalition Opposition I prefer

Judais HaAm

Union

Yisrae

Yacha

Zionis

Torah Torah

Beitei

Kulan

Unite Unite

Mere

Likud

Haba Itanu

Haye

Arab not to

Yesh Yesh

Shas

hudi

Atid

The

List

nu d

yit yit

m Average tz answer. Blank Total

u d d

t

-

l age Center District 36,12 27 25% 9 2 8 0 5 3 61 58% 13 24 1 3 20 11 7 106 Haifa District 35,74 15 38% 5 2 6 0 2 0 18 46% 4 9 1 1 3 3 3 39 Jerusalem District 39,65 34 32% 10 2 15 1 6 0 49 46% 19 18 0 1 11 9 15 107 83 Jerusalem 38,18 26 31% 8 2 13 0 3 0 38 46% 17 14 0 1 6 8 11 East Jerusalem 26,60 0 0% 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 10% 0 1 0 0 0 2 7 10 West Jerusalem 39,83 26 36% 8 2 13 0 3 0 37 51% 17 13 0 1 6 6 3 72 Judea and Samaria (West Bank) 35,67 12 57% 5 1 3 0 2 1 6 29% 0 2 0 3 1 2 1 21 Northern District 40,76 4 12% 3 0 1 0 0 0 25 76% 6 12 0 1 6 4 0 33 Southern District 39,51 13 29% 1 1 6 1 4 0 25 56% 10 7 1 1 6 5 2 45 Tel Aviv District 33,87 28 24% 7 4 15 0 1 1 71 62% 33 26 0 0 12 5 11 115 Somewhere else 33,58 1 4% 0 0 1 0 0 0 17 65% 8 7 0 0 2 1 7 26 Blank 51 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 33% 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 3 Total 36,88 186 40 12 55 2 20 5 349 93 105 3 10 62 40 48 495 Appendix table 4: full overview of geographic voting

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 112 The influence of multilingualism on the aggressive expression of othering among Jewish Israelis

Integrative Instrumental. HE/AR_LAQ1_VOLU 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_VOLU 0 or 1

HE/AR_LAQ1_MAND 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_MAND 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_UNINT 0 HE/AR_LAQ1_UNINT 0 HE/AR_LAQ2_FORMAL 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ2_FORMAL 0 or 1 Formal. HE/AR_LAQ3_INSTR 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_INSTR 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_EXPOS 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_EXPOS 0 or 1

HE/AR_LAQ1_VOLU 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_VOLU 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_MAND 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_MAND 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_UNINT 0 HE/AR_LAQ1_UNINT 0

formal. formal. - HE/AR_LAQ2_FORMAL 1 or 2 HE/AR_LAQ2_FORMAL 1 or 2

Non HE/AR_LAQ3_INSTR 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_INSTR 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_EXPOS 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_EXPOS 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_VOLU 0 HE/AR_LAQ1_VOLU 0

HE/AR_LAQ1_MAND 0 HE/AR_LAQ1_MAND 0 HE/AR_LAQ1_UNINT 1 HE/AR_LAQ1_UNINT 1 HE/AR_LAQ2_FORMAL 1 or 2 HE/AR_LAQ2_FORMAL 1 or 2 Informal. HE/AR_LAQ3_INSTR 0 or 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_INSTR 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_EXPOS 1 HE/AR_LAQ3_EXPOS 0 or 1 Appendix table 5: language acquisition construction

Mother tongue Mean aggression n French 42,22 15 Spanish 36,30 15 English 34,92 153 Russian 33,76 33 Hebrew 33,61 309 Swedish 73,61 2 Croatian 72,22 1 Serbian 72,22 1 Turkish 63,89 1 Yiddish 40,97 1 Italian 36,11 3 Dutch 34,03 4 Portuguese 22,22 1 German 22,22 3 Unknown 30,23 17 Total 34,29 559 Appendix table 6: mean aggression scores per mother tongue

Tom W. Etienne Political geography master thesis 113