Congressional Blogging: Advertising, Credit Claiming, & Position Taking

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Congressional Blogging: Advertising, Credit Claiming, & Position Taking Congressional Blogging: Advertising, Credit Claiming, & Position Taking Antoinette Pole, Ph.D. Taubman Center for Public Policy Brown University [email protected] Paper prepared for presentation at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, PA. Abstract Based on content analysis of 28 congressional blogs undertaken in August 2006, this research investigates congressional blogs and congressional blogging. To understand these phenomena descriptive analysis establishes a framework by detailing various aspects of congressional blogs ranging from the format to the features of these blogs to demographic information about the members who blog. Findings from the data suggest that features typically associated with blogs such as archives, blogrolls and comments do not appear on a majority of congressional blogs. The demographic composition of congressional bloggers however, white well-educated males, is akin to other political bloggers (McKenna and Pole Forthcoming). Finally, this research tests whether or not congressional members use blogs to engage in advertising, credit claiming and position taking, key activities believed to facilitate reelection. Findings from the data show that while a majority of legislators blog infrequently, legislators do engage in these activities with the most emphasis on position taking. 1 Within the United States blogging has increasingly become an important force in American politics. Though in its infancy, the political impact of blogging on United States politics is notable, ranging from the resignation of Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott 2002 to the mobilization efforts of voters in the 2004 presidential campaign of Howard Dean. If majority leaders can be unseated and candidates can ascend to national prominence through blogs1 the potential influence of this medium is significant, especially with the burgeoning number of blogs being created on a daily basis. Current estimates suggest that approximately 12 million adults blog, and 57 million adults read blogs in the US (Lenhart and Fox 2006). Studies which examine the impact of the Internet on representation (Adler et al. 1998; Owen et al. 1999; Messmer et al. 2000; and Pole 2005) indicate that legislators at the national and local levels of government use the Internet to communicate with constituents, respond to policy demands, and provide services and respond to the needs of individuals and groups. Based on Mayhew’s (1974) study of legislators, which found that members aim to enhance their chances of securing reelection by advertising, credit claiming and position taking, Owen et al. (1999) and Messmer et al. (2000) analyze congressional websites to determine whether legislators undertake these activities on their websites. Findings from their studies show that legislators use their websites to engage in advertising and position taking. Despite this, a majority of the content found on congressional websites is neutral (Messmer et al. 2000). Yet, unlike congressional websites it is highly doubtful that the content of congressional blogs is neutral since blogs are written in the first person, and they provide commentary on a 1 Blogs are online diaries updated on daily basis, displayed in reverse chronology. 2 topic or range of topics. By their very nature bloggers tend to not only disseminate information, but to furnish readers with opinions. Based on content analysis of congressional blogs in the House of Representatives this research examines congressional blogs and the members who blog. It also investigates how congressional members use their blogs. This exploratory study endeavors to accomplish three objectives. First, it provides descriptive analysis that details various aspects of congressional blogging and congressional blogs. Analysis of congressional bloggers illustrates demographic difference of legislators, as well as differences in the style and format of congressional blogs. Second, this research offers comparative analysis. It explores differences between bloggers from different political parties as well as differences between two groups of bloggers, members who have blogged six months or more months and those who have not. Finally, this research examines the impact of blogging on congressional behavior. I test whether legislators engage in advertising, credit claiming or position taking, key activities believed to enhance a member’s chance of reelection (Mayhew 1974). Does Congressional Blogging Matter? The impact of blogging on politics is especially noteworthy. In the US, the potency of blogs on politics is best illustrated by the removal of Trent Lott as Senate Majority Leader, while abroad, citizens in France and the Netherlands credited bloggers with mobilizing voters to reject the EU Constitution (Anderson 2005). Growing in popularity, even members of congress have begun to recognize the value of blogging which allows members to disseminate information, provide commentary, and interact 3 with their constituents. Because blogging occurs daily, posts can be archived serving as a written record unlike any other record. One feature commonly associated with blogs, the comment section, potentially facilitates communication between members and their constituents. Members who chose to respond to comments may ultimately be viewed as more responsive than other legislators. Moreover, posts written in the first person by congressional members are intimate and personalized. Congressional blogging might result in representation closer to the public. While there is a substantial literature which examines the impact of information technology on government (Davis 1999, 2005; Wilhelm 2000; Davis, Elin and Reeher 2002; Bimber 2003, and West 2005), scholarly research on the impact of information technology on representation is more circumscribed (Richardson et al. 1995; Adler et al.1998; Owen et al. 1999; Messmer 2000; Pole 2005; Richardson and Cooper 2006). Similarly only a few authors investigate the nexus between blogging and politics (Trippi 2004; McKenna and Pole 2004, Forthcoming; and Williams et al. 2005). To date, scholars have not studies the impact of blogging on representation. My research addresses these gaps in the literature by investigating congressional blogs and members who blog, as well as contributing to the literature on congressional behavior. Literature Review Studies of the blogosphere can be grouped into three categories: descriptive accounts of blogging, exploration of blogging and political participation, and analysis of blogging and the media. The first two categories are especially relevant to this research. 4 Descriptive analyses of blogging largely examine why bloggers blog and the type of activities bloggers undertake on their blogs. Chang et al. (2005) and Nardi et al. (2004) examine the reasons that motivate bloggers to blog. According to the authors there are a variety of reason for blogging including, but not limited to, documenting their personal lives, providing commentary and opinions, articulating ideas through writing and maintaining community forums. McKenna and Pole (Forthcoming) investigate the activities of average bloggers. Activities that bloggers engage in include informing their readers, reporting errors or omissions in the mainstream media, engaging in political advocacy and encouraging their readers to donate to philanthropic causes. The authors find that 80 percent of bloggers engage in the first two activities. Descriptive analysis of congressional blogging and the activities that they engage in will complement existing studies of the blogosphere. Scholarly research also examines how blogging impacts politics and participation. Both Trippi (2004) and Williams et al. (2005) analyze the impact of blogs on the 2004 presidential campaign. Trippi describes the role of the Internet, and more specifically notes the relevance of the presidential candidate Howard Dean’s blog in building grassroots support. Findings from Williams et al. (2005) show that presidential candidates tend to use websites more than blogs. Despite this, blogs tend to have more external links and they tend to discuss more salient issues. Finally, McKenna and Pole (2004) examine how A-list bloggers use their blogs to engage in political participation. Their analysis suggests that blogging turns moderate participators into more intense participators, and that blogging facilitates political discourse and participation through the comment section, blogrolls and links. Subsequent research by these authors 5 (McKenna and Pole Forthcoming) shows that among average bloggers, they too use blogs to engage in activities defined as political participation. Examining congressional blogging will enhance our understanding of this enterprise and its affect on representation. Several more recent articles (Norton 2005; Bluey 2006; Pfeiffer 2006; and the National Conference of State Legislatures) detail the rise of blogging by state legislators and congressional members, but they are not comprehensive. They do however, offer insight as to who is currently blogging and why more politicians are not blogging. These accounts suggest that a small number of congressional members are blogging, and among those who are blogging most are Republican. According to Norton (2005) few members have taken up blogging because it is an activity that is largely unchecked. Congressional communication is typically controlled and very polished. Blogs are the antithesis of this. Furthermore, some members indicated that blogging
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