Congressional Blogging: Advertising, Credit Claiming, & Position Taking

Antoinette Pole, Ph.D. Taubman Center for Public Policy Brown University [email protected]

Paper prepared for presentation at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, PA.

Abstract Based on content analysis of 28 congressional blogs undertaken in August 2006, this research investigates congressional blogs and congressional blogging. To understand these phenomena descriptive analysis establishes a framework by detailing various aspects of congressional blogs ranging from the format to the features of these blogs to demographic information about the members who blog.

Findings from the data suggest that features typically associated with blogs such as archives, blogrolls and comments do not appear on a majority of congressional blogs. The demographic composition of congressional bloggers however, white well-educated males, is akin to other political bloggers (McKenna and Pole Forthcoming). Finally, this research tests whether or not congressional members use blogs to engage in advertising, credit claiming and position taking, key activities believed to facilitate reelection. Findings from the data show that while a majority of legislators blog infrequently, legislators do engage in these activities with the most emphasis on position taking.

1 Within the United States blogging has increasingly become an important force in

American politics. Though in its infancy, the political impact of blogging on United States politics is notable, ranging from the resignation of Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott

2002 to the mobilization efforts of voters in the 2004 presidential campaign of Howard

Dean. If majority leaders can be unseated and candidates can ascend to national prominence through blogs1 the potential influence of this medium is significant, especially with the burgeoning number of blogs being created on a daily basis. Current estimates suggest that approximately 12 million adults blog, and 57 million adults read blogs in the US (Lenhart and Fox 2006).

Studies which examine the impact of the Internet on representation (Adler et al.

1998; Owen et al. 1999; Messmer et al. 2000; and Pole 2005) indicate that legislators at the national and local levels of government use the Internet to communicate with constituents, respond to policy demands, and provide services and respond to the needs of individuals and groups. Based on Mayhew’s (1974) study of legislators, which found that members aim to enhance their chances of securing reelection by advertising, credit claiming and position taking, Owen et al. (1999) and Messmer et al. (2000) analyze congressional websites to determine whether legislators undertake these activities on their websites. Findings from their studies show that legislators use their websites to engage in advertising and position taking. Despite this, a majority of the content found on congressional websites is neutral (Messmer et al. 2000). Yet, unlike congressional websites it is highly doubtful that the content of congressional blogs is neutral since blogs are written in the first person, and they provide commentary on a

1 Blogs are online diaries updated on daily basis, displayed in reverse chronology.

2 topic or range of topics. By their very nature bloggers tend to not only disseminate information, but to furnish readers with opinions.

Based on content analysis of congressional blogs in the House of

Representatives this research examines congressional blogs and the members who blog. It also investigates how congressional members use their blogs. This exploratory study endeavors to accomplish three objectives. First, it provides descriptive analysis that details various aspects of congressional blogging and congressional blogs.

Analysis of congressional bloggers illustrates demographic difference of legislators, as well as differences in the style and format of congressional blogs. Second, this research offers comparative analysis. It explores differences between bloggers from different political parties as well as differences between two groups of bloggers, members who have blogged six months or more months and those who have not. Finally, this research examines the impact of blogging on congressional behavior. I test whether legislators engage in advertising, credit claiming or position taking, key activities believed to enhance a member’s chance of reelection (Mayhew 1974).

Does Congressional Blogging Matter?

The impact of blogging on politics is especially noteworthy. In the US, the potency of blogs on politics is best illustrated by the removal of Trent Lott as Senate

Majority Leader, while abroad, citizens in France and the Netherlands credited bloggers with mobilizing voters to reject the EU Constitution (Anderson 2005). Growing in popularity, even members of congress have begun to recognize the value of blogging which allows members to disseminate information, provide commentary, and interact

3 with their constituents. Because blogging occurs daily, posts can be archived serving as

a written record unlike any other record. One feature commonly associated with blogs,

the comment section, potentially facilitates communication between members and their

constituents. Members who chose to respond to comments may ultimately be viewed as

more responsive than other legislators. Moreover, posts written in the first person by

congressional members are intimate and personalized. Congressional blogging might

result in representation closer to the public.

While there is a substantial literature which examines the impact of information

technology on government (Davis 1999, 2005; Wilhelm 2000; Davis, Elin and Reeher

2002; Bimber 2003, and West 2005), scholarly research on the impact of information

technology on representation is more circumscribed (Richardson et al. 1995; Adler et

al.1998; Owen et al. 1999; Messmer 2000; Pole 2005; Richardson and Cooper 2006).

Similarly only a few authors investigate the nexus between blogging and politics (Trippi

2004; McKenna and Pole 2004, Forthcoming; and Williams et al. 2005). To date,

scholars have not studies the impact of blogging on representation. My research

addresses these gaps in the literature by investigating congressional blogs and

members who blog, as well as contributing to the literature on congressional behavior.

Literature Review

Studies of the blogosphere can be grouped into three categories: descriptive accounts of blogging, exploration of blogging and political participation, and analysis of blogging and the media. The first two categories are especially relevant to this research.

4 Descriptive analyses of blogging largely examine why bloggers blog and the type of activities bloggers undertake on their blogs. Chang et al. (2005) and Nardi et al.

(2004) examine the reasons that motivate bloggers to blog. According to the authors there are a variety of reason for blogging including, but not limited to, documenting their personal lives, providing commentary and opinions, articulating ideas through writing and maintaining community forums. McKenna and Pole (Forthcoming) investigate the activities of average bloggers. Activities that bloggers engage in include informing their readers, reporting errors or omissions in the mainstream media, engaging in political advocacy and encouraging their readers to donate to philanthropic causes. The authors find that 80 percent of bloggers engage in the first two activities. Descriptive analysis of congressional blogging and the activities that they engage in will complement existing studies of the blogosphere.

Scholarly research also examines how blogging impacts politics and participation. Both Trippi (2004) and Williams et al. (2005) analyze the impact of blogs on the 2004 presidential campaign. Trippi describes the role of the Internet, and more specifically notes the relevance of the presidential candidate Howard Dean’s blog in building grassroots support. Findings from Williams et al. (2005) show that presidential candidates tend to use websites more than blogs. Despite this, blogs tend to have more external links and they tend to discuss more salient issues. Finally, McKenna and Pole

(2004) examine how A-list bloggers use their blogs to engage in political participation.

Their analysis suggests that blogging turns moderate participators into more intense participators, and that blogging facilitates political discourse and participation through the comment section, blogrolls and links. Subsequent research by these authors

5 (McKenna and Pole Forthcoming) shows that among average bloggers, they too use

blogs to engage in activities defined as political participation. Examining congressional

blogging will enhance our understanding of this enterprise and its affect on

representation.

Several more recent articles (Norton 2005; Bluey 2006; Pfeiffer 2006; and the

National Conference of State Legislatures) detail the rise of blogging by state legislators and congressional members, but they are not comprehensive. They do however, offer insight as to who is currently blogging and why more politicians are not blogging. These accounts suggest that a small number of congressional members are blogging, and among those who are blogging most are Republican. According to Norton (2005) few members have taken up blogging because it is an activity that is largely unchecked.

Congressional communication is typically controlled and very polished. Blogs are the antithesis of this. Furthermore, some members indicated that blogging requires a sizable time commitment, potentially reducing time which could be devoted to other activities. Because few congressional members are blogging, there is little pressure for congressional members to take up this activity. Still others noted that blogging might not be an effective form of communication in districts that were poor, rural or had lower concentrations of Internet penetration.

Finally this research also contributes to the literature on congressional behavior, which posits that members of congress act rationally focusing on winning reelection

(Mayhew 1974; Tufte 1978; and Fiorina 1977; 1989). Mayhew (1974) argues that congressional members engage in three activities to enhance their reelection chances.

These activities include: advertising, credit claiming and position taking. How legislators

6 engage in these activities with the advent of new technologies such as the Internet is

addressed by Adler et al. (1998), Owen et al. (1999) and Messmer et al. (2000). These

authors find that legislators do indeed use the Internet to engage in advertising (Owen

et al. 1999) and position-taking (Messmer et al. 2000). According to Adler et al. (1998) they use websites as much as other forms of communication. This research contributes to our understanding of congressional behavior by examining whether members engage these activities through their blogs.

Methodology

Data. For this exploratory study I focused on the House of Representatives. I selected

the House because it provided a larger universe from which to sample. To study

congressional bloggers, I assembled a snowball sample of congressional bloggers.

While a list of state legislative bloggers was developed by the National Conference on

State Legislatures (NCSL 2006), I was unable to locate a comprehensive list of

congressional bloggers. Several recent articles (Norton 2005; Bluey 2006; and Pfeiffer

2006) detail the rise of congressional bloggers. From these articles I compiled a

preliminary list of congressional bloggers. In addition, I relied upon congressional

members’ blogrolls, other congressional blogs, and a keyword search of Google.

Republican Congressman Jack Kingston’s blogroll, for example, lists 12 other

congressional bloggers from his party. A variety of party-centered blogs were also

searched including, but are not limited to the Republican Study Committee Blog

(commonly known as the RSC Blog), The Democratic Party Blog, and the Stakeholder

(Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Blog). To execute a keyword search

7 a combination of words were used including congressional bloggers; US congressional

bloggers; and house of representative and bloggers. While many congressional blogs

are linked to congressional websites this is not universal.2 Hence, locating

congressional blogs is not as simple as one might think.

A sample of 28 congressional bloggers, listed in Table 1, was compiled during the first week of August 2006. From these 28 bloggers general descriptive information about the congressional members’ blog was gleaned. Two types of descriptive information were culled. I collected descriptive information about the congressional member to ascertain party affiliation, region from which they hailed, race, gender,

education, and age. The second type of information I collected, focused on the

congressional member’s blog. Some of the items I measured included the length of time

the blog has been in existence, the frequency of posts, whether there was a blogroll,

archives, links and a comment section. Descriptive analyses of these data establish a

preliminary understanding of congressional blogging and blogging by elites.

Traditionally blogs conform to a specific format of multiple daily entries in reverse

chronology with several posts appearing on one webpage. A blogroll comprised of links

to other blogs, archives of past content and a comment section accompany most blogs

(Herring, Scheidt, Bonus et al. 2004). Drezner and Farrell (2006) add that a

fundamental feature of blogs is that there is minimal to no external editing.

Congressional blogs do not always conform to this format however. For example, posts

on congressional blogs were not listed on one continuous page. Instead, posts often

appeared on discrete web pages unlike other blogs in which posts appear contiguously

2 While I relied on a snowball sample in this exploratory study, I will review all congressional websites in a subsequent study which is more comprehensive.

8 on the same page. Hence, this was not a criterion for excluding a blog from the sample.

Rather, if a congressional member created a site that he titled a blog, this was included in the sample regardless of the features it contained or did not contain. Not only did the

format of congressional blogs often differ, but key features typically associated with

blogs were noticeably absent.

Also examined is whether congressional members engage in advertising, credit

claiming and position-taking through their blogs. To test whether congressional bloggers

engage in these activities, I undertook content analysis on a sub-sample of 19 bloggers

(see Table 1). These bloggers were selected because they blogged for a minimum of

six months. This threshold was chosen because it would allow bloggers to adopt a

consistent style and format for blogging over an extended period of time. Of the sub-

sample, three-quarters of congressional blogs (14 out of 19) blogged between January

and June of 2006 with other members blogging for six months beginning as early as

June 2003. The 19 congressional blogs contained a total of 870 posts. Two

congressional blogs, that of John Boehner and Jack Kingston, contained multiple posts

per day. To alleviate the disparity between blogs with one entry or less and those with

multiple posts per day, a maximum of one post per day was analyzed. For blogs with

multiple entries on one day, one post was randomly selected to be analyzed. A total of

707 unique posts written over a six month period were analyzed.

Content Analysis. To achieve the objectives of this study, content analysis was

performed on two samples of congressional blogs, the full sample comprised of 28

blogs and a sub-sample of 19 bloggers who had blogged for six or more months. A total

of 30 questions were developed to cull a variety of information including the

9 demographics of congressional blogger and the features associated with congressional

blogs, which were applied to the full sample. Nearly one-third of the questions asked

were code yes (1) or no (0). Other questions assessed the region from which the blogger hailed, as well as the blogger’s gender, age, race and educational attainment.

These questions comprise nearly half of the total questions, and are arguably objective in nature. I also collected data about the start and end date of the blog, the total number of months blogged, the type of blog, the average number of comments and links that appeared on a blog, and the frequency with which members posted to the blog. Again, these questions were designed to reduce the subjectivity of the analysis.

An additional six questions were undertaken on the sub-sample of congressional bloggers, to assess whether legislators engaged in advertising, credit claiming and position taking based on Mayhew’s 1974 study. These questions are arguably more subjective, because it left to the coder to determine whether a member’s statement is an example of advertising, credit claiming or position taking. Any time a legislator engaged in one of these activities the sentence was coded 1. On a few occasions there was overlap on two categories, but this was rare. Sentences were coded to include both activities.

In the sub-sample, analysis of blog posts was limited to only those posts written by congressional members and their staff. Only these posts were analyzed. Links to

other blogs or articles were not analyzed. It was not uncommon to find entire articles

from newspapers, websites and periodicals in the body of a post rather than a link,

which is generally practiced by bloggers. Articles not written by the congressional

member or a staffer were not analyzed. Despite this, the articles were included in the

10 sentence count because they appeared in the body of the post rather than simply appearing as a link.

Operationalization. To test whether legislators engaged in advertising, credit claiming and position-taking I rely upon Mayhew’s (1974) definitions of these activities, which provide a framework for this research with small modifications. One activity that legislators engage in is advertising. According to Mayhew this occurs “when legislators disseminate their name in order to create a favorable image with little or no issue content” (Mayhew 1974, p. 49) While Mayhew contends that there is little or no issue content, there were instances in which legislators engaged in advertising and the issue or content was in fact significant. For example, several legislators announced that they were visiting soldiers in Iraq or they were appearing on television to discuss the war.

Clearly these examples are not void of content.

Legislators also engage in credit claiming. The author defines credit claiming as, “an act in which one person is personally responsible for causing government to do something that the legislator considers desirable.” He further characterizes credit claiming as having two properties: (1) benefits are given to specific individuals and groups, and (2) each benefit is distributed in an ad hoc fashion in which the congressional member has a hand in the allocation (Mayhew 1974, pp. 53-54). In this study, the benefits do not have to be specific nor do congressional members have to play a direct role in the allocation of the benefit. For the purposes of this study credit claiming is broadly defined as specific activities that the legislator undertook. Introducing and sponsoring legislation, offering amendments, sending letters on behalf of constituents, joining other members of congress in support or opposition to something

11 are examples of credit claiming. This definition is admittedly more expansive than that

offered by Mayhew.

Finally, legislators engage in position taking which the author defines as

publicly articulating a position on something. It often takes the form of a vote and it can

often be implicit rather than explicit (Mayhew 1974). This definition was not modified.

Results

Who’s Blogging?. Congressional bloggers are largely white, well-educated males. More than 80 percent of congressional bloggers (23 out of 28) are male and nine out of 10 congressional bloggers (26 out of 28) is white. In terms of education, more than half of the members (16 out 28) earned a degree equivalent to or higher than a master’s degree. Another 35 percent of these bloggers hold a bachelor’s degree (10 out of 28).

Unlike other political bloggers, congressional bloggers are somewhat older. These members range in age from 37 to 77, with a mean age of 58. Demographic differences between the two parties are negligible.

Party affiliation of congressional bloggers mirrors the composition of the House of

Representatives. Of the members who blog, 57 percent are Republican (16 out of 28) and 43 percent are Democrat (12 out of 28).3 A greater percentage of Republican bloggers, nearly two-thirds (12 out of 19), blogged for six months or more, compared to just over one-third of Democratic bloggers (7 out of 19). Table 2 illustrates regional difference among all bloggers, and those who blogger for more than six months. Less than a quarter of congressional bloggers are concentrated in the Northeast or West,

3 The 109th congress is comprised of 231 Republicans and 202 Democrats in the House of Representatives http://www.thisnation.com/congress-facts.html .

12 whereas nearly one-third of the members studied hail from the South or Midwest.

Among members who blogged for six or more months regional differences were more pronounced, with a plurality of bloggers residing in the Midwest. Despite the small sample size, bloggers were relatively evenly dispersed across the two parties in the four regions save for the Northeast which had no Republican bloggers, and the West had only one Democratic blogger. Finally, the districts that these legislators represent are all

safe-seats, with the exception of one district which has an open seat.4

Congressional Blogs: Bells & Whistles?. Congressional blogs have existed since June

2003, with most members creating their blogs in August 2005. Members tended, on

average, to blog for 9.6 months while some reported blogging as little as one month and

others as long as 29 months. The data show that 68 percent of congressional bloggers

(19 out of 28) blogged for a minimum of six months with notable differences between

the two parties. While 75 percent of Republican congressional bloggers (12 out of 16)

blogged for more than six months, less than 60 percent of their Democratic counterparts

(7 out of 12) had been blogging for six or more months. Few bloggers posted on a daily

basis. Instead a majority of bloggers posted infrequently at best. Only four members

blogged daily, and another four blogged nearly daily.

The format of congressional blogs varied considerably as illustrated in Table 3.

Traditionally blogs are comprised of specific features ranging from archives to blogrolls.

Similar to other blogs in the blogosphere, 70 percent or more of congressional bloggers

include internal and/or external links on their blogs and on average, each post contained

4 To determine which seats were safe and which were not, I relied on Larry Sabato’s Crystal Ball, which tracks congressional races (http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/).

13 less than one link per entry.5 A majority of congressional blogs however, do not contain archives and there are significant differences across the two parties illustrated in Table

4. Few Democrat bloggers archive their posts, unlike their Republican counterparts. A comment section is another feature commonly associated with blogs, though only four in 10 congressional members allowed comments on their blogs. Democratic bloggers (6 out of 12) were much more likely than Republican bloggers (6 out of 16) to allow comments, illustrated by a 12 percentage-point difference. Results from Independent

Samples t-tests show that differences in comment sections between Democratic and

Republican bloggers who blogged six or more months is significant at the .05 level. On average, Democratic bloggers are .71 times likely to have a comment section compared to Republicans at .25. Among members who blogged for six or more months eight out of

11 permitted comments, and only one of the 8 bloggers censored comments. Unlike other blogs, few visitors to congressional blogs posted comments on congressional blogs. The mean number of comments on a congressional blog is 2.67. Surprisingly few congressional blogs contained a blogroll. Fewer than one-eight of blogs (4 out of 28) contained a blogroll.

Advertising, Credit Claiming & Position Taking. Legislators engaged in advertising,

credit claiming and position taking with the greatest emphasis on position taking.

Members were less likely to engage in advertising evidenced by the fact that six

members never undertook this activity at all. On average, bloggers engaged in

advertising .03 times per sentence and .33 times per post. That said, one member was

particularly adept at this activity and engaged in advertising an average of 1.28 times

5 Internal links refer to posts which contain links that direct the reader to links within the same blog. In contrast, external links are defined as links to sites other than the members’ blog.

14 per post. On the opposite end of the spectrum was a member who engaged in

advertising only .02 times per post. An example of advertising found on

Congresswoman Louise Slaughter’s site reads,

Congresswoman Louise Slaughter will be saluted on Sunday April 23 in celebration of her thirty years of public service. The event will take place at the Rochester Riverside Convention Center at 123 East Main Street Rochester, NY 14604 beginning with a Cocktail and VIP Reception at the 5:00 PM, followed by dinner and a tribute program at 6:00 PM. The program will features remarks from the special guests, including Senator Hillary Clinton and Actress Jane Alexander, to mark this milestone occasion. Come celebrate with Louise and set the course for future victories (http://www.votelouise.com/blog).

Members frequently publicized events in their district they attended, television appearances, and visits to soldiers in Iraq. One member highlighted a trip he made to northern Uganda in which he “heard the stories of night commuters firsthand”

(http://www.boozman.house.gov/Blog/).

Members also engaged in credit claiming. According to the data, members claimed credit an average of .09 times per sentence and 1.75 times per post. While nearly one-third of congressional bloggers chose not to advertising, only two out of 19 members did not engage in credit claiming. In order to claim credit members most frequently highlighted the bills they had sponsored and co-sponsored. In addition to these items Congressman Joe Schwartz took credit for letters he had signed. Most striking, 40 percent of the sentences in Schwartz’s blog were devoted to credit claiming.

Members engaged in credit claiming by stating their support, as well as opposition to a piece of legislation. Evidence of this opposition is illustrated in the below post which appeared on Congressman George Radanovich’s blog,

The House of Representatives recently passed the Border Protection, Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act, H.R. 4321. While this

15 bill does an excellent job of addressing our border security problems, the bill lacked a guest worker provision to address the millions of undocumented workers who are currently living here in the U.S. Without such a provision, the bill certainly did not address the needs of the San Joaquin Valley, let alone the country, and therefore I could not support it (http://www.house.gov/radanovich/blog.shtml).

Although this excerpt might also be coded as position taking, in the context of the post it appears to be an example of oppositional credit claiming, in which the legislator claims credit for not supporting something. Majority Leader John Boehner was also skilled at credit claiming, though his posts reflected his position as a party leader. He tended to claim credit for anything that the Republican Party did, rather than solely claiming credit for events he was involved in individually.

Finally, the data show that members most frequently engaged in position taking.

On average, congressional bloggers took a position on their blog .39 times per sentence and 6.46 times per post. All members engaged in this activity. Position taking per post ranged from a low of 1.24 to a high of 31.5. It was not uncommon for legislators to engage in position taking on the following issues: the war in Iraq, illegal immigration, prescription drugs, terrorism, Net Neutrality, and the price of gasoline. Congressionally

bloggers were especially adept at position taking. For example, Congressman Michael

Conaway wrote,

Once again, the New York Times has failed to consider our National Security when it comes to publishing a story. They have warned our enemies of one of our most successful classified intelligence programs. I find their actions unconscionable and believe the release of classified intelligence serves as a threat to our national security and the success in the Global War on Terror. The editor’s response carelessly brushes aside the criticism citing that “it’s not (their) job to pass judgment on whether (the) program is legal or effective” and was “puzzled” as to how the release of the story would endanger the program. It is time for the editors of the New York Times to answer the tough questions, under oath, to the people’s elected body. Their actions threaten the very protections that

16 they enjoy under the First Amendment. I find their self-righteous arrogance alarming and believe the House of Representatives should consider the consequences of their actions (http://www.conawayblog.com/?m=200606).

Similarly, an excerpt from a post by Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky firmly outlined her position on immigration. The post said, “I support a comprehensive immigration policy that includes border protection, not another punishment only approach using our over-extended National Guard in what the President admits will only be a short-term fix”

http://www.janschakowsky.org/Scha BLOGsky/tabid/36/Page/2/Default.aspx.

Discussion

Congressional Bloggers. As illustrated by the data, congressional bloggers are largely

comprised of white well-educated males. These results parallel findings from McKenna

and Pole’s (Forthcoming) study of average political bloggers. With a mean age of 58,

however, congressional bloggers are notably older than a majority bloggers who are

between the ages of 18 and 29 (Lenhart and Fox 2006). Data from this study also show

that more than 80 percent of congressional bloggers are male, again mirroring findings

from McKenna and Pole’s (Forthcoming) study of average political bloggers. Studies of

gender and politics (Verba et al. 1995) show that men are more engaged in politics than

women. Hence, these findings are not surprising.

While bloggers in this sample are divided relatively evenly across the two parties

and the distribution of bloggers by party mirrors the composition of the House,

differences between the parties suggest that perhaps the blogosphere is skewed toward

conservative and Republican bloggers. Other scholars (citation) have made this claim.

Congressional members who have availed themselves to this new mode of

17 communication have yet another mode through to which to disseminate information, advertise, claim credit or take a position. Why more Republicans than Democrats have taken up blogging, might be attributed to pattern of being early adopters of technology.

Owen et al. (1999) find that Republicans adopted homepages much earlier than their

Democratic counterparts. In 1996, 56 percent of Republicans maintained a website compared to 41 percent of Democrats.6

As illustrated in Table 2, a majority of bloggers hailed from the South of Midwest, whereas few bloggers hailed from the Northeast or West. Since there are fewer media outlets in the Midwest and South, congressional members might be relying on blogs to augment media coverage. Conversely, given the concentration of major media outlets in the Northeast and West, members in these areas may not see a need for an additional layer of communication because their needs are already being met.

Given the very nature of blogs, which provide unedited commentary in the first person, it was not surprising that the congressional members examined in this study held safe seats. As noted by Norton (2005) congressional communication is controlled and polished. More seasoned bloggers had congressional blogs that were markedly more polished than less seasoned bloggers. Among the seasoned bloggers, the posts were well-written and the sites contained many of the features traditionally found on blogs. Findings from this study however suggest that Congressional members from marginal districts might capitalize on this new technology because blogging facilitates advertising, credit claiming and position taking, key activities believed to enhance reelection.

6 These figures mirror the party composition of the House at the time.

18 Features of Congressional Blogs. The data show that, on average, most congressional bloggers began blogging in August 2005. The dates congressional bloggers started blogging are much later than other elite political bloggers (McKenna and Pole 2004).

While many bloggers took up blogging as early as 1999, a majority of bloggers started their blogs in 2001 following the events of 9/11 or in 2002 following the presidential election. Arguably congressional bloggers are late adopters of this new technology.

Members probably do not fully understand how blogging can benefit them and their office. Neophyte bloggers often have difficulty comprehending how the medium is used and it attendant benefits.

According to the data, less than 30 percent of congressional bloggers posted to their blogs on a daily basis. Norton (2005) suggests that the costs and perceived importance of blogging are important factors contributing to the dearth of congressional

blogging. While these are plausible explanations, several members are blogging daily or

almost daily. If these members are blogging daily, then it suggests that members have a

made a conscious decision to allocate time and resources to this endeavor. It suggests

that it is indeed possible for members to blog daily. I suspect some members are not

blogging daily because the member is unable to blog on daily basis or the member does

not have an appointed staff person to blog on his behalf. Alternatively some members

might view blogs as being closer to websites that are updated frequently rather than a

live journal. On some level these members recognize the value of blogging, though they

are not posting daily, arguably a central element of blogging.

As expected, 70 percent or more of congressional bloggers included internal and

external links on their posts. A recent study by Pew Internet & American Life Project

19 reported that 57 percent of bloggers include links either sometimes or often (Lenhart and Fox 2006). Data from this study shows that two-thirds of congressional members have at one point provided an internal link, but they do not do so with any frequency.

Internal links direct readers to other posts within the blog. By redirecting readers to other posts within their blog, congressional bloggers establish a pattern of advertising or highlighting instances of credit claiming or position taking. Legislators also provided external links, though it was not uncommon to find an entire article pasted into a post, rather than a link. Somewhat atypical, this is probably an attempt by legislators to highlight an import article. Another reason for the absence of links might be attributed the fact that congressional bloggers are unfamiliar with the norms of blogging. Generally

links or excerpts appear in posts, rather than an entire article.

Few congressional blogs, two-fifths, archive posts or accept comments, and even

fewer contained a blogroll. The absence of a comment section on these blogs was not

unexpected given that congressional communiqués are controlled and polished. Some

blogs allowed comments, but controlled what comments appeared on their blog.

Arguably this is antithetical to the very notion of blogs, which aim to encourage an

unedited exchange of ideas by anyone who has read the post. Results from the

Independent Samples T-Tests show that party is significant among members who have

blogged six or more months. Finally, the dearth of blogrolls on congressional blogs is a

likely indicator that members lack fluency in this medium. Even a cursory glance of

blogs shows how prevalent blogrolls are.

Advertising, Credit Claiming & Position Taking. According to the data, legislators do

indeed engage in advertising, credit claiming and position taking with members being

20 the most enthusiastic about the last activity. Oddly, six out of 19 congressional bloggers never engaged in advertising. Given that blogs are forum for talking about oneself, it is surprising that more bloggers did not engage in this activity. Again, this might be an indicator that members lack fluency or that they view the medium as better suited for credit claiming or position taking. Most members engaged in credit claiming by telling their readers what pieces of legislation they sponsored, co-sponsored, or how they voted. Majority Leader John Boehner was especially skilled at credit claiming, though his posts reflected his position as a party leader. He tended to claim credit for anything that the Republican Party did, rather than claiming credit for events he was involved in individually. This is likely to be the case because as Majority Leader he sees himself as an extension of the party. Clearly, the use of blogs by party leaders to claim credit highlights the party’s accomplishments, and potential illustrates the shortcomings of the rival party. Finally, the data show that congressional bloggers actively engaged in position taking. These results support findings by Messmer et al. (2000). Because their occupation obliges them to take positions on issues, congressional members are probably most comfortable expressing their opinions in a blog post.

Conclusion

Empirical implications: representatives closer to the public

What are the advantage and disadvantages of congressional blogging?

Why aren’t others blogging? Plausible explanations

Theoretical implications:

Future study: contrast this with those who are not blogging; and compare this to congressional websites perhaps?

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24 Table 1. Congressional Bloggers

Sub-Sample Representative Party State Region Yes Mark Steven Kirk Republican IL Midwest Yes Dennis Hassert Republican IL Midwest Yes Jan Schakowsky Democrat IL Midwest Yes Mike Pence Republican IN Midwest Yes Jon Allen Schwartz, J.H. "Joe" Republican MI Midwest Yes Collin C. Peterson Democrat MN Midwest Yes John Andrew Boehner Republican OH Midwest Yes Dennis Kucinich Democrat OH Midwest Yes Edward Markey Democrat MA Northeast Yes Frank Pallone Democrat NJ Northeast Yes Louise Slaughter Democrat NY Northeast Yes John Boozman Republican AR South Yes Katherine Harris Republican FL South Yes Jack Kingston Republican GA South Yes John Linder Republican GA South Yes K. Michael Conaway Republican TX South Yes George Radanovich Republican CA West Yes Lynn Woolsey Democrat CA West Yes Tom Tancredo Republican CO West No John Conyers Democrat MI Midwest No Steve Israel Democrat NY Northeast No Robert E. (Bud) Cramer, Jr. Democrat AL South No Marion Barry Democrat AR South No Phil Gingrey, M.D. Republican GA South No John R. Carter Republican TX South No Silvestre Reyes Democrat TX South No John Campbell Republican CA West No Cathy Morris Republican WA West

Source: Congressional Blogs August 2006. Note: N = 28

Table 2. Features Found on Congressional Blogs

Feature Number of Percentage of Cases Sample

External Links 23 82

Internal Links 20 71

Comments 12 42

Archives 11 39