Ad Hoc Delegation to Moldavia, 26

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ad Hoc Delegation to Moldavia, 26 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AD HOC DELEGATION TO THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA 26-29 April 2009 Report by Mrs. Marianne MIKKO, Chair 1. Procedural 2. Findings 2.1 Post-electoral events 2.2 Elections 2.3 Political situation thereafter 2.4 Civil society 2.5 Media 2.6 Judiciary 3. Conclusions 3.1 Human Rights 3.2 Freedom of speech 3.3 ENP 3.4 Investigation commission 3.5 Recommendation 29 April 2009 SP/CS/ES NT/785737EN.doc 1 412.717 1. Procedural The Conference of Presidents decided on 16 April 2009 to send an ad hoc delegation to Moldova, composed of one member per political group. It would report back to the Conference on 30 April 2009 on the political situation in Moldova following the post electoral events in Chisinau. This delegation, consisting of Mr. Marian Jean MARINESCU EPP, Mrs. Marianne MIKKO PES, Mrs Karin RESETARITS ALDE, and Mrs. Marie Anne ISLER BEGUIN Greens/EFA, was constituted on 16 April 2009 and elected Mrs. MIKKO as chair. The delegation held meetings in Chisinau, Moldova on 26 - 29 April 2009 and had briefings with the EU Special Representative Mr. Kalman MIZSEI, the Head of the European Commission Delegation Mr. Cesare De MONTIS, the Czech Ambassador H.E. Petr. KYPR for the Presidency-in-office and the ambassadors of France and Austria. They met a large number of representatives of Moldovan Human Rights and Civil Society Non Governmental Organisations, representatives of the state and independent media and with the Presidents of the three parliamentary opposition parties. They also met representatives of the Government (although the latter showed some reluctance): the Minister of Justice, the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, and different governmental agents, as well as with the General Police Inspector of Chisinau, the Central Electoral Commission, the Lord Mayor of the City of Chisinau, the Human Rights Ombudsman and the General Prosecutor. The delegation visited a Police Commissariat, held meetings with prisoners in Penitentiary Nr. 13 and met on different occasions more than 80 victims of the arrests and detentions of 7 April and the subsequent waves of arrests. These individuals had suffered during police arrests and afterwards during detention in different police commissariats from ill treatment that could be equated with torture, and had been subject to unlawful legal proceedings. 2. Findings For its findings the delegation concentrated on the post electoral events and current political situation in Moldova. 2.1 Post electoral events Throughout its exchanges with both government and opposition and civil society representatives the delegation could establish: - on 7 April demonstrations started peacefully and then led to violence - the various police forces (ordinary police, Ministry of Interior forces, etc.) had been aware of the events beforehand, however their strategy was not well explained - the arrests and detentions during the night of 7-8 April and thereafter amounted to an accepted minimum of 310 persons - a certain number of those arrested after 7 April are still held in prison - it was confirmed that 76 cases of these detentions are under investigation by the Prosecutor General and that criminal files, including allegations of torture by police agents, are expected to be opened - detainees suffered when arrested at the police stations to a large extent systematic ill treatment to an extent that could be considered as torture and confessions were extorted from them NT/785737EN.doc 2 412.717 - the Government responded in a violent and disproportionate manner to the public protests. The beatings and unwarranted arrests of civilians by unidentified police forces seemed not to be directed at pacifying the situation but to lead to deliberate acts of repression - there was a high level of non respect for Human Rights, the rule of law and the relevant European conventions to which Moldova is a signatory. 2.2. Elections Although not an objective of this mission, the delegation could not help being confronted with complaints presented by opposition parties and Coalition 2009 of massive irregularities in the elections of 5 April, in the preparing of voters' lists and supplementary lists, counting and tabulating. It was not established whether these shortcomings, having been known prior to the official validation of the election results on 21 April, were systematic and would have had a quantitatively important impact on the overall results. The contestation of the election results by the opposition parties to the Constitutional Court was rejected on procedural grounds. 2.3 Political situation thereafter The political situation, as a result of the above events, was that of high internal tension and instability, due to - the governmental party's clear willingness to base itself on the election results, and to make use of police force to maintain the rule of law and public order - an opposition split in three parties elected to Parliament, other parties not having reached the minimum threshold. 2.4 Civil Society Civil society organisations, in the follow up to the events of 7 April, were called upon by letter from the Ministries of Home Affairs and Finance to declare their role in the post electoral crisis and to give evidence of their financing. This took place within a holiday weekend and the deadline was therefore particularly difficult to meet. 2.5 Media Public TV which almost monopolises public access to TV information described its role as being that State TV. Independent media including internet and print media reported that they were receiving directions from Government agencies. 2.6 Judiciary The unwarranted arrests and speedy Court procedures which took place in the police stations were clearly outside their legal frame. The appeal procedures suffer from deficiencies and show that the judicial system is dependent on the Government. The presidential amnesty that was announced is in fact without legal basis. NT/785737EN.doc 3 412.717 3. Conclusions 3.1. Human Rights The delegation concluded that the Human Rights, rule of law and the respective European conventions were severely violated in the post electoral period. 3.2. Freedom of speech Both the conduct of the electoral process and the subsequent actions taken by Government indicate major deficiencies in Moldova's judicial and democratic system, and show a propensity to stifle free speech and independent media. 3.3 ENP The political situation in Moldova is characterised by a high level of instability, which is an indication of the need for a stronger EU engagement in the country through the ENP and the Eastern partnership process, that is about to be launched. 3.4 Investigation commission The setting up of an independent investigation commission that would, with the presence of members appointed by the opposition and international experts, fully investigate the events, is a key element in starting a genuine reconciliation process in Moldova. 3.5 Recommendation The delegation recommends that the above findings should be taken into account in a resolution of the European Parliament that is foreseen for the May part session. NT/785737EN.doc 4 412.717 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AD HOC DELEGATION TO THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA 26-29 April 2009 List of participants Members Ms Marianne MIKKO, Chair PSE, Estonia Mr Marian-Jean MARINESCU EPP-ED, Romania Ms Karin RESETARITS ALDE, Austria Ms Marie Anne ISLER BÉGUIN Verts/ALE, France Secretariat Ms Aneta POPESCU-BLACK Administrator responsible Mr Stefan PFITZNER Administrator, Deputy Head of Unit Ms Claudia SIEGISMUND Assistant Political Group Staff Mr Marian APOSTOL Political Advisor, EPP-ED Mr Robert VAN DE WATER Political Advisor, PSE Mr Rune GLASBERG Political Advisor, ALDE Mr Paolo BERGAMASCHI Political Advisor, Verts/ALE NT/785737EN.doc 5 412.717/Ann. AD HOC DELEGATION TO MOLDOVA CHISINAU 26 - 29 April 2009 PROGRAMME Coordination: Ms Aneta POPESCU-BLACK Tel: (32 2) 284 22 91 e-mail: [email protected] Ms Claudia SIEGISMUND Tel. (32-2) 284 22 93 e-mail: [email protected] Fax: (32 2) 284 68 30 Mobile (during the mission): +32 498 983 465 Sunday, 26 April 2009 p.m. Arrival of Members and staff of the EP Delegation and transfer to hotel Leogrand Hotel 77, Mitropolit Varlaam Street MD-2012 Chisinau, Moldova tel. (373) 22 201 201 - fa x (373) 22 201 222 18.00 Meeting with EU Special Representative, Mr Kalman MISZEI 19.00 Meeting of the EP ad hoc Delegation with Defence Lawyers of the victims, Mr Victor PANTIRU Venue: Leogrand Hotel NT/785737EN.doc 6 412.717/Ann. Monday, 27 April 2009 ALL MEETINGS TOOK PLACE IN LEOGRAND HOTEL 09.00 Breakfast briefing with H.E. Mr Petr KYPR, Czech Ambassador, H.E. Mr Pierre ANDRIEU, French Ambassador, H.E. Mr Cesare DE MONTIS, Head of the European Commission in Moldova, Mr Michael SCHEIDER, Austrian Chargé d'Affaires, and Mr Peter MICHALKO, Advisor to the EU Special Representative K. MISZEI 10.30-13.30 Meetings with representatives of the Moldovan Human Rights NGOs: Amnesty International Moldova: Evghenii GOLOSCEAPOV, Executive Director, Aisha JUNG, Victor MEDVEDEV Soros Foundation Moldova: Victor MUNTEANU, Nadejda HRIPTIEVSCHI Institutul de politice publice: Arcadie BARBAROSIE Teatrul Republic of Moldova: Gheorghe DOMINICA Ethics Committee Moldovan Bar Association: Mr Veaceslav TURCAN Foreign Policy Agency: Mr Andrej POPOV Victims of ill treatment: Students Alexandru MALCOCEAN, Gheorghe MOISEI, Alexandr LARIONOV and his mother, Eugen TANASIEV Lunch break 15.00-17.00 Meetings with media representatives: OMEGA News Agency : Alexandr Petkov, Lia Nichiforova
Recommended publications
  • Report 1, Ijc, May 1-14, 2015
    Media Monitoring during the Campaign for Local General Elections on 14 June 2015 Report no.1 1–14 May 2015 This report has been produced by the Independent Journalism Center with support of the East Europe Foundation from resources provided by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. The opinions herein are those of authors and may not reflect the opinions of the East Europe Foundation, the Government of Sweden, Sida or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. 1. General information 1.1 Project goal: To monitoring and to provide information to the public about mass media behavior during the election campaign, including candidates’ access to mass media and pluralism of opinions presented. The monitoring aims to analyze reporting trends that might affect mass media performance and compromise their ability to provide correct, unbiased, and pluralistic information to the public. 1.2 Monitoring period: 1 May–14 June 2015 1.3 Criteria for selecting media outlets to monitor: • Audience-impact: national, quasi-national • Type of mass media: broadcasting, online • Ownership: public, private • Language: Romanian, Russian 1.4 List of mass media outlets monitored: Broadcasting media Moldova 1 “Mesager (Messenger)” newscast at 21:00: public television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Prime TV “Primele Ştiri (First news)” newscast at 21:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Canal 2 “Reporter” newscast at 19:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian TV 7 “Ştiri (News)” newscast at 20:30: private television station, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Accent TV “Accent info” newscast at 20:00: private television station, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian.
    [Show full text]
  • Continuitate Și Discontinuitate În Reformarea Organizării Teritoriale a Puterii Locale Din Republica Moldova Cornea, Sergiu
    www.ssoar.info Continuitate și discontinuitate în reformarea organizării teritoriale a puterii locale din Republica Moldova Cornea, Sergiu Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Sammelwerksbeitrag / collection article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Cornea, S. (2018). Continuitate și discontinuitate în reformarea organizării teritoriale a puterii locale din Republica Moldova. In C. Manolache (Ed.), Reconstituiri Istorice: civilizație, valori, paradigme, personalități: In Honorem academician Valeriu Pasat (pp. 504-546). Chișinău: Biblioteca Științifică "A.Lupan". https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-65461-2 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-NC Licence Nicht-kommerziell) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NonCommercial). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.de MINISTERUL EDUCAȚIEI, CULTURII ȘI CERCETĂRII AL REPUBLICII MOLDOVA MINISTERUL EDUCAȚIEI, CULTURII ȘI CERCETĂRII AL REPUBLICII MOLDOVA INSTITUTUL DE ISTORIE INSTITUTUL DE ISTORIE BIBLIOTECA LUPAN” BIBLIOTECA LUPAN” Biblioteca Științică Biblioteca Științică Secția editorial-poligracă Secția editorial-poligracă Chișinău, 2018 Chișinău, 2018 Lucrarea a fost discutată și recomandată pentru editare la şedinţa Consiliului ştiinţific al Institutului de Istorie, proces-verbal nr. 8 din 20 noiembrie 2018 şi la şedinţa Consiliului ştiinţific al Bibliotecii Științifice (Institut) „Andrei Lupan”, proces-verbal nr. 16 din 6 noiembrie 2018 Editor: dr. hab. în științe politice Constantin Manolache Coordonatori: dr. hab. în istorie Gheorghe Cojocaru, dr. hab. în istorie Nicolae Enciu Responsabili de ediție: dr. în istorie Ion Valer Xenofontov, dr. în istorie Silvia Corlăteanu-Granciuc Redactori: Vlad Pohilă, dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
    Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial.
    [Show full text]
  • Rspounsul Mass Media
    Monitoring media in the post-election period: TV coverage of the protests of 6–7 April 2009 in the Republic of Moldova 6–10 April 2009 This study is funded by the Eurasia Foundation through the Swedish Agency for Development and International Cooperation (Sida/Asdi) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The opinions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the donors. This study is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the Independent Journalism Center and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Introduction Information and communication are crucial when reporting on political processes or for building public opinion and guiding society towards democracy. The role of media is to inform society about major events so that people can make rational decisions. This role is crucial during conflicts as media can then be a major contributor to solving them. First and foremost among the dangers to media during conflicts is losing neutrality and reporting in an unbalanced, biased manner. Another danger is to sensationalize coverage instead of presenting reality.1 Media outlets can also report on conflicts by saying virtually nothing about their substance or the positions of the initiators of events. By presenting reports without substance and by focusing on unsubstantiated details, media outlets can neutralize the truth, amplify a conflict and be used by politicians to achieve certain objectives, including disinformation and manipulation.
    [Show full text]
  • Studia Politica 1 2016
    www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 168 1 European Integration (AIE)
    Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 168 | 22.04.2015 www.osw.waw.pl An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation Kamil Całus There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and re- sulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghim- pu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM). With control over the state in the hands of Filat and Plahotniuc questions are raised regarding the prospects of Moldova’s real modernisation. It will also have a negative impact on the process of implementation of Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU and on other key reforms concerning, for example, the judiciary, the financial sector and the process of de-politicisation of the state’s institutions. From both leaders’ perspective, any changes to the current state of affairs would be tantamount to limiting their influence in politics and the economy, which would in turn challenge their business activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Seize the Press, Seize the Day: the Influence of Politically Affiliated Media in Moldova’S 2016 Elections
    This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project February 2018 | No 2 Seize the press, seize the day: The influence of politically affiliated media in Moldova’s 2016 elections Mihai Mogildea Introduction In Moldova, media ownership by oligarchs and political figures has reached the highest level in the last dec- ade. According to a report by the Association of Independent Press (API)1, four of the five TV channels with national coverage are controlled by the leader of the ruling Democratic Party (PDM), Vladimir Plahotniuc. Other media companies are managed by opposition politicians, mayors, former members of the parliament, and influential businessmen, who tend to adopt a restrictive policy on media content and promote specific political parties. The concentration of media resources in the hands of a few public officials has significant influence on the electorate, whose voting preferences can be manipulated through disinformation and fake news. This was visible during the second round of the 2016 presidential elections in Moldova, with powerful media owners undermining the campaign of the center-right, pro-European candidate, Maia Sandu, and helping Igor Dodon, a left-wing candidate and a strong supporter of Russia. This policy brief argues that political control over media Maia Sandu and Igor Dodon, and whether the audiovisual au- institutions in Moldova has an impact on election results. thorities sanctioned possible violations. Finally, this analysis Media concentration allows specific candidates to widely will conclude with a set of recommendations for depoliticiz- promote their messages, leading to unfair electoral ad- ing, both de jure and de facto, the private and public media vantage.
    [Show full text]
  • I INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the Smallest Republic in the Soviet Union, Has Been a Territorial Football Between Romania and Russia
    INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the smallest republic in the Soviet Union, has been a territorial football between Romania and Russia for well over 100 years. Like the Baltic republics, it fell within the Soviet sphere of influence under the l939 Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and there is reason to believe that some Moldavians may now wish to follow the lead of the Baltic republics in pressing for secession from the USSR. The 64 percent of the republic's population that is ethnic Moldavian has its cultural heart in Romania and, at the very least, seeks freer contacts with Romanians across their common frontier. In the past 18 months Moldavian political and social life has been transformed. Fledgling independent groups have developed into major new political movements, such as the Moldavian Popular Front with a membership of between 700,000 and one million. Other independent groups include the Alexe Mateevici Club which led the successful drive to establish Moldavian as the official language of the republic, the Moldavian Democratic Movement aimed at establishing a state that adheres to the rule of law, the Moldavian Green Movement which works to increase public awareness of ecological issues, and others. Groups of citizens in late l988 began braving the wrath of the local authorities by organizing small public protests. By March l989 the rallies had grown to include as many as 80,000 demonstrators who were calling, among other things, for the i removal of Moldavia's Party leaders. Both the protestors and the Moldavian government often turned to violence. The most egregious such instances of reciprocal violence occurred in l989 on February 12 and 26, March 12 and November 7.
    [Show full text]
  • THE AUDIT of the DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM of REPUBLIC of MOLDOVA Anthology of Analysis on Governance
    THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Anthology of Analysis on Governance Institute for Development and Social Initiatives (IDIS) “Viitorul” THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Anthology of Analysis on Governance Authors: Veaceslav Berbeca Cornel Ciurea Marin Gurin Ion Guzun Lilia Ioniță Sergiu Lipcean Leonid Litra Ion Osoian Translation from Romanian to English: Cristina Coțofană Cristian Ciobanu Diana Loznean Victoria Sargu The Audit of Democracy was elaborated on the methodology of the International Institute for Democracy and Elec- toral Assistance. This product was financially supported by the Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation. Opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent those of the Black Sea Trust, the German Marshall Fund, or its partners. For any information related to this study, please contact the Institute for Development and Social Initiatives „Viitorul”, Product Coordinator: Leonid Litra. Address: MD-2005, Republic of Moldova, Chişinău, 10/1 Iacob Hancu str., IDIS „Viitorul Tel: 37322-22-18-44, Fax: 37322-24-57-14 e-mail: [email protected] şi [email protected] © IDIS Viitorul, 2011 THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA 3 Anthology of Analysis on Governance Ackowledgements The publication THE AUDIT OF THE DEMORACTIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA, Anthology of Analysis on Governance- was elaborated by the Institute for Development and Social Initiatives “Viitorul”. At the research elaboration also contributed experts that preferred to remain anonymous. We would like also to express our gratitude to foreign experts who offered pertinent comments for the improvement of this study. THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA expresses the personal opinions of the authors, which may not coincide, with those of IDIS “Viitorul”.
    [Show full text]
  • Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
    HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006.
    [Show full text]
  • Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by the Republic of Moldova
    AS/Mon(2012)03 rev 14 March 2012 amondoc03r_2012 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by the Republic of Moldova Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Chisinau (28 November – 1 December 2011) 1 Co-rapporteurs: Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN, Norway, Socialist group, and Mr Piotr WACH, Poland, Group of the European People’s Party 1 This information note has been made public by decision of the Monitoring Committee dated 13 March 2012. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon(2012)03rev I. Introduction 1. After a first visit to Chisinau and Comrat in March 2011 (see doc. AS/Mon (2011) 13 rev), we paid a second fact-finding visit to the Republic of Moldova from 28 November to 1 December 2011. The programme of the visit is appended. We intended to address the implementation of Resolution 1572 (2007) on The honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova, Resolutions 1666 (2009) and 1692 (2009) on The functioning of democratic institutions , the state of play of the election of the President of the Republic, and other current issues, such as the reform of the judiciary, the action taken to combat corruption and organised crime, the legislation and measures to combat discrimination and the latest developments in Transnistria. 2. The support of the Moldovan delegation to the PACE, the Moldovan parliament, and Mr Ulvi Akhundlu, Head of the Council of Europe Office in Chisinau, was again precious for facilitating our meetings, including with the acting President and Speaker, Mr Marian Lupu, the Prime Minister, Mr Filat, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Leanca, the Vice-Speaker of the parliament, Mr Plahotniuc, high-level representatives of the judiciary and enforcement bodies, representatives of the media and NGOs.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova
    Public Opinion Survey Residents of Moldova March 2016 Detailed Methodology • The survey was coordinated and analyzed by Dr. Rasa Ališauskienė from public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Magenta Consulting. • Data was collected throughout Moldova (except in Transnistria) between March 11-25, 2016 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The main sample consisted of 1,500 permanent residents of Moldova older than the age of 18 and eligible to vote with an oversample in the capital Chisinau. It is representative of the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: all districts of Moldova are grouped into 11 groups. All regions of Moldova were surveyed. • Stage two: selection of the settlements: cities and villages. o Settlements were selected at random. o The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 50 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Overwhelming Dissatisfaction with Status
    [Show full text]