Walt Whitman and the Civil
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Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric Brian Shannon
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Lehigh University: Lehigh Preserve Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve The Libraries Student Research Prize Undergraduate scholarship 2019 Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric Brian Shannon Follow this and additional works at: https://preserve.lehigh.edu/library-research-prize Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Shannon, Brian, "Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric" (2019). The Libraries Student Research Prize. 16. https://preserve.lehigh.edu/library-research-prize/16 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate scholarship at Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Libraries Student Research Prize by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Brian Shannon Dr. Monica Najar 17 December 2018 Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric On May 19th 1856, Charles Sumner delivered a speech titled “The Crime Against Kansas”. In it, the Senator from Massachusetts charged proslavery Democrats with “ the rape of a Virgin territory, compelling it to the hateful embrace of Slavery.”1 Sumner brutally defamed Senators James Mason, Stephen Douglas, and Andrew Butler in his two day tirade on the evils of proslavery forces in Kansas.2 Sumner mocked South Carolina Senator Andrew Butler for his previous stoke and subsequent “incoherent phrases.”3 Furthermore, the Senator from Massachusetts hinted at adultery: he claimed Butler had “chosen a mistress to whom he has made his vows, and who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to him…I mean the harlot Slavery.”4 The Southern delegation was consumed with fury. -
John Brown, Am Now Quite Certain That the Crimes of This Guilty Land Will Never Be Purged Away but with Blood.”
Unit 3: A Nation in Crisis The 9/11 of 1859 By Tony Horwitz December 1, 2009 in NY Times ONE hundred and fifty years ago today, the most successful terrorist in American history was hanged at the edge of this Shenandoah Valley town. Before climbing atop his coffin for the wagon ride to the gallows, he handed a note to one of his jailers: “I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood.” Eighteen months later, Americans went to war against each other, with soldiers marching into battle singing “John Brown’s Body.” More than 600,000 men died before the sin of slavery was purged. Few if any Americans today would question the justness of John Brown’s cause: the abolition of human bondage. But as the nation prepares to try Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who calls himself the architect of the 9/11 attacks, it may be worth pondering the parallels between John Brown’s raid in 1859 and Al Qaeda’s assault in 2001. Brown was a bearded fundamentalist who believed himself chosen by God to destroy the institution of slavery. He hoped to launch his holy war by seizing the United States armory at Harpers Ferry, Va., and arming blacks for a campaign of liberation. Brown also chose his target for shock value and symbolic impact. The only federal armory in the South, Harpers Ferry was just 60 miles from the capital, where “our president and other leeches,” Brown wrote, did the bidding of slave owners. -
Antislavery Violence and Secession, October 1859
ANTISLAVERY VIOLENCE AND SECESSION, OCTOBER 1859 – APRIL 1861 by DAVID JONATHAN WHITE GEORGE C. RABLE, COMMITTEE CHAIR LAWRENCE F. KOHL KARI FREDERICKSON HAROLD SELESKY DIANNE BRAGG A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2017 Copyright David Jonathan White 2017 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the collapse of southern Unionism between October 1859 and April 1861. This study argues that a series of events of violent antislavery and southern perceptions of northern support for them caused white southerners to rethink the value of the Union and their place in it. John Brown’s raid at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, and northern expressions of personal support for Brown brought the Union into question in white southern eyes. White southerners were shocked when Republican governors in northern states acted to protect members of John Brown’s organization from prosecution in Virginia. Southern states invested large sums of money in their militia forces, and explored laws to control potentially dangerous populations such as northern travelling salesmen, whites “tampering” with slaves, and free African-Americans. Many Republicans endorsed a book by Hinton Rowan Helper which southerners believed encouraged antislavery violence and a Senate committee investigated whether an antislavery conspiracy had existed before Harpers Ferry. In the summer of 1860, a series of unexplained fires in Texas exacerbated white southern fear. As the presidential election approached in 1860, white southerners hoped for northern voters to repudiate the Republicans. When northern voters did not, white southerners generally rejected the Union. -
2011 Compass Draft 2.Indd Sec1:35 4/18/2011 5:03:35 PM Wal-Mart Superstore in New Hampshire” (50)
1 22011011 ccompass_draftompass_draft 22.indd.indd 1 44/18/2011/18/2011 55:02:46:02:46 PPMM Dedicated to Jeanne Jackson 22011011 ccompass_draftompass_draft 22.indd.indd 2 44/18/2011/18/2011 55:03:31:03:31 PPMM A Journal of Leadership and Service at Birmingham-Southern College Volume XIII Spring 2011 Editor-in-Chief Assistant Editor Staff Advisor Charlsie Wigley Claire Burns Jeanne Jackson This year has produced a number of questions involving the ethics, effectiveness, and evolution of leadership on this campus. The Birmingham-Southern community has directly learned the startling impact that leadership can have on our lives. Now, perhaps more than ever before, there exists the opportunity and need for us to discover and critique the boundaries of leadership through learning, challenging, and re-imagining possibilities. As Keith Grint writes in Leadership: Limits and Possibilities, “Leadership is not just a theoretical arena but one with critical practical implications for us all and the limits of leadership—what leaders can do and what followers should allow them to do – are foundational aspects of this arena. Leadership, in effect, is too important to be left to leaders.” It is this axiom that guides the study of leadership and reminds us of the calling that we, as both leaders and followers, must answer in order to continue progress “forward ever.” Like a compass that points us to a destination, the Compass seeks to foster an academic discussion on the concepts of leadership and service. By showing the evolution of followers’ attitudes towards the infamous John Brown, Walter Lewellyn provides a case study on radical leadership in “Waiting for Superman: The Pottawatomie Creek Massacre and the Legend of John Brown.” MK Foster, in “Virgins and Pokerfaces: A Comparative Analysis of Madonna’s and Lady Gaga’s Leadership in Gender Representation,” analyzes how two popular cultural icons have redefi ned the limits of gender representation through their creative and transformational leadership. -
John Brown, Abolitionist: the Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights by David S
John Brown, Abolitionist: The Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights by David S. Reynolds Homegrown Terrorist A Review by Sean Wilentz New Republic Online, 10/27/05 John Brown was a violent charismatic anti-slavery terrorist and traitor, capable of cruelty to his family as well as to his foes. Every one of his murderous ventures failed to achieve its larger goals. His most famous exploit, the attack on Harpers Ferry in October 1859, actually backfired. That backfiring, and not Brown's assault or his later apotheosis by certain abolitionists and Transcendentalists, contributed something, ironically, to the hastening of southern secession and the Civil War. In a topsy-turvy way, Brown may have advanced the anti-slavery cause. Otherwise, he actually damaged the mainstream campaign against slavery, which by the late 1850s was a serious mass political movement contending for national power, and not, as Brown and some of his radical friends saw it, a fraud even more dangerous to the cause of liberty than the slaveholders. This accounting runs against the grain of the usual historical assessments, and also against the grain of David S. Reynolds's "cultural biography" of Brown. The interpretations fall, roughly, into two camps. They agree only about the man's unique importance. Writers hostile to Brown describe him as not merely fanatical but insane, the craziest of all the crazy abolitionists whose agitation drove the country mad and caused the catastrophic, fratricidal, and unnecessary war. Brown's admirers describe his hatred of slavery as a singular sign of sanity in a nation awash in the mental pathologies of racism and bondage. -
Proquest Dissertations
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, som e thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of com puter printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI EDWTN BOOTH .\ND THE THEATRE OF REDEMPTION: AN EXPLORATION OF THE EFFECTS OF JOHN WTLKES BOOTH'S ASSASSINATION OF ABRAHANI LINCOLN ON EDWIN BOOTH'S ACTING STYLE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Michael L. -
James Russell Lowell - Poems
Classic Poetry Series James Russell Lowell - poems - Publication Date: 2012 Publisher: Poemhunter.com - The World's Poetry Archive James Russell Lowell(22 February 1819 – 12 August 1891) James Russell Lowell was an American Romantic poet, critic, editor, and diplomat. He is associated with the Fireside Poets, a group of New England writers who were among the first American poets who rivaled the popularity of British poets. These poets usually used conventional forms and meters in their poetry, making them suitable for families entertaining at their fireside. Lowell graduated from Harvard College in 1838, despite his reputation as a troublemaker, and went on to earn a law degree from Harvard Law School. He published his first collection of poetry in 1841 and married Maria White in 1844. He and his wife had several children, though only one survived past childhood. The couple soon became involved in the movement to abolish slavery, with Lowell using poetry to express his anti-slavery views and taking a job in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania as the editor of an abolitionist newspaper. After moving back to Cambridge, Lowell was one of the founders of a journal called The Pioneer, which lasted only three issues. He gained notoriety in 1848 with the publication of A Fable for Critics, a book-length poem satirizing contemporary critics and poets. The same year, he published The Biglow Papers, which increased his fame. He would publish several other poetry collections and essay collections throughout his literary career. Maria White died in 1853, and Lowell accepted a professorship of languages at Harvard in 1854. -
“Blessings of Liberty” for All: Lysander Spooner's Originalism
SECURING THE “BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY” FOR ALL: LYSANDER SPOONER’S ORIGINALISM Helen J. Knowles* ABSTRACT On January 1, 1808, legislation made it illegal to import slaves into the United States.1 Eighteen days later, in Athol, Massachusetts, Ly- sander Spooner was born. In terms of their influence on the abolition of * Assistant Professor of Political Science, State University of New York at Oswego; B.A., Liverpool Hope University College; Ph.D., Boston University. This article draws on material from papers presented at the annual meetings of the Northeastern Political Science Association and the New England Historical Association, and builds on ideas originally discussed at the Institute for Constitutional Studies (ICS) Summer Seminar on Slavery and the Constitution and an Institute for Humane Studies An- nual Research Colloquium. For their input on my arguments about Lysander Spooner’s constitutional theory, I am grateful to Nigel Ashford, David Mayers, Jim Schmidt, and Mark Silverstein. Special thanks go to Randy Barnett who, several years ago, introduced me to Spooner, the “crusty old character” (as someone once described him to me) with whom I have since embarked on a fascinating historical journey into constitutional theory. I am also indebted to the ICS seminar participants (particularly Paul Finkelman, Maeva Marcus, and Mark Tushnet) for their comments and suggestions and to the participants in the Liberty Fund workshop on Lysander Spooner’s theories (particularly Michael Kent Curtis and Larry Solum) for prompting me to think about Spooner’s work in a variety of different ways. Finally, I would like to thank the staff of the American Antiquarian Society, the Rare Books Department of the Boston Public Library, and the Houghton Library and University Archives at Harvard University for their excellent research assistance. -
John Brown: Villain Or Hero? by Steven Mintz
John Brown: Villain or Hero? by Steven Mintz John Brown, ca. June 1859, four months before his raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia. (Gilder Lehrman Collection) In 1856, three years before his celebrated raid on Harpers Ferry, John Brown, with four of his sons and three others, dragged five unarmed men and boys from their homes along Kansas’s Pottawatomie Creek and hacked and dismembered their bodies as if they were cattle being butchered in a stockyard. Two years later, Brown led a raid into Missouri, where he and his followers killed a planter and freed eleven slaves. Brown’s party also absconded with wagons, mules, harnesses, and horses—a pattern of plunder that Brown followed in other forays. During his 1859 raid on Harpers Ferry, seventeen people died. The first was a black railroad baggage handler; others shot and killed by Brown’s men included the town’s popular mayor and two townsfolk. In the wake of Timothy McVeigh’s attack on the federal office building in Oklahoma City in 1995 and al Qaeda’s strikes on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in 2001, Americans might ask how they should remember John Brown. Was he a bloodthirsty zealot, a vigilante, a terrorist, or a madman? Or was he one of the great heroes of American history, a freedom fighter and martyr to the cause of human liberty? Was his resort to violence any different from, for example, those by Paul Hill and John Salvi, who, in the mid-1990s, murdered abortion-clinic workers in God’s name? Nearly a century and a half after his execution, John Brown remains one of the most fiercely debated and enigmatic figures in American history. -
The Subject of My Paper Is on the Abolitionist Movement and Gerrit Smith’S Tireless Philanthropic Deeds to See That Slavery Was Abolished
The subject of my paper is on the Abolitionist movement and Gerrit Smith’s tireless philanthropic deeds to see that slavery was abolished. I am establishing the reason I believe Gerrit Smith did not lose his focus or his passion to help the cause because of his desire to help mankind. Some historians failed to identify with Smith’s ambition and believed over a course of time that he lost his desire to see his dream of equality for all people to be realized. Gerrit Smith was a known abolitionist and philanthropist. He was born on March 6, 1797 in Utica, New York. His parents were Peter Smith and Elizabeth Livingston. Smith’s father worked as a fur trader alongside John Jacob Astor. They received their furs from the Native Americans from Oneida, Mohawk, and the Cayuga tribes in upstate New York.1 Smith and his family moved to Peterboro, New York (Madison County) in 1806 for business purposes. Gerrit was not happy with his new home in Peterboro.2 Smith’s feelings towards his father were undeniable in his letters which indicated harsh criticism. It is clear that Smith did not have a close bond with his father. This tense relationship with his father only made a closer one with his mother. Smith described him to be cold and distant. The only indication as to why Smith detested his father because he did not know how to bond with his children. Smith studied at Hamilton College in 1814. This was an escape for Smith to not only to get away from Peterboro, but to escape from his father whom he did not like. -
Monopoly & King
A READER THE LIBERTARIANISM.ORG READER SERIES INTRODUCES THE MAJOR IDEAS AND THINKERS IN THE LIBERTARIAN TRADITION. Who Makes & King Mob Monopoly History Happen? From the ancient origins of their craft, historians have used their work to defend established and powerful interests and regimes. In the modern period, though, historians have emphasized the agency and impact of everyday, average people—common people—without access to conventional political power. Monopoly & King Mob provides readers with dozens of documents from the Early Modern and Modern periods to suggest that the best history is that which accounts for change both “from above” and “from below” in the social hierarchy. When we think of history as the grand timeline of states, politicians, military leaders, great business leaders, and elite philosophers, we skew our view of the world and our ideas about how it works. ANTHONY COMEGNA is the Assistant Editor for Intellectual History at Anthony Comegna Anthony Libertarianism.org and the Cato Institute. He received an MA (2012) and PhD (2016) in Atlantic and American history from the University of Pittsburgh. He produces historical content for Libertarianism.org regularly and is writer/ host of the Liberty Chronicles podcast. $12.95 DESIGN BY: SPENCER FULLER, FACEOUT STUDIO COVER IMAGE: THINKSTOCK Monopoly and King Mob Edited by Anthony Comegna CATO INSTITUTE WASHINGTON, D.C. 109318_FM_R2.indd 3 7/24/18 10:47 AM Copyright © 2018 by the Cato Institute. All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-1-944424-56-5 eISBN: 978-1-944424-57-2 Printed in Canada. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data available. 109318_FM_R4.indd 4 25/07/2018 11:38 PM TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: AMERICAN HISTORY, ABOVE AND BELOW . -
The American Militia Phenomenon: a Psychological
THE AMERICAN MILITIA PHENOMENON: A PSYCHOLOGICAL PROFILE OF MILITANT THEOCRACIES ____________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, Chico ____________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Political Science ____________ by © Theodore C. Allen 2009 Summer 2009 PUBLICATION RIGHTS No portion of this thesis may be reprinted or reproduced in any manner unacceptable to the usual copyright restrictions without the written permission of the author. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Publication Rights ...................................................................................................... iii Abstract....................................................................................................................... vi CHAPTER I. Introduction.............................................................................................. 1 II. Literature Review of the Modern Militia Phenomenon ........................... 11 Government Sources .................................................................... 11 Historical and Scholarly Works.................................................... 13 Popular Media .............................................................................. 18 III. The History of the Militia in America...................................................... 23 The Nexus Between Religion and Race ....................................... 28 Jefferson’s Wall of Separation ..................................................... 31 Revolution and the Church..........................................................