A Fascist Century
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Maintenir L'ordre À Lyon 1940-1943
Université Lyon 2 IEP de Lyon Séminaire d’Histoire contemporaine Mémoire de fin d’études Maintenir l’ordre à Lyon 1940-1943 MANZONI Delphine Sous la direction de Bruno Benoît Mémoire soutenu le 04/09/2007 Table des matières Dédicace . 5 Remerciements . 6 Introduction générale . 7 Chapitre préliminaire : De la défaite à l’instauration d’un ordre nouveau : L’état des lieux de la France et de la ville de Lyon en 1940 . 12 I De la drôle de guerre à la débâcle : La France foudroyée20 . 14 A – Une guerre qui se fait attendre… . 14 B – …Mais qui ne s’éternise pas : une défaite à plate couture . 16 II L’instauration d’un ordre nouveau . 18 A- L’Etat français ou la mise en place d’une véritable monarchie pétainiste . 18 B- La révolution nationale : l’ordre nouveau au service du III Reich . 21 Chapitre I : Les protagonistes du maintien de l’ordre . 25 Introduction : Créer une police au service de Vichy : étatisation et épuration de la police . 25 I La mise en place d’un état policier : police nationale et polices spéciales, la distribution des compétences au service de l’ordre nouveau . 26 A- Deux réformes majeures pour une police nationale au service de Vichy . 27 B- Les polices spéciales : police politique de Vichy . 35 II La construction d’un nouvel édifice policier : le préfet régional, pivot du système . 39 A- Le préfet de région : innovation majeur de Vichy dans un objectif de concentration . 39 B- Le préfet de région : sommet de la hiérarchie locale . 43 Conclusion . 48 Chapitre 2 : Le maintien de l’ordre au quotidien . -
Hal Koch, Grundtvig and the Rescue of the Danish Jews: a Case Study in the Democratic Mobilisation for Non-Violent Resistance
Hal Koch, Grundtvig and the rescue of the Danish Jews: A case study in the democratic mobilisation for non-violent resistance By Steven Borish The Danish people’s successful cultural mobilisation for resistance against the Nazi Occupation (1940-1945) culminated in the rescue operation that took place in the autumn of 1943 when 7220 of the approximately 7800 Jews then in Denmark were successfully transported to safety in neutral Sweden. In events set in motion from the invasion of 9 April 1940, through the summer of that year and the following year, a key role was played by a living charis matic leader, Hal Koch, and, through him, by his memorable nineteenth-cen tury predecessor, N. F. S. Grundtvig. These remarkable events are properly to be contextualized not only in Danish history but also in the annals of non violent action as a path to the accomplishment of national goals. I. Grundtvig as the background figure who makes everything come together Statement of the problem On 9 April 1940 the Nazi German invasion of Denmark precipitated one of the deepest crises in the many centuries of Danish history. The late spring, summer and early autumn of 1940, saw the establishment of a Nazi Occupation following the short but overwhelming invasion. During these tense and difficult months many Danes from all walks of life began to meet, discuss and plan for cultural resistance.1 Yet the contributions of two men, one living and one dead, are of special importance in understanding the events of this critical period; together they lit a spark which successfully catalysed the first phase of a broad and popular mobilisation for cultural resistance. -
Published As: Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr, “Democratic Innovation in the U.S
Published as: Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr, “Democratic Innovation in the U.S. and European Social Forums” in A Handbook of the World Social Forums. J. Smith, S. Byrd, E. Reese, and E. Smythe, Eds. Paradigm Publishers. (2012) Chapter 18 Democratic Innovation in the U.S. and European Social Forums Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr Democratization is an ongoing, conflict-ridden process, resulting from contestation between social movements and political elites (Markoff 1996; Tilly 1984). The struggle to make elites more accountable to a larger public has produced the democratic institutions with which we are familiar, and it continues to shape and reconfigure these institutions. It also transforms the individuals and organizations involved in social change, generating social movement cultures, norms and practices that evolve over time. In this chapter, we conceptualize the World Social Forum (WSF) process as part of a larger historical struggle over people’s right to participate in decisions that affect their lives. As other contributions to this volume have shown, the WSF has emerged from and brings together a diverse array of social movements, and has become a focal point for contemporary movements struggling against the anti-democratic character of neoliberal globalization. Neoliberalism’s threats to democratic governance result from its expansion of the political and economic authority of international financial institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization; its hollowing out of national states through privatization, the international debt regime, and international trade policies; its privileging of 1 expert and technocratic knowledge over all other sources of knowledge; and its depoliticization of economic policymaking (Brunelle 2007; Harvey 2005; Markoff 1999; McMichael 2006). -
European Strategies of the New Right - the Example of the FPÖ
European Strategies of the New Right - the example of the FPÖ The European politics of the FPÖ (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs / Freedom Party of Austria) is not only a mirror of the entire diversity of a quite contradictory and in parts very tactical relationship of the entire New Right towards "Europe". Due to the character of the FPÖ as a populistic mass movement, the European politics of the FPÖ is often characterized by short- and medium-term concerns of realpolitik (= pragmatic politics). On the one hand, the aim is to maximize votes with populistic discourses and actions before elections, on the other to serve the economic interests of the industrialists and business circles that maintain close relations to the party. This may at least give a rough idea of the reasons for the relatively jerky changes and the lack of consistency in the position of the FPÖ towards the European Union. Nevertheless, a careful reading of various FPÖ publications reveals a view of Europe that in spite of variations in the tactical and strategic reflections shows a certain degree of continuity. The position of the FPÖ has to be seen in the context of an ideological evolution of the party which needs to be presented here so that its position on Europe can be situated in an ideological context. Continuities of the "Third Camp" In Austria, the FPÖ represents the so-called "Third Camp" that has evolved in the 19th century as a quite heterogeneous camp between national liberalism and German nationalism and has largely merged, in the 30ies of the 20th century, into the Austrian sections of the NSDAP (National- Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei / National-Socialist German Workers' Party). -
Bakalárska Práca
TRNAVSKÁ UNIVERZITA V TRNAVE FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA CUDZIE NÁRODY V SLUŢBÁCH WEHRMACHTU A WAFFEN-SS Bakalárska práca 2017 Adam TOUŠEK TRNAVSKÁ UNIVERZITA V TRNAVE FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA CUDZIE NÁRODY V SLUŢBÁCH WEHRMACHTU A WAFFEN-SS Bakalárska práca Študijný program: História Školiace pracovisko: Katedra histórie Študijný odbor: 7110, História Vedúci práce / školiteľ: PhDr. Marián Manák, PhD. Trnava 2017 Adam TOUŠEK Čestné vyhlásenie Čestne vyhlasujem, ţe bakalársku prácu na tému Cudzie národy v sluţbách Wehrmachtu a Waffen-SS som vypracoval samostatne, s pouţitím uvedenej literatúry a prameňov. Trnava, 4. mája 2017 .................................... Poďakovanie Ďakujem svojmu školiteľovi, PhDr. Mariánovi Manákovi, PhD., ktorý mi usmerňovaním, radami a konzultáciami napomohol pri vypracovaní bakalárskej práce. Moje poďakovanie patrí taktieţ aj zamestnancom kniţnice Vojenského historického ústavu v Bratislave, ktorí mi pomohli pri hľadaní príslušnej odbornej literatúry. Osobitné poďakovanie patrí mojej rodine a blízkym za podporu a pochopenie. Abstrakt Práca sa zaoberá príslušníkmi cudzích národností, ktorí slúţili v jednotkách nemeckého Wehrmachtu a Waffen-SS v rokoch 1939 aţ 1945. V úvode stručne informuje o histórii Waffen-SS a Wehrmachtu. V hlavnej časti sa venuje jednotlivým krajinám, z ktorých pochádzali dobrovoľníci a odvedenci v jednotkách Wehrmachtu a Waffen-SS. Pri kaţdej krajine sú uvedené základné informácie, ako napr. dôvody vstupu príslušníkov do jednotiek a- ich motívy, dátumy zaloţenia jednotiek, ich pôsobenie a účasť v bojoch. Práca sa zameriava na dobrovoľníkov zo západnej, juţnej, severnej, strednej a východnej Európy, ďalej na dobrovoľníkov zo Sovietskeho zväzu, indických a arabských dobrovoľníkov a medzinárodné zmiešané divízie. V záverečnej časti sú uvedené informácie o tom, aké následky mala táto kolaborantská činnosť po ukončení vojny. Práca obsahuje aj obrazovú prílohu s fotografiami. -
Theory in Nazi Occupied Denmark Katherine Greenwood [email protected]
Seton Hall University eRepository @ Seton Hall Seton Hall University Dissertations and Theses Seton Hall University Dissertations and Theses (ETDs) Spring 5-2016 “Not With an Iron Fist, But With a Velvet Glove”: The Go‘ od Germans’ Theory in Nazi Occupied Denmark Katherine Greenwood [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.shu.edu/dissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Greenwood, Katherine, "“Not With an Iron Fist, But With a Velvet Glove”: The Good‘ Germans’ Theory in Nazi Occupied Denmark" (2016). Seton Hall University Dissertations and Theses (ETDs). 2192. https://scholarship.shu.edu/dissertations/2192 “Not With an Iron Fist, But With a Velvet Glove”: The ‘Good Germans’ Theory in Nazi Occupied Denmark By Katherine Greenwood Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree: Master of Arts Department of History Seton Hall University May 2016 © 2016 Katherine Greenwood Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter I: “On principle we will do our utmost to make the operation appear as a peaceful occupation.” ................................................................................................................................. 3 Chapter II: “The canary bird of a murderer.” .............................................................................. 11 Chapter III: “I gather a situation -
The Black International in Europe from 1945 to the Late 1980S
Political models to make Europe (since modern era) The Black International in Europe from 1945 to the late 1980s Olivier DARD ABSTRACT The subject of a European “Black International” of neo-fascist or neo-Nazi inspiration was very popular among journalists during the “Years of Lead” (1970-1980). Although the European radical Right tried after 1945 to establish a neo-fascist International, known as the European Social Movement, the attempt ended in failure. The absence of a structured organization did not however diminish the important international links present especially from the 1960s to the 1980s. From doctrines with common themes and references to publications in publishing houses, along with radio and press agencies, the European radical Right expressed itself through circulations, networks and transfers. This did not take the form of a “black orchestra” so dear to its detractors during the 1970s, but rather of an informal albeit active International. The Venice conference's signatories: Jean Thiriart, Adolf von Thadden, Oswald Mosley, an unknown person, Giovanni Lanfre. During the 1970s, a series of journalistic essays proclaimed the existence of a “neo-fascist” or “neo-Nazi” International, said to have been formed in the mold of the Organisation armée secrète (OAS) [Secret Army Organization], a terrorist organization that had fought to uphold French Algeria. Its history apparently extended to Europe and Latin America, where this “OAS International” allegedly found supporters and built support bases. Rejecting this vision fuelled on sensationalism does not prevent one from exploring the long-standing relations of the European radical Right at the international level. The interwar period was characterized by an attempt to establish a fascist International (1934 Montreux fascist conference), and the Spanish Civil War saw the arrival of volunteer contingents to fight alongside the Francoists. -
Curriculum Vitae-Hank Johnston
CURRICULUM VITAE HANK JOHNSTON Professor of Sociology Hansen Chair of Peace and Nonviolence Studies Publisher and managing editor, Mobilization: An International Quarterly Department of Sociology 220 Nasatir Hall San Diego State University San Diego, CA 92182-4423 Phone: 619.594.1323, Fax: 619.594.2835 [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D., Sociology. University of California, San Diego M.B.A., New York University. AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION Social movements and nonviolent protest, with emphasis on civil resistance, peaceful transitions from repressive state regimes, and the violence-nonviolence spiral in ethnonationalist movements. Also, the cultural analysis of mobilization processes. Social change, with emphasis on state building, peaceful democratic transitions, world- systems and globalization theory. Social psychology, with emphasis on symbolic interaction, framing perspectives, discourse analysis, and ethnic conflict/conflict resolution. Comparative ethnic relations, with concentration in minority nationalism, ethnonationalist movements, ethnic relations and state building, both in the U.S. and internationally. ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT Professor of Sociology, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA 92182-4423. Hansen Chair of Peace and Nonviolence Studies. Courses regularly taught: Social Psychology, Social Movements, Political Sociology, Social Change, Social Theory, Minority Group and Ethnic Relations. New Course: Nonviolence, Peace, and Social Change. Founding Editor and Publisher. Mobilization: An International Quarterly, Department of Sociology, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA. 92182-4423. Mobilization is a highly ranked sociology journal based on citation indices. It has been published contin- uously at the Center for the Study of Social Movements, Department of Sociology, San Diego State University, since 1996. Hank Johnston 2 Series Editor, Mobilization Series on Protest, Social Movements and Culture. -
Another Europe: Conceptions and Practices of Democracy in the European Social Forums/Edited by Donatella Della Porta
Another Europe Given the recent focus on the challenges to representative democracy, and the search for new institutions and procedures that can help to channel increasing participation, this book offers empirical insights on alternative conceptions of democracy and the actors that promote them. With a focus on the conceptions and practices of democracy within contempo- rary social movements in Europe, this volume contributes to the debate on the dif- ferent dimensions of democracy, especially on representation and participation. The book explores the transnational dimension of democracy and addresses a relevant, and little analysed aspect of Europeanization: the Europeanization of social move- ments. From a methodological point of view, the research innovates by covering a group of individuals traditionally neglected in previous studies: social movement activists. The various chapters combine analysis of the individuals’ attitudes and behaviour with that of the organizational characteristics, procedures and practices of democracy. Providing a cross-national comparison on the global justice movement, the theoretical challenges of the new wave of protest and the rich empirical data this book will appeal to students and scholars of sociology, political sociology, social movement studies, and transnational as well as comparative politics. Donatella della Porta is professor of sociology in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the European University Institute, Italy. Routledge/ECPR studies in European political science Edited by Thomas Poguntke, Ruhr University Bochum, Germany on behalf of the European Consortium for Political Research The Routledge/ECPR Studies in European Political Science series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research – the leading organization concerned with the growth and development of political science in Europe. -
Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France Between the Wars: the Catholic Matrix Magali Della Sudda
Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France between the wars: the Catholic matrix Magali Della Sudda To cite this version: Magali Della Sudda. Gender, Fascism and Right-Wing in France between the wars: the Catholic matrix. Politics, Religion and Ideology, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2012, 13 (2), pp.179-195. 10.1080/21567689.2012.675706. halshs-00992324 HAL Id: halshs-00992324 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00992324 Submitted on 23 Mar 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. « Gender, Fascism and the Right-Wing in France between the Wars: The Catholic Matrix » M. Della Sudda, « Gender, Fascism and the Right-Wing in France between the Wars: The Catholic Matrix » Julie V. Gottlieb (Ed.) “Gender and Fascism”, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religion, vol.13, issue 2, pp.179-195. Key words: Gender; the French Far Right A French Aversion to Research into Gender and Fascism? While it has been some time since European historiography opened up the field of Gender and Fascism, French historiography seems to be an exception. Since the pioneering work into Nazi Germany and the Fascist regime in Italy,1 use of the gender perspective has allowed women’s academic focus to shift towards other objects of study. -
Dreaming of a National Socialist World: the World Union of National Socialists (Wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism
fascism 8 (2019) 275-306 brill.com/fasc Dreaming of a National Socialist World: The World Union of National Socialists (wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton [email protected] Abstract This article will survey the transnational dynamics of the World Union of National Socialists (wuns), from its foundation in 1962 to the present day. It will examine a wide range of materials generated by the organisation, including its foundational docu- ment, the Cotswolds Declaration, as well as membership application details, wuns bulletins, related magazines such as Stormtrooper, and its intellectual journals, Nation- al Socialist World and The National Socialist. By analysing material from affiliated organisations, it will also consider how the network was able to foster contrasting rela- tionships with sympathetic groups in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe, al- lowing other leading neo-Nazis, such as Colin Jordan, to develop a wider role interna- tionally. The author argues that the neo-Nazi network reached its height in the mid to late 1960s, and also highlights how, in more recent times, the wuns has taken on a new role as an evocative ‘story’ in neo-Nazi history. This process of ‘accumulative extrem- ism’, inventing a new tradition within the neo-Nazi movement, is important to recog- nise, as it helps us understand the self-mythologizing nature of neo-Nazi and wider neo-fascist cultures. Therefore, despite failing in its ambitions of creating a Nazi- inspired new global order, the lasting significance of the wuns has been its ability to inspire newer transnational aspirations among neo-Nazis and neo-fascists. -
Andreas Umland the FASCIST THREAT in POST-SOVIET RUSSIA an Investigation Into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Su
Andreas Umland THE FASCIST THREAT IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA An Investigation into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Suggestion on the Appropriateness of the `Weimar Russia' Metaphor Contents Abbreviations Part I: Fascist Tendencies in Zhirinovskii's Writings in the Newspaper Liberal 1. The Research Framework and Political Context of the Chapter Right-Wing Extremism and Peace Studies Zhirinovskii versus Gaidar 2. The `Whys' of Studying Fascism in Russia 2.1. The Significance of Zhirinovskii's Political Ideas The LDPR's Direct Influence on Russian Politics The LDPR's Indirect Influence on Russian Politics 2.2. `Fascism' - a Redundant Label? 2.3. `Fascism' in Post-Soviet Russia `Fascism' vs. `Right-Wing Extremism' The Moscow Anti-Fascist Centre `Fascism' as a Legal Term `Fascism's' Pre-Eminence 3. Identifying Fascism 3.1. Some Methodological Problems of Empirical Fascist Studies in Russia `Fascism' a Special Notion in Russia? Zhirinovskii a Fascist?: Pros and Cons My Approach to Zhirinovskii's Fascism The Procedure of this Inquir 3.2. Some Problems of a Theoretical Conceptualization of Fascism Generic Fascism as a Sub-Type of Right-Wing Extremism Concepts of Fascist Ideology 1 3.3. An Operational Definition of Fascism Griffin's `Fascist Minimum' A Note on Contemporary Russian Political Terminology 4. Palingenetic Ultra-Nationalism in Zhirinovskii's Articles in Liberal 4.1. The Newspaper Liberal 4.2. Zhirinovskii's Articles in Liberal Number 2-3, 1990 Number 4-5, 1992 Number 6-7, 1992 Number 8-9, 1992 Number 10, 1992 Number 1 (11), 1993 Number 2 (12), 1993 Number 3 (13), 1993 4.3.