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Artistic Expressions and Ethno-Cultural Identity: a Case Study of Acehnese Body 100 Percussion in Indonesia

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Artistic Expressions and Ethno-Cultural Identity: a Case Study of Acehnese Body 100 Percussion in Indonesia Artistic Expressions and Ethno-cultural Identity: A Case Study of Acehnese Body 100 Percussion in Indonesia Murtala Murtala, Alfira O’Sullivan, and Paul H. Mason Contents Introduction ..................................................................................... 1958 Branding Culture ............................................................................... 1959 Participating in the Dance ...................................................................... 1962 Three Acehnese Dances ........................................................................ 1963 Ratéb Meusekat ................................................................................. 1964 Likok Pulo ...................................................................................... 1967 Saman....................................................................................... 1969 Transformation and Change .................................................................... 1973 Conclusion ...................................................................................... 1975 Cross-References ............................................................................... 1975 References ...................................................................................... 1975 Abstract As the processes of globalization bring diverse ethnic groups from within and across national borders into contact, translocal communities of practice increas- ingly sustain previously localized visual and performance arts. How do connec- tions between artistic expression and ethno-cultural identity become constructed and contested in this context? In this chapter, we consider Acehnese body percussion as a case study to examine artistic expression and ethno-cultural identity. The centrifugal forces of globalization have brought Acehnese body percussion into contact with new student populations and put this genre on display for naïve audiences in foreign performance spaces. Acehnese artist- M. Murtala · A. O’Sullivan Suara Indonesia Dance Troupe, Sydney, NSW, Australia P. H. Mason (*) School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Clayton, VIC, Australia Department of Anthropology, Macquarie University, North Ryde, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1957 S. Ratuva (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Ethnicity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2898-5_136 1958 M. Murtala et al. teachers have mobilized their art to capitalize upon these shifts but simulta- neously found themselves needing to develop effective responses to resist cultural appropriation and assert their authority over this unique genre of body percussion. While it can be argued that no performance genre is truly fixed, stable, and bounded, the desire to maintain a coherent association to ethno-cultural identity impacts on the aesthetic features of an art as well as the politicized discourses surrounding integrity, authenticity, and creativity. Acehnese body percussion is a particularly compelling case example to consider given Aceh’s 30-year conflict with the central Indonesian government as well as the political turn of events following the tragic tsunami on December 26, 2004. The maintenance of some semblance of purity in a performance genre is important to those who trade in the export of their culturally orchestrated skills, but even more important to a people whose sense of collective identity has been bolstered by external threats. Keywords Aceh · Body percussion · Globalization · Ethno-cultural identity · Artistic expression · Creativity · Performance art Introduction The opening ceremony to the 2018 Asian Games in Indonesia featured 1600 Jakartan high school students performing seated body percussion in striking unison. Highly coordinated patterns of movement rippled across 18 rows of dancers for over 4 min. Dynamic costume changes added to the visual splendor. Samples of tradi- tional tunes backed by electronic music energized both dancers and crowd. Choreographed by Indonesian singer and dancer, Denny Malik, the performance wowed audience members. The unity displayed in this performance genre has often been put on stage at national and international events to demonstrate the diverse cultures of Indonesia in harmony with one another. These artistic expressions of Indonesian identity, however, disguise the unsavory historical circumstances and political agendas impacting upon subnational, ethno-cultural identity across the archipelago. Denny Malik, for example, is not Acehnese. Moreover, the founda- tional work of Acehnese choreographers in teaching seated body-percussion to school students in Jakarta went unmentioned in media reporting about the opening ceremony. The movement sequences of this crowd-pleasing dance performance had first been taught to Jakartan high school students by Acehnese choreographers who had descended upon their nation’s capital to escape civil conflict and seek better employ- ment. They taught a collection of coastal Acehnese dances known by diverse names, but which came to be branded as “Saman” in Jakarta. While Saman became the umbrella term for all Acehnese dance, it is actually the name of a men’s dance from the Gayo people in the mountainous area of the Aceh highlands. Originally used to spread Islam in Aceh, the sitting body-percussion dances have become popular as secular performance and entertainment all over Indonesia, especially Jakarta, and 100 Artistic Expressions and Ethno-cultural Identity: A Case Study of... 1959 overseas. Stripped of their histories and significance, symbols can become depoliticized markers of a hybrid identity (Lo 2000: 168). Long-standing historical tensions between Aceh and the central Indonesian government, however, have not left national representations of Acehnese body percussion uncontested. Ethno-cul- tural identity is strongly asserted by Acehnese artists who teach and perform unique and impressive genres of body percussion. In this chapter, we examine the seated body-percussion dances of Aceh and how artistic expressions of ethno-cultural identity come to be constructed, experienced, mobilized, transmitted, appropriated, contested, misconstrued, and politicized. Saman, put forward by the Indonesian Government for listing on UNESCO’s World Heritage List, was eventually inscribed in 2011 on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding. This political act raised the profile of Acehnese dance nationally and internationally, but also misrepresented the diversity of coastal and highland Acehnese dance and heritage. Furthermore, subsuming Acehnese dance into a larger nationalistic project brushed aside historical political tensions between the Acehnese people and the Indonesian government. The history of the dances, their names, philosophy, and meaning have all been disrupted as a consequence of increas- ing the number of stakeholders involved in these shifting discourses. Branding Culture In the words of Jonathan Haynes, “Names conceal as well as reveal” (2007: 106). For example, the title of “Bollywood” covers up the production of Indian films in languages other than Hindi such as Tamil, Bengali, and Punjabi (ibid.). Similarly, the name “Nollywood” covers up the diversity of film productions in Nigeria (ibid.). With regard to Saman, Indonesian authority figures have sought to promote the ideology of “unity in diversity” and have grouped together the multitude of sitting dances from around Aceh under one title. “Saman” has become a metonym for multiple different sitting dances found throughout Aceh that have come to be recognized abroad as Indonesian. Acehnese dance first started to appear in Jakarta in the 1960s when President Sukarno was still in power. During this time, nationalist symbols were established by taking local culture from various provinces to represent a “National culture” for the nation in order to forge a collective Indonesian identity (Hughes-Freeland 2008: 55–56). The Indonesian government in Jakarta requested the Acehnese government provide dance troupes to perform Acehnese dances at official events and for visiting overseas officials who stayed at the Presidential Istana (palace). Other dance troupes from different provinces were also asked to perform. At this point in time, Acehnese dances in Jakarta were not taught yet in schools and very rarely performed by non- Acehnese people. When Suharto’s regime began in 1966, dance troupes from Aceh –troupes who had previously visited Jakarta to perform Acehnese dances at official State events– commenced performances at nonofficial events where they were more accessible to the Indonesian public. In 1974, the Acehnese government brought the Saman Gayo 1960 M. Murtala et al. arts team to Jakarta for the opening of Taman Mini Indah Park Indonesia. Tari Saman was simultaneously broadcast on TVRI, the Indonesian national TV station. The Tari Saman group from the Gayo highlands were subsequently asked to come back to Jakarta to perform at various official events. The 1974 performance, broadcast nation- ally, prompted the Indonesian public outside Aceh to consider all Acehnese sitting dances under the label of “Saman.” During 1970–1975, after the official opening of Taman Mini Indonesia Indah, Acehnese dance was still only practiced within the sphere of the Acehnese commu- nity. These communities then started to teach sanggar (dance troupes) around Jakarta. According to Marzuki, one of the first teachers of Acehnese dance in Jakarta, training and practice of
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