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Disaster Risk Reduction in Australia
Disaster Risk Reduction in Australia Status Report 2020 Disaster Risk Reduction in Australia Status Report 2020 ADPC Editorial Team Aslam Perwaiz Janne Parviainen Pannawadee Somboon Ariela Mcdonald UNDRR Review Team Animesh Kumar Andrew Mcelroy Omar Amach Cover photo: anakkml/ Freepik.com Layout and design: Lakkhana Tasaka About this report The disaster risk reduction (DRR) status report provides a snapshot of the state of DRR in Australia under the four priorities of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015-2030. It also highlights progress and challenges associated with ensuring coherence among the key global frameworks at the national level; and makes recommendations for strengthening overall disaster risk management (DRM) governance by government institutions and stakeholders at national and local levels. As this report is based on information available as of the end of the year 2019, an update on the COVID-19 impact, response and recovery using a risk-informed approach by countries is provided at the beginning of this report. This report has been prepared by the Asian Disaster Preparedness Center (ADPC) on behalf of the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR) through country consultations and a desk review of key documents, including legal instruments and DRR policies, plans, strategies and frameworks, etc. UNDRR and ADPC acknowledges the government, international organizations and stakeholder representatives who contributed their valuable input and feedback on this report. This report was made possible by a generous contribution made by the Government of Australia, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, as part of the Partnership Framework with UNDRR on ‘Supporting Implementation of the Sendai Framework.’ This report serves as a reference document for the implementation and monitoring of the Sendai Framework. -
Fiji's Road to Military Coup, 20061
2. 'Anxiety, uncertainty and fear in our land': Fiji's road to military coup, 20061 Brij V. Lal Introduction If civilization is to survive, one is driven to radical views. I do not mean driven to violence. Violence always compromises or ruins the cause it means to serve: it produces as much wrong as it tries to remedy. The State, for example, is always with us. Overthrow it and it will come back in another form, quite possibly worse. It's a necessary evilÐa monster that continually has to be tamed, so that it serves us rather than devours us. We can't do without it, neither can we ever trust it.2 Fiji experienced the whole gamut of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006. The year ended on an unsettled note, as it had begun. Fiji was yet again caught in a political quagmire of its own making, hobbled by manufactured tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent tumultuous past, and reeling from the effects of the coup. Ironies abound. A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous community's worst fears about a Fijian army spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil. The military overthrow took place 19 years to the day after frustrated coup-maker of 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka had handed power back to Fiji's civilian leaders, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, paving the way for the eventual return to parliamentary democracy. The 2006 coup, like the previous ones, deposed a democratically elected government. Perhaps more importantly, it peremptorily sidelined the once powerful cultural and social institutions of the indigenous community, notably the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC)3 ± severing with a startling abruptness the overarching influence they had exercised in national life. -
2016 Country Review
Fiji 2016 Country Review http://www.countrywatch.com Table of Contents Chapter 1 1 Country Overview 1 Country Overview 2 Key Data 4 Fiji 5 Pacific Islands 6 Chapter 2 8 Political Overview 8 History 9 Political Conditions 10 Political Risk Index 42 Political Stability 57 Freedom Rankings 72 Human Rights 84 Government Functions 87 Government Structure 92 Principal Government Officials 100 Leader Biography 101 Leader Biography 101 Foreign Relations 104 National Security 109 Defense Forces 111 Chapter 3 114 Economic Overview 114 Economic Overview 115 Nominal GDP and Components 117 Population and GDP Per Capita 118 Real GDP and Inflation 119 Government Spending and Taxation 120 Money Supply, Interest Rates and Unemployment 121 Foreign Trade and the Exchange Rate 122 Data in US Dollars 123 Energy Consumption and Production Standard Units 124 Energy Consumption and Production QUADS 125 World Energy Price Summary 126 CO2 Emissions 127 Agriculture Consumption and Production 128 World Agriculture Pricing Summary 130 Metals Consumption and Production 131 World Metals Pricing Summary 133 Economic Performance Index 134 Chapter 4 146 Investment Overview 146 Foreign Investment Climate 147 Foreign Investment Index 151 Corruption Perceptions Index 164 Competitiveness Ranking 175 Taxation 184 Stock Market 184 Partner Links 185 Chapter 5 186 Social Overview 186 People 187 Human Development Index 188 Life Satisfaction Index 192 Happy Planet Index 203 Status of Women 213 Global Gender Gap Index 215 Culture and Arts 225 Etiquette 227 Travel Information 228 Diseases/Health Data 237 Chapter 6 243 Environmental Overview 243 Environmental Issues 244 Environmental Policy 252 Greenhouse Gas Ranking 253 Global Environmental Snapshot 264 Global Environmental Concepts 275 International Environmental Agreements and Associations 289 Appendices 314 Bibliography 315 Fiji Chapter 1 Country Overview Fiji Review 2016 Page 1 of 327 pages Fiji Country Overview FIJI Fiji became independent in 1970 after nearly a century as a British colony. -
Timor-Leste's Growing Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region
110 Regionalism, Security & Cooperation in Oceania Chapter 8 Acting West, Looking East: Timor-Leste’s Growing Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region Jose Kai Lekke Sousa-Santos Executive Summary • Timor-Leste is situated geopolitically and culturally at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands region, and has pursued a two-pil- lared neighborhood foreign policy of “comprehensive and collective en- gagement,” which is defined by “Acting West” and “Looking East.” • Timor-Leste is seeking to integrate itself within regional governance and security structures, and institutions of both Southeast Asia and the Pa- cific Islands, thereby increasing its strategic role as a conduit for cooper- ation and collaboration between the two regions. • Timor-Leste is of increasing geostrategic importance to the Asia Pacific in view of the growing focus on the Pacific Ocean in terms of resource security and the growing competition between China and the United States. • Timor-Leste could play an increasingly significant role in regional de- fense diplomacy developments if the Melanesian Spearhead Group re- gional peacekeeping force is realized. Timor-Leste’s Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region - Santos 111 “We may be a small nation, but we are part of our inter- connected region. Our nation shares an island with Indone- sia. We are part of the fabric of Southeast Asia. And we are on the cross road of Asia and the Pacific.” 1 - Xanana Kay Rala Gusmao Introduction Timor-Leste is situated geopolitically and culturally on the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands region and has, since achieving in- dependence in 2002, pursued a two-pillared neighborhood foreign policy of ‘Acting West’ and ‘Looking East.’ Timor-Leste claims that its geographic position secures the “half-island” state as an integral and categorical part of Southeast Asia while at the same time, acknowledging the clear links it shares with its Pacific Island neighbors to the west, particularly in the areas of development and security. -
PISA 2015: Financial Literacy in Australia
PISA 2015: Financial literacy in Australia Sue Thomson Lisa De Bortoli Australian Council for Educational Research First published 2017 by Australian Council for Educational Research Ltd 19 Prospect Hill Road, Camberwell, Victoria, 3124, Australia www.acer.org www.acer.org/ozpisa/reports/ Text © Australian Council for Educational Research Ltd 2017 Design and typography © ACER Creative Services 2017 This book is copyright. All rights reserved. Except under the conditions described in the Copyright Act 1968 of Australia and subsequent amendments, and any exceptions permitted under the current statutory licence scheme administered by Copyright Agency (www.copyright.com.au), no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted, broadcast or communication in any form or by any means, optical, digital, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. Cover design, text design and typesetting by ACER Creative Services Edited by Kylie Cockle National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Thomson, Sue, 1958- author. Title: PISA 2015 : financial literacy in Australia / Sue Thomson (author); Lisa De Bortoli (author). ISBN: 9781742864785 (ebook) Subjects: Programme for International Student Assessment. Educational evaluation--Australia--Statistics. Students, Foreign--Rating of--Australia--Statistics. Young adults--Education--Australia--Statistics. Financial literacy--Australia--Statistics. Other Creators/Contributors: De Bortoli, -
How Do Dictators Achieve and Maintain Power?
FAIRFAX COUNTY PUBLIC SCHO OLS - SOCIAL STUDIES – C3 INQUIRY LESSON FO R WORLD HISTORY 2 World History & Geography II Inquiry (240-270 Minutes) How Do Dictators Achieve and Maintain Power? Fidel Castro speaking at Havana’s May Day Celebration, May 2, 1961, http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/speech1.htm Supporting Questions- These are used to structure and develop the inquiry 1. What political, social, and economic challenges support the rise of dictators (Interwar Nazi Germany is used as a case study)? Overview – Dictators and Power 2. How do totalitarian states operate? 3. WhereHow do dictatorialare dictators governments able exist to today achieve and how do and they function?maintain power? Designed by Jeff Vande Sande & Craig Perrier 1 FAIRFAX COUNTY PUBLIC SCHO OLS - SOCIAL STUDIES – C3 INQUIRY LESSON FO R WORLD HISTORY 2 WHII.10: The student will apply social science skills to understand World War I and its worldwide impact. WHII. 11: The student will apply social science skills to understand World War II and its VA SOL Content worldwide impact. Standard WHII.12: The student will apply social science skills to understand the conflicts during the second half of the twentieth century. WHII.14: The student will apply social science skills to understand the global changes during the early twenty-first century VA SOL Skills 1a – Using Information Sources, 1c – Interpreting Information, 1e – Comparing & Contrasting, Standard 1 1f – Determine Cause/Effect, 1g- Making Connections 1j – Using Content Vocabulary Portrait of a Graduate Correlations HOOK: Students will analyze images of historical and contemporary dictators and complete a Introducing the “brain-dump” activity in which they list what they know about these leaders and their Question governments, and the concept of dictatorship in general. -
Fiji Elections: Bainimarama Rebuked but Returned
Published on November 16, 2018 Officials at work in the results centre for the Fiji election (Credit: ABC News/Michael Barnett) Fiji elections: Bainimarama rebuked but returned By Stewart Firth Fiji went to the polls on 14 November in its second election since the restoration of democracy in 2014. Fiji’s experience with democracy since independence in 1970 has been a tortured one. Three coups have interrupted democratic government in the last thirty years – in 1987, 2000 and 2006 – and the last was followed by eight years of military Link: https://devpolicy.org/fiji-elections-20181116/ Page 1 of 6 Date downloaded: September 30, 2021 Published on November 16, 2018 rule, with Frank Bainimarama as self-appointed Prime Minister. Bainimarama then led his Fiji First party to victory in the 2014 elections and became the elected Prime Minister under a constitution of his own devising. A kind of stability has since settled on Fiji, though the country has not returned to democracy in its fullest sense, that is with a fully independent judiciary and media. Instead, people who cast their vote on 14 November knew that unless they returned the Bainimarama Government, another coup was possible. The victory of Bainimarama’s Fiji First party was predicted in the polls and likely given the arithmetic of Fiji elections. With a large majority of Indo-Fijians supporting him, Bainimarama needed only to gain the backing of a minority of indigenous Fijians to win. Indo-Fijian voters remain grateful to Bainimarama for overturning a pro-indigenous Fijian government in the 2006 coup, and for abolishing Fiji’s racially-skewed system of voting under which race was a key category. -
Executive Summary 2 INDIA – PACIFIC ISLANDS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT CONFERENCE Introduction
INDIA–PACIFIC ISLANDS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT CONFERENCE ‘Furthering the FIPIC Agenda through Sustainability Initiatives’ 25 – 26 May, 2017 | Suva, Fiji In association with Executive Summary 2 INDIA – PACIFIC ISLANDS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT CONFERENCE Introduction The Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India hosted the ‘India–Pacific Islands Sustainable Development Conference’ in Suva, Fiji, from 25 to 26 May, 2017. The conference was held under the framework of the Forum for India Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC). The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) was the key knowledge partner for this event. Minister of State for External Affairs, Gen. (Dr) V K Singh (Retd.) hosted heads of state, ministers and senior officials from the Pacific Island Countries at the conference. A total of eleven island countries marked their presence at the conference. The dignitaries included Hon’ble Baron Waqa MP, President, Republic of Nauru; Hon’ble Toke Tufukia Talagi, Premier of Niue; Hon’ble Fiame Naomi Mataafa, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Natural Resources & Environment, Samoa; Hon’ble Maatia Toafa, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance and Economic Development, Tuvalu; Hon’ble Mark Brown, Minister of Finance, Cook Islands; Hon’ble Semisi Fakahau, Minister for Agriculture, Food, Forests & Fisheries, Kingdom of Tonga; Hon’ble Ham Lini Vanuaroroa, Minister of Climate Change Adaptation, Meteorology, Geo-Hazard, Environment, Energy and Disaster Management, Vanuatu; Hon’ble Tekena Tiroa, Member of Parliament, Kiribati; Ms Makereta Konrote, Permanent Secretary, Minister for Economy, Republic of Fiji; Ms Hakaua Harry, Secretary, Department of National Planning and Monitoring, Papua New Guinea; and Mr Shadrach Fanega, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Development Planning and Aid Coordination, Republic of Solomon Islands. -
Can Australian Multiyear Droughts and Wet Spells Be Generated in the Absence of Oceanic Variability?
1SEPTEMBER 2016 T A S C H E T T O E T A L . 6201 Can Australian Multiyear Droughts and Wet Spells Be Generated in the Absence of Oceanic Variability? ANDRÉA S. TASCHETTO AND ALEX SEN GUPTA Climate Change Research Centre, and ARC Centre of Excellence for Climate System Science, University of New South Wales, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia CAROLINE C. UMMENHOFER Department of Physical Oceanography, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, Massachusetts MATTHEW H. ENGLAND Climate Change Research Centre, and ARC Centre of Excellence for Climate System Science, University of New South Wales, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia (Manuscript received 1 October 2015, in final form 28 April 2016) ABSTRACT Anomalous conditions in the tropical oceans, such as those related to El Niño–Southern Oscillation and the Indian Ocean dipole, have been previously blamed for extended droughts and wet periods in Australia. Yet the extent to which Australian wet and dry spells can be driven by internal atmospheric variability remains unclear. Natural variability experiments are examined to determine whether prolonged extreme wet and dry periods can arise from internal atmospheric and land variability alone. Results reveal that this is indeed the case; however, these dry and wet events are found to be less severe than in simulations incorporating coupled oceanic variability. Overall, ocean feedback processes increase the magnitude of Australian rainfall vari- ability by about 30% and give rise to more spatially coherent rainfall impacts. Over mainland Australia, ocean interactions lead to more frequent extreme events, particularly during the rainy season. Over Tasmania, in contrast, ocean–atmosphere coupling increases mean rainfall throughout the year. -
View Order Paper
PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF FIJI _____________ ORDER PAPER Tuesday, 26 May 2020 at 9.30 a.m. 1. Prayer 2. Confirmation of Minutes. The Leader of the Government in Parliament to move – “That the Minutes of the sitting of Parliament held on Monday, 25 May 2020, as previously circulated be taken as read and be confirmed.” 3. Communications from the Chair 4. Presentation of papers and certain documents 5. Presentation of reports of committees 6. Ministerial Statements 7. Consideration of Bills 8. Motions for which notice has been given (see Schedule 1) 9. Questions (see Schedule 2) ----------------- SCHEDULE 1 — MOTIONS FOR DEBATE 1. Hon. Sanjay Kirpal to move – “That Parliament debates the ‘2013-2014 Consolidated Annual Review of the Water Authority of Fiji’ which was tabled on 4 April 2019.” (Parliamentary Paper No. 19 of 2019) 2. Hon. Viam Pillay to move – “That Parliament debates the ‘Report on Annual Review of the Fiji Association of Sports and National Olympic Committee, 2017’ which was tabled on 1 April 2019.” (Parliamentary Paper No. 05 of 2019) 3. Hon. Prof. Biman Prasad to move – “That Parliament forms a Special Committee under Standing Order 129 to conduct a holistic inquiry into all aspects of health and medical care service and delivery at our public hospitals and centres and the Committee shall comprise the following – (a) Hon. Dr Salik Govind (Chairperson); (b) Hon. Alexander O’Connor; (c) Hon. Jale Sigarara; (d) Hon. Dr Ratu Atonio Lalabalavu; and (e) Hon. Lenora Qereqeretabua.” 4. Hon. Ro Filipe Tuisawau to move – “That Parliament resolves to establish a Special Committee under Standing Order 129 to inquire into the socio-economic impact of COVID- 19. -
Media Intimidation in Fiji's 2014 Elections
5 ‘Unfree and unfair’?: Media intimidation in Fiji’s 2014 elections David Robie Introduction Fiji was a media pariah among Pacific nations, as well as a political outcast, for much of the eight years after Voreqe Bainimarama’s military coup in December 2006. But while some media credibility was restored in the months leading up to the 2014 general elections and during the ballot itself, the elephant is still in the room: the 2010 Media Industry Development Decree (Fijian Government 2010). While this Decree remains in force, Fiji can hardly claim to have a truly free and fair media. Just seven months out from the September 17 elections, Fiji was ranked 107th out of 179 countries listed in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index prepared by the Paris-based global media freedom organisation Reporters Without Borders (RSF). That ranking was an improvement on the previous year (RSF 2014a), rising 10 places from the 2013 ranking. The major reason for this improvement was the adoption of the new Constitution on 6 September 2013, criticised as 83 THE PEOPLE Have SPOKEN it was in many quarters during that year, and the promise of ‘free and fair’ elections by 30 September 2014. The elections gave Fiji’s ranking a further boost, rising 14 places to 93rd (RSF 2015). There was considerable hope among news media and civil society groups that the general elections would open the door to a free media climate, which had been lacking since the coup. Over the past few months there has been a marked improvement in public debate and news media have been relatively more robust in terms of published political comment and debate, particularly in news columns and in letters to the editor. -
'The People Have Spoken …'
1 ‘The People Have Spoken …’ Steven Ratuva and Stephanie Lawson Fiji’s general elections of 17 September 2014, held eight years after Fiji’s fourth coup, saw some significant firsts, generated largely by new constitutional arrangements. These included a radically deracialised electoral system in which the entire country forms a single electorate and utilises open-list proportional representation. This system, brought in under the regime of coup leader Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama, was designed first and foremost to encourage a shift away from previous patterns of electoral behaviour which, due in large measure to provisions for communal electorates and voting, were inevitably attuned to communal political identities and the perceived interests attached to them. Elections under such a system certainly allowed ‘the people’ to speak, but in a way which gave primacy to those particular identities and interests and, arguably, contributed to a political culture that saw democracy itself severely undermined in the process. This was illustrated only too clearly by the recurrence of coups d’état between 1987 and 2006 that all revolved, in one way or another, around issues of communal identity expressed through discourses of indigenous Fijian (Taukei) rights versus those of other ethnic or racial communities, especially of those of Indian descent. These discourses remain highly salient politically but, under the Constitution promulgated by the Bainimarama regime in 2013, they are no longer supported institutionally via electoral arrangements. As a result, political parties have generally been forced to at least 1 THE PEOPLE Have SPOKEN attempt to appeal to all ethnic communities. These institutional changes have brought Fiji’s political system much closer to the standard model of liberal democracy in which ‘one person, one vote, one value’ is a basic norm.