Dynamic China British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies Annual Conference 2016

23-24 June 2016 Strand Campus, King’s College London

Organisers:

Partners:

FOREWORD

Dear participants,

We are pleased to welcome you to ‘Dynamic China: British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies Annual Conference 2016’, which aims to gather postgraduate researchers with a particular interest and research focus in Chinese Studies.

You will find enclosed in this brochure some important information regarding the conference, including:

(1) General information about organisers, conference venues, and social events; (2) A full agenda of the conference; (3) Biographies of our invited speakers and abstracts of panel presentations; (4) A list of participants, including affiliation.

If you have any additional queries during and after the conference, please feel free to get in touch with our organising team ([email protected]), who will be more than happy to assist you.

We hope that this conference will give you all an inspiring and rewarding experience.

Organising Team

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

On behalf of the British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies, I would like to thank the generosity of King’s College London, our sponsor, for granting financial support to this international conference. I would also like to thank the Lau China Institute, and especially Dr. Konstantinos Tsimonis, who secured funding from the Faculty of Social Science and Public Policy, and PhD students Agatha Kratz, Linxi Li and Chunsen Yu for their help in organizing the conference.

Let me extend our gratitude to Mr. Shi Lei, the First Secretary of Education Section, who will be joining our conference on behalf of the Embassy of China in the United Kingdom, and to our partners: the British Association for Chinese Studies, the China Daily, the Chinese Weekly, Combined Academic Publishers, Cypress Books, Mother’s Bridge of Love, the Society for Anglo-Chinese Understanding, and the Young China Watchers, who have all contributed to this conference in their own way.

Finally, I would like to thank our keynote speakers Prof. Kerry Brown (King’s College London), Prof. Barend ter Haar (University of Oxford) and Prof. Julia C. Strauss (SOAS, University of London) for sharing their research and knowledge during this conference, as well as all of you for your participation and valuable insights on China, from a broad range of academic disciplines.

Gabriel F. Y. Tsang President, British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies

DIRECTIONS TO AND FROM KING’S COLLEGE LONDON

The conference will take place at the Strand Building, Strand Campus of King’s College London:

King’s College London Strand Campus Strand London WC2R 2LS Tel: +44 (0)20 7836 5454

There are a number of ways to travel to King’s College London’s Strand Campus, including:

Underground  Temple (District and Circle lines): 2 minute walk.  Charing Cross (Bakerloo and Northern lines): 10 minute walk,  Embankment (District, Circle and Bakerloo lines): 10 minute walk,  Waterloo (Jubilee, Northern, Bakerloo, Waterloo & City lines): 12 minute walk,  Holborn (Central and Picadilly lines): 12 minute walk, or  Chancery Lane (Central line): use exit 4 - 15 minute walk.

Train  Charing Cross: 9 minute walk.  Waterloo: 12 minute walk.  Waterloo East: 10 minute walk.  Blackfriars: 12 minute walk.

Bus Buses stopping outside the university: 1, 4, 26, 59, 68, 76, X68, 168, 171, 172, 176 (24 hour), 188, 243 (24 hour), 341 (24 hour), 521, RV1.

Car Note that there is no public parking at King’s College London, but a pay and display parking system operates in nearby streets including Surrey Street.

Conference venues: A (King’s Building): Anatomy Museum B (Strand Building): Lucas Theatre, S-1.04, S-1.06, S-1.08, S3.40

WIFI

King’s College London provides access to Eduroam. It allows users at any participating organisation to log on to the wireless network using the same username and password that they would use at their home organisation. (You may use the email address of your home institution as the username.) Eduroam technical support is provided by your home organisation. Therefore, you must ensure that you are able to connect to eduroam at your home organisation before travelling. King's College London is unable to provide technical support to visitors.

SOCIAL EVENT (UNOFFICIAL)

Plan A (good weather): A City Walk (guided by local students; visiting Trafalgar Square, Buckingham Palace, Big Ben, Westminster Abbey, etc.)  A light picnic (at St. Jame’s Park) Plan B (in case of rain): A City Walk with umbrellas  A Drink at a café

Time: 2:00pm-6:00pm, 25th June, 2016 Meet at the reception of the Strand Campus, King’s College London

Free of charge, but you have to pay for any food and drink you bring or order.

WELCOME TO KING’S COLLEGE LONDON

King’s College London, one of England’s oldest universities and a founding college of the University of London, was established by King George IV and the Duke of Wellington in 1829. King’s College London has a long and established tradition and history of excellence, both in terms of teaching and research, being the third higher education institution in England after Oxford and Cambridge to receive a royal charter to award degrees. Today, King’s is ranked 16th in the world and 5th in the UK and is a five star university according to the QS World University Ranking. 25,000 students currently study at King’s College London, spread across five campuses. About 9,000 of them are international students from over 150 countries. King’s College London’s objective, up until today, is to provide them with a modern education and an inspiring environment, and to help them reach a fulfilling future and make their mark in today’s world.

ABOUT THE LAU CHINA INSTITUTE

The Lau China Institute at King’s College London is part of a network of Global Institutes dedicated to understanding twenty- first century political, economic and cultural powers in a global context. The Institute focuses on interdisciplinary research into contemporary China and its impact on world affairs. It coordinates and develops China-related research capabilities and China-focused programmes of study, while also building links with Chinese organizations in education, the cultural and creative sectors, business and government. Together with the Brazil, India, North America and Russia Institutes and the International Development Institute at King’s, the Lau China Institute aims to promote understanding, provide a hub of excellence and build connections through study, staff and student exchanges, research and knowledge sharing.

ABOUT THE BRITISH POSTGRADUATE NETWORK FOR CHINESE STUDIES

The British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies (BPCS), previously the China Postgraduate Network (CPN), is an academic network for the growing number of postgraduates, young scholars and early-career researchers in Chinese Studies at British universities. We hope that the BPCS will become your primary source of information on developments in the area of Chinese Studies in the UK, as well as allow you to connect with others working in your field. Membership of the British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies is free and open to everyone. To join, simply go to our official website (http://bacsuk.org.uk/bpcs) and subscribe via ‘BPCS mailing list’. Our mailing list includes news on China-related events, funding opportunities, training and jobs. In an effort to create more space for interaction between BPCS members and keep you updated to our events and other academic activities, we set up a LinkedIn group and a facebook page which you are most welcome to join.

ABOUT THIS CONFERENCE

Under the leadership of Xi Jinping, China have entered a new phase. Widely referred to as the era of realising the ‘Chinese dream’ and building the ‘new normal’, it is commonly characterised by notions of ‘slow growth’, ‘anti-corruption’, ‘middle income status’, and ‘urbanisation’. At the same time, Xi’s push to rehabilitate Chinese culture and traditional Confucian values prompted both the Chinese society and China scholars to rethink China’s ideological, cultural and historical heritage. But what are exactly the changes in politics, economy, culture and society that have taken place under Xi Jinping, and what can be expected in the future? With the 13th five-year plan underway, China is faced with revaluation of its past, complexity of its present, and uncertainty of its future.

Now is the time to revisit old questions and develop new lines of academic inquiry. What is the future of China in a changing world? What is the true nature of power in China? How far has popular culture in China been influenced by the proliferation of new media? What impact has China’s popular and literary culture had in the non-Chinese speaking world? Is China’s pre-modern history still relevant today? What is the relationship between urbanisation and a consumption-led economic model? What can China’s foreign relations tell us about its global future? These are some of the questions that ‘Dynamic China: British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies 2016 Annual Conference’ explores.

Conference Schedule

23/06/2016 (Thursday) - Day 1

9:00 – 9:30 Registration (at the Lucas Theatre [S-2.18], Strand Building) 9:30 – 9:55 Conference Opening – Welcome speeches by the British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies (at the Lucas Theatre) 09:55 – 10:55 Keynote Speech 1: Prof. Kerry Brown (King’s College London)– ‘Reading the Political Modern Oracle Bones: Chinese Power Under Xi Jinping’ (at the Lucas Theatre) 10:55 – 11:00 Group Photo 11:00 – 12:30 Panel Session 1 International Relations 1 (at S-1.04) Chair: Dr Konstantinos Tsimonis Culture and Technology 1 (at S-1.06) Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo Public Policy 1 (S-1.08) Chair: Agatha Kratz 12:30 – 1:30 Lunch (at the Anatomy Museum, 6th floor, King’s Building) 1:30 – 2:30 Keynote Speech 2: Prof. Julia C. Strauss (SOAS, University of London)– ‘Publishing in Chinese Studies’ (at the Lucas Theatre) 2:30 – 4:00 Panel Session 2 International Relations 2 (at S-1.04) Chair: Dr Suzanne Yang Culture and Technology 2 (at S-1.06) Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo Public Policy 2 (S-1.08) Chair: Dr Konstantinos Tsimonis 4:00 – 4:30 Coffee break (at the Anatomy Museum) 4:30 – 6:00 Panel Session 3 International Relations 3 (at S-1.04) Chair: Dr Suzanne Yang Culture and Technology 3 (at S-1.06) Chair: Gabriel F. Y. Tsang Finance (S-1.08) Chair: Agatha Kratz 6:30 – 8:30 Conference Dinner (at New Loon Fung, China Town)

24/06/2016 (Friday) - Day 2

9:30 – 11:00 Panel Session 4 Culture and Technology 4 (at S-1.06) Chair: Gabriel F. Y. Tsang Public Policy 3 (at S-1.08) Chair: Chunsen Yu Politics 1 (at S3.40) Chair: Dr Jinghan Zeng 11:00 – 12:00 Keynote Speech 3: Prof. Barend ter Haar (University of Oxford)– ‘Antecedents for communist violence in pre- 1949 socio-religious history’ (at the Lucas Theatre) 12:00 – 1:00 Lunch (Please collect your packed lunch at S-1.08) 1:00 – 2:30 Panel Session 5 Education 1 (at S-1.06) Chair: Yiming Dong Politics 2 (at S-1.08) Chair: Dr Konstantinos Tsimonis History 1 (at S3.40) Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo 2:30 – 4:00 Panel Session 6 Education 2 (at S-1.06) Chair: Dr Sam Beatson History 2 (at S-1.08) Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo Gender (at S3.40) Chair: Yiming Dong

4:00 – 4:30 Coffee Break (at S1.08) 4:30 – 5:30 Panel Session 7 Literature 1 (at S-1.06) Chair: Gabriel F. Y. Tsang Literature 2 (at S-1.08) Chair: Linxi Li History 3 (at S3.40) Chair: Cai Chen 5:30 – 6:00 A Talk by Xue Xinran, Mothers’ Bridge of Love (at the Lucas Theatre) – ‘The Sharing of a Chinese Volunteer, Writer and Journalist’

INVITED SPEAKERS

Prof. Kerry Brown (King’s College London)

Kerry Brown is Professor of Chinese Studies and Director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London. From 2012 to 2015 he was Professor of Chinese Politics and Director of the China Studies Centre at the University of Sydney, Australia. Prior to this he worked at Chatham House from 2006 to 2012, as Senior Fellow and then Head of the Asia Programme. From 1998 to 2005 he worked at the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, as First Secretary at the British Embassy in Beijing, and then as Head of the Indonesia, Philippine and East Timor Section. He lived in the Inner Mongolia region of China from 1994 to 1996. He has a Master of Arts from Cambridge University, a Post Graduate Diploma in Mandarin Chinese (Distinction) from Thames Valley University, London, and a Ph D in Chinese politics and language from Leeds University. He directed the Europe China Research and Advice Network (ECRAN) giving policy advice to the European External Action Service between 2011 and 2014. He is the author of over ten books on modern Chinese politics, history and language, the most recent of which are `The New Exmperors: Power and the Princelings in China' (2014), `What's Wrong with Diplomacy: The Case of the UK and China' (2015) and the Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography (in Four Volumes- 2014-2015). His `China's CEO: Xi Jinping' will be published in 2016.

Prof. Julia C. Strauss (SOAS, University of London)

Julia C. Strauss received a BA in Chinese Language and European History from Connecticut College (1983) and both an MA and PhD from the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley (1984, 1991). She moved to the Department of Political and International Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London in 1994. She served as Editor of The China Quarterly from 2002-2011 and was promoted to Professor in 2013. She offers courses in Chinese politics and comparative political sociology. She is a member of the Association for Asian Studies, the American Political Science Association, and the Latin American Studies Association.

Prof. Barend ter Haar (Oxford University)

Barend J. ter Haar, PhD Leiden (1990), taught at the universities of Leiden, Heidelberg, Leiden and now Oxford. Published extensively on new religious groups, Triads, rumours, lay Buddhism, identity and violence. His most recent book was called Practising Scripture (Hawaii UP, 2014) and he has just completed a book on the social history of the religious culture of Emperor Guan or Lord Guan. He has now started a new project on the social history of witchcraft fears and accusations in China.

Ms Xinran Xue

Ms Xinran Xue is one of the most well-known British-Chinese journalist and writer, who was born in Beijing in 1958. In the late 1980s, she began working for Chinese Radio. In 1997 she moved to London. In London, she began work on her seminal book about Chinese women's lives The Good Women of China, a memoir relating many of the stories she heard while hosting her radio show (‘Words on the Night Breeze’) in China. The book was published in 2002 and has been translated into over thirty languages. Xinran has since published a number of other non-fiction books including What the Chinese Don’t Eat in 2006 and China Witness: Voices from a Silent Generation in 2008. Xinran is also a published novelist and published Sky Burial in 2004, Miss Chopsticks in 2007 and Message from an Unknown Chinese Mother in 2010. In 2004 she founded the Mother’s Bridge of Love (母愛橋) organisation to support Chinese children adopted by western parents and those living in China. In 2014 The Good Women of China was issued as a Vintage classic.

ABSTRACTS OF PANEL PRESENTATIONS

International Relations 1 (Chair: Dr Konstantinos Tsimonis)

Beatrice Galleli Ca’ Foscari University in Venice On the rhetorical construction of the “China Dream” The “China dream” sums up the ideals and the governmental goals of the fifth generation of Chinese leaders for the development of Chinese society, while also displaying the new trend in Chinese political communication. The “China dream” discourse is part of a broader one, involving political, social and cultural sphere, currently underway in China. Research on the rhetorical and discursive construction of this national metaphor may shed light on its role in the building of China’s international image as well as on how the new political, social and cultural order has to be constructed in a reality which, having achieved economic development, is now facing new challenges and underlying problems. By analysing Xi Jinping’s speeches from the viewpoint of metaphor and intercultural studies, this paper evaluates the meaning of the “China Dream”, its cultural significance and its role in Chinese national rhetoric as well as in the building of a global discourse. Taking into consideration that the concept of “dream” has different meanings and implications in different cultures and that its persuasive power therefore also differs, the rhetoric and discourse of the “China Dream” attempts to close the rift in Chinese society and to bring together traditional Chinese and Western values.

Sunny Xin Liu University of Central Lancashire The Multiple Roles of Cultural Diplomacy in the China Dream-Construction, Articulation and Communication This paper argues that cultural diplomacy is both an integral part and a strategic communication of Xi’s China Dream. Though launched before the new vision was crafted, cultural diplomacy has since then taken on multiple roles in constructing one pillar of the China Dream, while articulating it to domestic audiences for internal recognition and communicating it to overseas audiences for external rapport. This can be contextualised from a historical, international and domestic framework of analysis: historically and domestically, as the oldest continuous civilization on earth, China sees its cultural revival as an integral part of the great national rejuvenation. Nationalism plays a critical role in keeping the national coherence and regime legitimacy. Historically and internationally, China wishes to restore its position as a great power in the world through communicating its peaceful rise ambition when China’s economic rise and military build-up received mixed global reactions. It also wishes to reshape its misrepresented image of being the ‘cultural other' and ‘ideological other’ by challenging western power of discourse. The dynamics created by these multiple contexts reveal the complexity of China’s cultural diplomacy, which is more than just building ‘soft power’, rather, it is a grand strategy to bring these contexts together in realising China’s glorious national rejuvenation politically, economically, militarily and culturally. A comparative case study of Confucius Institutes, one of the most visible and highly controversial manifestations of China’s cultural diplomacy, was carried out to epitomize the unique challenges they face in effectively playing these multiple roles.

Tom Harper University of Surrey The Sleeping Dragon Awakened: Exploring the Depictions of China in Africa Over the past decades, the growing relationship between China and Africa has become one of the major areas in the study of Chinese foreign policy, often entailing economics and development as well as political studies. This has been subject to numerous interpretations with the traditional Western narrative depicting China as an exploitive power seeking to control Africa’s natural resources in order to further China’s economic development. Indeed, this view has also led to fears of a new rivalry between the West and China over Africa as well as claims that China is following the same path as the European empires of the 19th century. However, the traditional narrative has also been subject to increasing criticism as the new Chinese narrative, rooted in China’s historical experiences, seeks to challenge the dominant Western depiction of China’s engagement in Africa.

Therefore, the purpose of this study is to utilise Foucault’s theory on the creation of knowledge along with Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic power and “legitimate culture” in order to examine the creation of the Western and Chinese discourses on Chinese policy towards Africa. This will entail an examination of the

choices of terminology made by Western and Chinese theorists as well as an exploration of the experiences that shape these depictions, most notably the Cold War and China’s imperial past. These concepts will be applied to the case study of Sudan, often cited to be the epitome of the worst excesses of China’s Africa policy in order to explore how the competing depictions of China in Africa illustrate the power relations between China and the United States in order to show how the two different narratives conflict and how China’s identity has shifted away from political and towards a more cultural identity.

Francisco Urdinez King's College London Don’t cry for me “Argenchina”: Unraveling political views of China through legislative debates in Argentina Purpose: Which are the domestic variables that explain why there disagreement in Argentina’s political debate on whether deepening relations with China is good or bad for the country? The hypothesis is that China is seen as a double edge sword: on the short term, it is seen as a unique source of fresh money and historical opportunity. However, the long-term view of China is full of uncertainties since (a) China might reproduce center-periphery relations, and (b) disagreements on the relation between Argentina and US: some in favor of China displacing the US and creating a new global order, and some against it and in favor of status-quo. Methods: Case study of the Deep Space Station built in 2015/2016 in the Province of Neuquén, a project which raised huge domestic debate, and analysis of parliamentary speeches and media coverage through Quantitative Text Analysis. Results: Confirm the hypothesis and show that the arguments in favor or against deepening relations with China are marked by government-opposition as well as Peronists-anti-Peronists variables which reflect concerns of (a) US reactions to the project; (b) China reproducing center-periphery power relations and (c) the scope of the Comprehensive Strategic Relationship. Conclusions: The results suggest there is no political consensus on how China should be addressed in Argentina, which reflects a lack of a long-term strategy towards the Asian country as the cleavages government-opposition and Peronist-anti-Peronists are in constant change and highly determined by electoral cycles.

International Relations 2 (Chair: Dr Suzanne Yang)

Richard Q. Turcsányi Masaryk University Assertive Chinese Foreign Policy: The ‘Power-Shift’ Theory and the South China Sea The paper deals with the assertive shift in Chinese foreign policy which started to be discussed widely since 2009-2010. As of yet, no systematic study has been published rigorously testing validity of theories explaining the change in Chinese behaviour. The primary focus of the research is the ‘power-shift’ theory, arguably the most popular explanation of the perceived change in Chinese foreign policy. The theory is based on the neorealist tradition of international relations and it suggests that China started to act assertively due to changed distribution of power. The research begins with conceptualizing power to show that essentially the theory asserts that China acquired the relevant sources of power immediately prior to their employment in the assertive actions. The subsequent analysis focuses on the South China Sea, which is regarded as the ‘influential’ and ‘crucial’ case for the assertive China phenomenon. After studying relevant events it is shown that only Chinese actions since 2011 can be coded as assertive – hence being unusually bold in pursuing own interest by means qualitatively or quantitatively different from actions of other actors. It is found that from the six events constituting Chinese assertiveness only one – the oil-rig incident in 2014 – can be sufficiently explained by the power-shift theory. In the remaining five events, China’s power was necessary but not sufficient independent variable causing China’s assertive behaviour in the South China Sea. In these events, actions of other actors provide sufficient additional variable explaining why China started to act assertively.

Kata Julianna Szabó ETH Zurich The Role of Chinese Think Tanks in China’s Foreign Policy Formation Xi Jinping’s ‘super think tanks’ are increasingly seen as relevant actors to China’s foreign policy making. Focusing on Chinese foreign policy think tanks, this paper aims to assess their role by providing a twofold

research agenda. First, by analyzing the changes in political and organizational circumstances under which think tanks currently operate, the study explores the most recent mechanisms through which think tanks contribute to Chinese foreign policy making. Second, based on this analysis, the paper proposes a middle range theoretical framework that allows structural variations and is therefore less exclusive than previous think tank theories. Based on the findings of a field investigation conducted in January 2016, the study identifies six factors that explain the successful impact of think tanks on foreign policy. These are: 1) access to information, 2) quality and quantity of channels to the central leadership, 3) international embeddedness, 4) analysis skills, 5) reports and publications, and 6) media coverage. The paper concludes that the ultimate goal of Chinese think tanks is to maximize their influence and function as agenda setters in the foreign policy making process. In spite of this fact, and in contrast to previous analyses, this study finds that when practicing their influence, think tanks do not exclusively focus on official foreign policy decision makers, as influencing the public and the media is now equally important. Finally, a brief case study on think tanks role in the development of China’s One Belt, One Road initiative provides empirical evidence of the detected mechanisms at work.

Andrea Ghiselli Fudan University & Torino Word Affairs Institute Chinese diplomacy and the use of military force in peacetime: from peacekeeping to salami- slicing In recent years, the PLA has become an important foreign policy tool in the hands of the Chinese government. However, the explanations of this phenomenon given so far offer only a partial picture. The analysis of the debate about the concept of Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW) in Chinese military publications and the development of relevant laws and institutions show that the transformation of the PLA into an important foreign policy tool is the result of a crisis-driven process. The nationalization of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands by the Japanese government and the evacuation of 36,000 Chinese nationals from Libya were the main events that determined this outcome. The result of this evolution is a China that is more willing to engage in cooperation and less reluctant to use force to defend its interests.

Audrey Dugué-Nevers The University of Sheffield “China & Soft Power: the dynamics of strategic communication” This paper provides a theoretical approach on how the shifting global order is shaping international relations and how China is wielding soft power to alter its image, from a “threat” or “the manufacture of the world” towards a “peaceful rise”. The 21st century is a multi-polar world where economies are intertwined, creating a balance of powers. Power in global affairs is “relational power” (Nye, 2011). The world order crudely lies embedded in a set of norms, institutions, and coercive power. States are now competing for a better image and shared values to attract and influence others. Constructivists analyse ideas, norms, and identities. China’s recent economic growth, spanning three decades in a globalised economy, illustrates that China has become a regional leader and a prominent actor in international affairs. States have an influence on others, and are influenced by others, as a result of the circulation of goods, ideas and culture. In response to the call for papers on Dynamic China, my contribution will assess the impacts of globalisation on foreign policy and economic power, and examine how states are striving to attenuate them. Coined by Joseph S.Nye in the 1990’s, soft power involves attraction to culture, policy and values. This American Foreign Policy concept has travelled to East Asia, and is now meshed in a different context. It specifically focuses on how China is expanding its cultural and diplomatic influence worldwide, and managing strategic communication with some European countries to disseminate its soft power, enhance, and facilitate international relations.

International Relations 3 (Chair: Dr Suzanne Yang)

Tsunghan Wu King's College London China’s Nation-building Politics in Tibet, 1949-1959 This article provides a preliminarily analytical framework studying nationalism, and takes China’s nation- building in Tibet in 1949-59 as an examined case. It defines that nation-building process in a multi-ethnic country is an ongoing interactive construction between the ethnic groups and the state, which holds a certain nation-building narrative. Regarding the state-ethnic interactions in such process, this paper argues

that the state tends to adopt accommodated policies when recognizing that it has more advantages than the ethnic groups; if not, the state tends to adopt suppressive policies. While much of the current literature on nation-building politics mainly focuses on either national or international dimension, this paper argues that both domestic and international contexts should be equally analyzed based on the individual case. This paper then examines the evolevement of the Tibetan issue of the 1950s and considers it as the CCP’s effort to build the Chinese nation in Tibet, with the narrative of “national territory integrity and ethnic unity.” Due to that Beijing in the early 1950s substantially built a good relationship with its neighboring countries, India and the USSR in particular, while Tibet did not receive the international helps and lowly radicalized, the CCP adopted accommodation, which led to its co-existence with the Dalai Lama’s government. However, with the bilateral interactions got to worse and the US started to intervene the Tibetan issue, the Tibetans turned to radicalize. In March 1959 when the Tibetans highly fought against the CCP, Beijing adjusted its previous accommodation to suppression.

Florence Mok University of York Nationalism and Identity Shifts Revisited: Chinese as the Official Language of Hong Kong Movement (Case Study) In 1974, Chinese was recognized as Hong Kong’s official language under the Official Languages Bill. The campaign to make Chinese as the official language can be traced back to the mid-1960s, a watershed of Hong Kong history, a period when a new political culture linked to a Hong Kong identity started to emerge. Despite the significance of the Movement, the campaign has not been covered by existing literature using archival sources. This paper will examine the organization of the movement, the motivations of participants, the tactics employed by the activists and the significance of the campaign for state-society relations. It will use secret government correspondence and reports, supplemented by published sources such as student newsletters. It will make a new contribution to a nascent historical literature on the evolution of political ideas and institutions in Hong Kong. The paper reveals that the Language Campaign was not monolithic with a fixed agenda. It was a spectrum in which different attitudes could be found. The activists avoided using overt political slogans and used a ‘Chinese’ nationalism to appeal for mass support. Being from Hong Kong and being loyal to China were compatible, mutually reinforcing senses of belonging. The activists repeatedly identified themselves as Chinese and revealed to the public that they were not only campaigning for local self-determination, but for the advancement of Chinese culture. As such the papers adds a new perspective on identity formation in Modern China, with implications for the contested politics of culture in Greater China today.

Benjamin Tze Ern Ho London School of Economics Dressing up the Dragon – Image Promotion in China’s Race to the Top Despite China’s meteoric rise, it continues to suffer from an image problem. as a sovereign nation-state with global ambitions, the managing of China’s national image represents a crucial step in projecting the ideals of the Chinese state worldwide, and consequently, how it is perceived by other nation-states. This paper will explore efforts by the Chinese government to promote a favorable image, in particular through expressing its ideas and ideals towards governance. It will argue that “substance, strategy and symbolic action” are necessary to achieve a favorable nation-image. Through a textual analysis of the speeches of President Xi Jinping, as compiled in his book “The Governance of China”, the article will evaluate the extent to which these ideas help or hinder China’s image-promotion efforts.

Claus Kao-Chu Soong Tsinghua University Reviving of Empire: How Can Tianxia System Contribute in Solving South China Sea Disputes in the Era of Globalization? Can the Tainxia System be the possibly led the resolution of South China Sea Disputes and the explanation of Chinese foreign policy? This essay aims to point that the concept of Tainxia can explain Chinese foreign policy in South China Sea Disputes and can possibly provide a solution for South China Sea Disputes with validation of the Tianxia System, although the concept of Tainxia per se is lack of a clear guidance to deal with another center, United States, in the region. I firstly answer questions above mentioned by discussing the concept of Tainxia from a historical perspective with focus on collapse of the tributary system and the transition of Chinese position in the world, from “center of the world” to “one among the world”, and by examining Tainxia in the era of

globalization to evaluate whether Tanixia System would be a disguise of an empire dominating its neighbors, or rather would force China to shape new norms applicable to all states within the system even such rules is inconsistent to China’s interest. After discussing the interrelationships among Tainxia, empire, and globalization, I would analyze Chinese foreign policy in South China Sea and conclude that to validate Tainxia System, China need not only to be powerful enough to establish and maintain international norm by asking other countries to follow, but also need to be more committed supporting and sharing with other counties and to take more responsibility on funding and achieving common good in the diversified but highly connected world.

Politics 1 (Chair: Dr Jinghan Zeng)

William Z.Y. Wang London School of Economics and Political Science Prestige in Chinese Elite Politics Whether Chinese elite politics is evolving toward a rule-based game or not has been a matter of heated debate for a long time. The debate, however, overlooks a critical factor influencing the dynamics of Chinese elite politics--namely, prestige. This article argues that prestige has been a crucial political capital that enables Chinese leaders to keep power and perpetuate their influences within the regime. By examining three periods of leadership succession since 1989, I test the hypothesis that prestige can play a pivotal role in helping leaders to perpetuate their influences beyond their resignation from the official posts.

Yin Zhiguang Lecturer at Exeter The Concept of “Zhonghua Minzu” (Chinese nationalities) in Political Practices This paper aims to elaborate the complexity of “national” recognition used in contemporary Chinese political contexts of “national self-determination” and “regional ethnic autonomy”. The historical subject of study is the elaboration and application of “autonomy”, especial the one in the context of “national autonomy”, in the political practices from Constitutional Reform in the late Qing period to the New Democratic Revolution period. The concept of “Nation,” when combined with the political ideal of social liberation, encompasses the historical judgment of the relations of production and the development of the world system. By revisiting the history of Chinese revolution, in particular the appeals for social revolution in the national liberation campaign during the New Democratic Revolution period, we could see a theoretical agenda that acknowledges national differences and yet tries to transcend the narrow-minded version of ethnic nationalism. To New China, the founding of which is accomplished through revolution, the ideation of “Chinese nationalities” is not only related to the antagonistic revolutionary tasks of “anti- imperialism and anti-feudalism,” but also closely connected to the more constructive internationalism of universal care. Only in the dynamic dialectic relations between the 20-century China and world can we put into perspective the policy of “national regional autonomy” arising in the specific historical process of Chinese revolution and the universal value hidden behind it.

Meixi Zhuang & Zhengxu Wang University of Nottingham/Fudan University Rule Consciousness or Rights Consciousness? A Structural Model of the Relationship between Political Mentality and the Propensity for Collective Action among Chinese Citizens Collective action has been rising in China for the past two decades. According to survey data, Chinese citizens have shown a higher tendency to join boycotts, demonstrations and strikes, when compared with citizens in some neighboring democratic regimes such as Japan and Taiwan. Why are Chinese citizens willing to take collective action, despite the fact that civil disobedience is not fully protected by the Chinese law? It has been suggested that political mentality links to public aspiration for political participation. Yet China scholars have contested views about whether it is rule consciousness (belief in authoritarianism and the Party rule) or rights consciousness (belief in democracy and negative rights) that works its way into popular contention in China. Based on the sixth wave of World Value Survey data, this article aims to assess the relevance of authoritarian mentality and democratic mentality to the behavioral propensity for collective action among Chinese citizens. Using a structural equation approach, we specify and estimate the two rivaling theories in a causal path, and compare them in terms of fit. Empirical data suggests that the belief in the Party-state and the authoritarian rule it represents plays a sensible role in the causal elaboration of citizens’ willingness to join collective action, whereas the impact of democratic orientation is ambiguous.

This shows that authoritarian mentality still enjoys great popularity in China, which has important implications to the dynamics and consequences of popular contention.

Zhengxu Wang & Jinghan Zeng Fudan University & Royal Holloway, University of London Xi Jinping and the Changing Norms of China’s Elite Politics Amidst China’s emergence as a global power, Xi Jinping is pushing through a range of ambitious reform plans that are reconfiguring both Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy. A fierce anti-corruption campaign has led to the dismissal of a large number of powerful figures; while a major effort has begun to bring party, state, and military power within Xi’s control. Many observers have interpreted these moves as radically altering the rules of game of elite politics, if not creating a personalistic political system. Our analysis shows that Xi’s corruption fighting and power centralization represent part of his state building project, in order to enhance the party-state’s capacity for the pursuit of governance objectives. We identify three rules regarding the Party’s power succession that would provide a critical test regarding how radically Xi is prepared to upset the Party’s key norms. The outcome of the 19th party congress in late 2017 would make it clearer whether Xi is in an effort to further institutionalise Party politics or turning the regime into his one-man rule.

Politics 2 (Chair: Dr Konstantinos Tsimonis)

Rowan Alcock University of Oxford The New Rural Reconstruction Movement a Movement for Environmental Sustainability and Social Justice This research investigates a "grass-roots" organization called the New Rural Reconstruction Movement (NRRM). Drawing on qualitative work and relevant literature I link the NRRM to a Western environmental and social justice movement - Degrowth Theory. This link is designed to bring greater awareness of the NRRM to western environmentalists and greater awareness of Degrowth Theory to Chinese scholars, in the expectation that the two movements will find it beneficial to engage in collaborative research. The NRRM is a movement begun by Renmin University Professor Wen Tiejun's (温铁军) thesis on the "three dimensional problem of rural China" or "三农问题". NRRM scholars are strong critiques of the prevailing marketization they see in rural China. In 2005 NRRM volunteers reached a consensus on basic principles of their work, including "sovereignty in community resources, solidarity, and security in ecological terms." This research can be placed in the growing literature on Chinese state-society relations. It demonstrates that Chinese politics is not a simple monolithic state led project, but is more nuanced. There is space for non-government organisations critical of state policies to create practical projects and theories to try and persuade the authorities to change course. This research demonstrates the possibility of progressive politics in China. It also may give some hope to those looking at China for a grass-roots organisation which is aiming to address China's environmental and social problems in a holistic research led fashion.

Jean Christopher Mittelstaedt Sciences Po Paris The CCP’s Party building efforts and ideology The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be understood through an interpretation of its political, ideological and organizational principles that are outlined in the CCP’s Constitution. While political leadership is cemented within the State Constitution and organizational leadership points to the importance of leading Party groups within institutions and society, ideological leadership is concerned with the promulgation of norms. In the context of the CCP’s overall leadership, this paper treats the question of how ideological leadership should be understood. The relationship between political education and Party building was formalized in 1994 and 1996, from which it covered all areas of society, from establishing projects and harmony in the countryside to the establishment of Party groups in organizations. In 2001 a document on the construction of citizen’s morality was released and in 2002 the CCP Propaganda Department highlighted the successes made in the construction of a “spiritual civilization”. Under Xi Jinping, what values are promulgated and how are they cemented? What is the relationship between the unification of thought within the Party and in society? As the guarantee for overall reform, the unification of thought within the CCP, the building of a “spiritual civilization” and the subsequent dissemination of

values through the Party institutions and groups remain understudied. At the case of the Standards on Integrity and Self-Restraint and Regulations on Disciplinary Punishments published in October 2015, this paper will show the importance of intra-Party rules to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of the Party’s ideological leadership.

Jiahua Yue & Shangsi Zhou Renmin University of China The Logic of Ideological Campaigns under Authoritarianism: Evidence from China Authoritarian regimes tend to have democratic-sounding names to show their formal respect of human rights in the form of constitutions. Though scholarly work have offered insights on the motivations of authoritarian leaders to promote liberal norms, a large proportion of them are limited to macroscopic cross-national empirical analysis. Other actors within the scale of domestic politics, especially local political elite, receive less notice. Therefore, this paper attempts to fill the gap by examining the Core Socialist Values Campaign started by Xi Jinping since October 2012, in which “democracy” “justice” “freedom” “equality” and “rule of law”, namely principles from liberal democracies, are officially pronounced as essential components of the “Core Socialist Values” in China. The main argument of the paper is, although central elites have incentives to utilize the Campaign to buy off the public, the responsiveness of local elites to the Campaign initiated from above varies across regions by showing different strategic behaviors. Based on data covering provincial newspapers from 2010 to 2015, this paper finds out both political and economic factors contribute to the variation. That is, local elites who govern more economically advanced and modernized regions, or have tighter linkage with the central leadership are more responsive to the Campaign.

History 1 (Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo)

Ran Lu University of Manchester The Rise and Fall of Revolutionary Justice in the 1920s China The ideology of revolutionary justice is essential for understanding the contemporary judicial system in China. In the French and Russian Revolutions, revolutionary justice included the use of judicial power by the ‘People’ in the repression of anti-revolutionaries. That idea was introduced in China during the cooperation period between the KMT (Kuomintang) and the Soviet Union in the 1920s. Initially, based on the theory of revolutionary justice, the KMT tried to erode the independence of the judiciary, but this attempt faced resistance from judiciaries during implementation. When the Chinese Communist Party’s ally – the left wing of the KMT seized power, especially after Xu Qian took over the post as the president of Da Li Yuan (the Supreme Court), the process of revolutionary justice was accelerated. Under Xu’s governance, the ‘People’s Court’ replaced Western-style judicial institutions, judicial power was delegated to the Labour Union, the Farmers’ Association and other informal judicial institutions which were actually all under the control of the CCP. Moreover, with the development of the Northern Expedition, these institutions used ‘Mass Trials’ and ‘Revolutionary Tribunals’ to suppress anti-revolutionaries and build up their own legitimacy. Such practice went too far and became beyond the control of the KMT regime. It eventually caused social unrest and undermined the governance of the KMT regime. The practice of the revolutionary justice was terminated in 1927 but its heritage could still be found in the legal practice both under the KMT regime and the CCP regime.

Boyu Zhu Renmin University of China Opposite Perspectives - Evaluation of the Qing Dynasty History during 1910-1980s in China History is what has been done. Historical evaluation is a way of subjective cognition yet. The evaluation of Qing Dynasty’s definite place in history is one of the most important topics of Chinese historical circles during the 20 century in China. Trend of thought and political power have influence on the discussion. It is supposed to be a political topic. How to evaluate the Qing Dynasty becomes the political gesture depending on the trend activation. In the first 20 years of 20th century, the field of history had negative evaluation of Qing Dynasty depending on National Revolution which was Anti-Manchu. In the 30th of 20 century, Chinese nation was in crisis of national subjugation and genocide with Imperial Japan evading China. Meanwhile, Japan took advantage of the negative evaluation which became the theory tool of invading China and causing ethnic antagonism.

Under the condition of “Chinese nation is a whole-integration of Chinese Nation” discourse, the evaluation of Qing Dynasty becomes positive. After the founding of PR China, the new history discourse was established. It was divided two different parts as the year of 1840. It was evaluated in different standard. It is positive evaluation to earlier Qing dynasty for the territory of China while negative evaluation to later Qing Dynasty for Semifeudal and Semicolonial Society. It tends to be negative generally. The historic dispute between China and Russia became one of the focus political struggles during the Sino-Soviet split in 1960-1970s. It again threatened the ethnic integration and national unity of China. Chinese history field made more positive evaluation for Qing Dynasty based on it. It is practical to judge Qing Dynasty. Argumentation of state power legality and The Crisis of Modern China constitutes a special dynamic tension. This is also confusion for China to tend to be modern nation- state.

Mark Baker Yale University Urban Histories of the Henan Famine, 1942-43 Thanks to the efforts of historians, novelists and filmmakers alike, the Henan Famine of 1942-43 has rightfully taken its place as a major episode in China’s wartime experience. This paper tackles two key aspects of the famine that have been overlooked by previous studies. First, what was the experience of the famine in the province’s cities? Second, how did the famine differ in occupied areas compared to the better-understood territories under Nationalist control? This paper compares the course of the famine in Nationalist-held Zhengzhou and Japanese-occupied Kaifeng. Using local newspapers and archival material (both published and unpublished), it argues that the urban character of these two cities still mattered a great deal, even at a time of social and economic collapse. It shows that on both sides of the frontline, market- and state-led grain flows still worked to the benefit of urban areas. Yet these cities were far from oases of plenty, and rural-urban relations during the famine were marked by a systemic and very real violence. In bombed-out Zhengzhou, desperate refugees from the city’s rural hinterland searched desperately for food amid the shattered ruins of this once-prosperous railway town. In Kaifeng, the occupation-collaborationist authorities could only feed this ancient city by conducting coercive grain seizures in the nearby countryside. In the end, their half-hearted relief effort broke down, and the dwindling ambition of Japanese rule in Henan shrank further, as the occupiers struggled to maintain a stranglehold on cities and railways amid the growing rumble of American bombs.

Li Zou University of Edinburgh Chinese Human Body Discourses, 1931-1945 Human body is not only a biological organization, but a cultural, social and political signifier. Through analysing the human body discourses of China from 1931-1945, this paper aims to study the Chinese people’s conception of body during the Sino-Japanese war. During this period, human body is an important discourse as the Nationalist government employed the strengthening of physical body as a means to achieve nation rejuvenation and modernization. This paper examined the conception of body in sexual, medical and scientific, social and political discourses and find that these conceptions of human body are the basis of contemporary China’s establishment of body discourses. It also shows that the conception of body is subjected to the change of cultural, social and political discourses.

History 2 (Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo)

Jie Li The University of Edinburgh The Use of Lenin in China after Tiananmen In 1989, China met with criticisms from all over the world, due to the brutal military crackdown ordered by its ruling communist party over civilians during the pro-democratic Tiananmen demonstrations in the summer of the year. After examining a range of academic and official articles published in China after the Tiananmen incident, the paper found that Chinese official media and scholarship after 1989 had drawn parallels between the early Soviet state under Vladimir Lenin and China after Tiananmen, when both regimes were facing international sanctions. They argued that China might learn from Lenin’s teachings, which championed the continued friendly relations with the West while concentrating on economic

development and maintaining communist dictatorship. First, Chinese articles put Deng Xiaoping and Lenin on the same altar. The interpretation of Lenin’s writings was for advocating Deng’s reformist policies and bolstering his position at home against the party conservative offensive after Tiananmen. Second, the Soviet Union under Lenin was selected as it had gone well with the stance and interest of China after Tiananmen, since both regimes were bound by the common aspirations of rising to be global powers amidst international hostilities. China praised Lenin’s policies that embraced reform and learning from the West, as the key to keep socialism vital. The historical episode in the early 1990s demonstrated that the symbol of Lenin and his post-1917 policies had been manipulated to legitimize the Chinese Communist Party after the crisis in Tiananmen, and to envision the future direction of China in the post-communist world.

Wankun Li University of Leeds Peasants, Merchants and Government Control--A Case Study of Grain Market in Jiangjin County (1949-1953) The early years of the People’s Republic of China contain many areas of dispute and debate, but few are as consequential as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s market management and control before implementing the State-planned Purchase and Marketing Policies (统购统销). In Jiangjin County, a rural district of Chongqing now, land reform was quite late in arriving; as a former Guomindang stronghold, it was considered a very challenging area from the standpoint of consolidation. From the end of 1949 to November 1953, the county government gradually increased its control over the grain market by cooperating with the private grain merchants and using the area differential price and wholesale-retail differential price. It is this struggle that the paper reveals, using an array of material from newly-opened county archives. The paper illustrates local aspects of major nationwide campaigns such as the “Three-anti, Five-anti”(三反，五反) campaigns and to argue that the Five-anti campaign was not only the result of anti-corruption movement, but also the result of decreasing the price differential of wholesale-retail trade by the government. During this campaign, merchants’ processing factories were nationalized, and private grain merchants were eliminated. The Grain Bureaus thus represented a victory for state-planned economy in the rural areas. The Jiangjin case illustrates how the Communist Government made the first step of its planned economy.

Hermann Aubié University of Turku Reconsidering the Turn against Universal Norms under Xi Jinping from a Historical This paper seeks to interpret and clarify the political calculus behind Xi Jinping’s crackdown on civil society by situating it in relation to the recent transnational history of human rights in China. After briefly reflecting upon key changes that have taken place in China’s increasingly glocalizing society, I will discuss what can be learned and unlearned from Chinese political history as an attempt to better understand the historical conditions of possibility under which Xi Jinping’s party-state has been able to tell a particular story of China that re-activates old ideological terms from Mao’s era while silencing critical voices (generally seen in the West as progressive-minded forces for whom the options are increasingly severe) and censoring key words (like constitutionalism) that challenge the very story through which the party-state hopes to govern the public both within and outside China.

Cai Chen King's College London ‘Great Battles’ in Science and Politics: Marine Science in Qingdao During the Cultural Revolution In most of the general discourses on the history of science in China during the ten-year Cultural Revolution, except several great achievements in physics, medicine and military technology, the science and technology were largely in stagnation. The scientific organizations and institutions were thrown into chaos and a large number of scientists were criticized and overthrown. However, the history of marine science in China provided an uncommon story, which will be narrative in this paper. Marine science after the foundation of the People’s Republic of China had its distinctive characteristics. For one thing, through the assignation of marine scientific resources and reorganization of marine scientific system, Qingdao in Shandong Province was built as the center of marine science in China in the both fields of research and education, where the Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Science (IOCAS), Shandong Ocean College and the State Oceanic Administration (SOA) were built during the

1950s. It was different from most of other disciplines of science, which were based in Beijing, the capital city of the PRC. For another, due to the limitation of Chinese economic, military development and international isolation, marine science, especially the fields of oceanography, marine geology and ocean- going technology, etc., was on the periphery of scientific research. The research of marine science focused on fisheries, marine biology and aquaculture. The Great Cultural Revolution brought changes in the scientific field. After the early two-year chaos in marine scientific institutions during the Cultural Revolution, the organization and routine of marine science entered into a different but relatively stable situation: both of scientific and political works were reorganized with the formation of ‘Great Battles’ (da hui zhan). With ‘old academic authorities’ in marine science were expelled from the academic center, young scientists obtained opportunities to conduct their researches, such as desalination of sea water and deep sea drilling technics, which influenced the progress of marine science in China even after the Cultural Revolution. This paper will examine the experience of marine scientists in Qingdao in scientific work, political struggles and everyday life during the Cultural Revolution and its influence on the development of marine science in China. Thus, the paper will provide a different narrative on the Chinese history of science during the Cultural Revolution and a picture of scientific routine, research and everyday life of a group of particular scientists in local places of China.

History 3 (Chair: Cai Chen)

Tawirat Songmuang Royal Holloway, University of London ‘From Ethnic to National Identity’: Chinese Diaspora, Settlement and Networks in Surat Thani (from the Late 19 th Century to 1932) This research seeks to engage with migration of ethnic Chinese, their settlement, networks and the transformation of their identities from ethnic to national in Surat Thani from the late nineteenth century through to 1932. While some prior research has been conducted on Chinese migration to Thailand, the history of Chinese diasporic communities in the area has never been studied intensively. Surat Thani, a province in Southern Thailand, was meeting place for migrants from many different parts of China, which made the characteristics of migrant communities and their associated networks quite complicated. Through observation of the role played by Chinese temples and schools, the chapter is constructed around three major conception points: the establishment of native-place associations as the centres of networks, both national and transnational; the improvement in the economy and transportation, especially the construction of the railway due to industrialisation; and the transformation of Chinese identities from ethnic to national. These had a considerable effect on Chinese migration and the resulting communities. Therefore, they provide a lot of opportunities to examine how Chinese migrants built their networks; how industrialisation had an impact on the migration; and how the Chinese identities shifted from ethnic to national identities. Prior to the twentieth century, women rarely migrated from China so Chinese men assimilated into the host society through intermarriage with local women. This fluidity is another interesting characteristic of Chinese migration and identity.

Julian A. Theseira The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (IHEID) “The Bethlehem Mission Society (SMB) in Manchuria: Contested Narratives and Memories of Imperialism and Nationalism” (Working Paper Title) The following is an abstract of a paper to be adapted from my forthcoming Master’s thesis that examines the activities and experiences of the Bethlehem Mission Society (Missionsgesellschaft Bethlehem, SMB) in Manchuria and those of the Chinese to whom they ministered. The thesis is based on primary sources from the SMB archives currently housed in the Luzern State Archives in Switzerland. The paper will focus on the contested historical memory of the first SMB Apostolic Prefect in Manchuria, Msgr. Eugen Imhof. An early edition of the SMB missionary journal had described the missionaries as “conquering soldiers” subduing new territories for the Kingdom of God. When the Chinese Communist Party gained power in Manchuria after World War II, they denounced the SMB as imperialists. The missionaries and their Chinese followers were persecuted and the last Swiss missionaries were expelled from China in 1954. Chinese historiography has however since attempted to claim Msgr. Imhof was a hero who supported Chinese resistance against the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and who was allegedly assassinated by the Japanese. Historical reality was more complex as archival records reveal the SMB provided relief to Chinese fleeing war while also maintaining relations with the Japanese and their puppet government of Manchukuo. Historical evidence also suggests the train accident that killed Msgr. Imhof was likely caused

by bandits rather than by the Japanese. The paper will use the contested historical memory of Msgr. Imhof to analyze the complexities of the construction of Chinese narratives about imperialism and nationalist resistance.

Yingzi Wang SOAS, University of London Politicising Chinese nationhood – the contribution of Gu Jiegang to the ethno-historical discourse in Republican China Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 (1893-1980), is a well-known Chinese historian and sociologist. His ‘stratification theory’ about how to understand ancient history, and in particular the path-breaking Gushibian 古史辨 (1926) caught the attention of the entire Republican academia. Controversially Gu postulated that the Chinese did not originate from one ethnic group, and that China had always been a multi-ethnic country. This idea was strongly opposed by nationalistic scholars working for the Republican administration, dominated by the Nationalist Guomindang. Since the ruling party emphasised that the notion of one united Chinese ethnicity (zhonghua minzu 中華民族) was both its raison d’être and ultimate goal for China, Gu Jiegang represented scholars who preferred to keep their distance from the volatile politics of the Republic. In 1939, however, Gu published the article “Zhonghua minzu shiyige 中華民族是一個” (The Chinese People is United) in Yishi Bao 益世報. In this article, he changed his opinion to demonstrate that the so called ‘Chinese people’ actually came from one ethnic group, on the basis that the interpretation of Chinese nationalism and ethnicity had developed significantly by then. The purpose of the present essay is to analyse and critically contextualise the reasons for this abrupt change. China’s political environment, the contemporary Chinese scholarship, as well as his inspection tour of Xibei, all influenced his ideas concerning ethnic minorities and his attitudes towards academic research. Furthermore, this essay introduced how political issues actually shaped the ideas of nationalism and ethnicity from the Republican period until today.

Simone O Malley Sutton University College Cork Contested Commemorations: Nationalism and the Irish Easter Rising 1916 as portrayed in the Chinese May Fourth magazine ‘New Youth’ This paper entitled “Contested Commemorations: Nationalism and the Irish Easter Rising 1916 as portrayed in the Chinese May Fourth magazine ‘New Youth’ is the result of my recent research trip in March 2016 to Oxford’s China Centre library that was financed by a travel bursary from CACSSS of University College Cork, Ireland. The theme of this paper is based upon ‘Nation and Nationalism’ and examines the effect that the Irish Easter Rising of 1916 had upon the Chinese intellectuals of the May Fourth era as they sought to establish a modern Chinese national identity through literature. This paper focuses on the article entitled 爱尔兰爱国诗人 ‘Aierlan Aiguo Shiren’ or ‘Irish Patriotic Poets’ written by Liu Ban Nong for the 1st October 1916 edition of the influential Chinese “New Youth” magazine found in Volume 2 on pages 141 -8. This paper firstly examines how Irish nationalism and the search for a modern Irish identity through literature inspired the Chinese in their search for a modern Chinese nationalism in the early twentieth century. Secondly, this paper will compare the graveside oration by Pearse for O’ Donovan Rossa with the eulogy by Deng Xiao Ping for Zhou Enlai which led to the April 5th incident in 1976 in China. Thirdly, this paper will conclude with an examination of the ramifications this entails for contested commemorative projects both in Ireland for 2016 and in China for 2019, as different groupings claim to be the true inheritors of the nationalism of the Irish Easter Rising and the revolutionary May Fourth era.

Public Policy 1 (Chair: Agatha Kratz)

Nina Rotermund University of Duisburg-Essen The Chinese Urban Street-Level Bureaucracy and the Guarantee of Rule of Law This paper deals with the urban management system, the so-called chengguan system which illustrates not only a platform for state-society conflicts, but reveals several system-inherent deficiencies. Much attention has been paid to administrative law reforms over the last three decades. Administrative law reforms started in the 1980s and at first focused on economic modernization and bureaucracy streamlining before the term “administration according to law” entered the official rhetoric under the rule of Xi Jinping.

But not only legal reforms are necessary to promote the rule of law, political or institutional reforms are also essential, such as a profound reform of the street-level bureaucracy on which research has been rather rare. Currently, the cities’ administration suffers from overlapping responsibilities, repeated and even violent law enforcement which had led to several brutal encounters between citizens and chengguan officials. These tensions root in central-local conflicts as well as unclear division of duties. As can be seen, the administrative law enforcement system still follows a more command-control- approach which dates back to the era of planned economy. But for many Chinese administrative law scholars, the transition of a system based on administrative law enforcement towards one based on administrative management is long overdue. The paper wants to contribute an analysis of the system of lower level bureaucracy, its understanding of “social management” and its potential or challenge towards the establishment of rule of law in China as emphasized by the Party.

Echo Lei Wang King's College London Cross-Sectorial Partnerships as a Framework for Understanding Social Enterprise There have been many attempts to conceptualise social enterprise. However, no existing literature has tried to understand social enterprise from the angle of cross- sectorial partnerships (CSPs). This paper presents a model to illustrate how the emergence of social enterprise could be embedded within the framework of CSPs. It argues that with two basic features, namely hybridity and social innovation, social enterprises are essentially an ‘integrated’ form of CSP by nature. As the three major sectors in the economy, namely the public, the private and the third sector, are becoming increasingly interrelated both in terms of resources and information flows, and of the social roles they perform, the traditionally divided sectors in the economy start to converge and amalgamate to form a unified structure — the social ‘welfare mix’ — with social enterprise being a new form of hybrid organisations at the core. Social enterprise thus becomes the site where resources, goals, and operations from all three sectors are joined under one institutional roof in producing public goods and services. This phenomenon could be understood using the ‘integrated’ CSP framework, because it gives rise to a new form of CSP where sectors become progressively continuous and indistinct. The case of a social enterprise in China has been used for illustration. By understanding social enterprise from a cross-sectorial angle, this study not only expands the exiting framework of CSPs, but also bridges the gaps between what used to be divided literatures.

Nannan Zhang The Chinese University of Hong Kong The Effects of Social Assistance and Management Policy for Homeless People in China and Implications for Further Refinement Background: Policies concerning homeless people have changed a lot during the past decades in China. In the 1950s, reeducation through participating in production activities is the main way in punishing the homeless people. In the 1960s, a large amount of rural homeless people in urban areas were repatriated to their hometown. And in 1982, with the implementation of Regulations on Interment and Repatriation of Homeless People in Cities, rural people were restricted in their hometown. And the turning point was the introduction of Social Assistance and Management Policy for Homeless People in 2003 when homeless people have more freedom in migrating. Until 2016, this policy has been functioned for over 13 years. In this article, I would like to explore the effects of this new policy by incorporating both the homeless people’s and officials’ opinions. Methods: A qualitative method has been employed in this research. Twenty homeless people and one staff member in the Relief Station had been interviewed in 2014. Homeless people and staff member are all directly related to the policy and their opinions can complement each other. This can give us a better understanding of current policy concerning homeless people. Results: This research shows that current policy is in conflict with new situations. The situation is changing since implementation of Social Assistance and Management Policy for Homeless People. Firstly, some illegal begging groups are emerging. Secondly, the function of relief station has been restricted to buying train tickets for homeless people rather than solving the homeless problem. Thirdly, different sectors, including police security department and civil administration department, cannot coordinate effectively in helping homeless people. Conclusions: In order to better manage the homeless people issues, some measures are needed. Firstly, household registration systems should be reformed. Secondly, homeless people management should be accompanied with anti-poverty policies. And thirdly, people-oriented strategies should be enhanced in homeless people management. Last but not least, there is an immediate need in refining current policies in defining the concrete responsibilities of different departments so as to enhance a good coordination.

Shanshan Guan University of York Understanding the outcomes, reflections on an ethnographic study of social enterprise Following the implementation of its ‘Reform and Opening Up’ policy in the 1980s, China has experienced a rapid industrialisation and urbanisation process, creating plenty of employment opportunities in non- agricultural sectors. There are 35.81 million internal rural-urban migrant children in China, however, due to the Hukou system and other restrictions, migrant children face a variety of challenges with respect to their school education opportunities, family and parenting, psychological health, and etc. after they migrating to urban areas. Social enterprise as a form of social economic organisation has become an increasingly important vehicle to address a variety of social problems. To solve those challenges and to improve migrant children’s well-being, pioneering social entrepreneurs have been engaging in providing services to migrant children in China. However, there has been very little empirical research regarding the outcomes of these social enterprises. This study aims to provide empirical evidence on the role of social enterprise playing in supporting the well-being of migrant children in China. This paper discusses findings from an ethnographic study of two community based social enterprises working with migrant children in China. The aim of these two organisations is to support migrant women and children. The researcher was immersed in each social enterprise for six weeks. Acting as a full-time volunteer, she was able to observe daily practices and the interactions between different groups (social enterprise employees, volunteers, migrant parents and children). Data from these observations was triangulated with data from interviews and focus groups with members of these groups and document analysis.

Public Policy 2 (Chair: Dr Konstantinos Tsimonis)

Peiqi Deng University of Warwick Provision and Funding for Elder Care: A Case Study in Hubei, China At present, China’s population is aging fast. Longevity risks associated with complex social issues, such as, the ‘empty-nest’ family and ‘4-2-1’ family model, call desperately for increased elder care services. However, the relatively high cost of elder care raises burdens not only on elderly people themselves, but also on their children, or even grandchildren. At present, Chinese government has issued relevant policies concerning the increase in people’s retirement income, advocating several forms of social elder care patterns, and introducing market-oriented mechanism in public nursing institutions, in order to find out ways to increase finance and expand social provision for the elderly. Leaving aside fully-funded public elder care provision, two other funding approaches are ‘fully private’ and ‘public construction and private operation’ – the last arguably a type of public-private partnership. In this research, I will apply a social investment perspective to examine provision and funding for elder care in Hubei province, analysing how social investment has affected the state’s role in financing elder care, comparing funding policies in different types of nursing institutions, and investigating how these social investment policies affect elderly people and their families. To avoid looking at elder care solely in terms of old people’s needs, this research will analyse it in terms of the issue of financing old age – as this is a dimension that is too frequently ignored.

Tian Tian University of York The Status of Social Workers and their Perspectives on Child Maltreatment in Mainland China: an Exploratory Discussion This presentation, from social work point of view, through an exploratory research of the child protection and welfare status and the examination of the first hand data gathered by interviewing the front-line social workers in five social work agencies in Beijing, presents a picture of child abuse status quo in mainland China. The research involved in four face-to-face, semi-structured interviews with agency leaders and five focus groups with 24 professional social workers. Different from initial purpose, more problems emerged from feildwork. The workable and feasible countermeasures for social workers in mainland China have also been explored. This research has identified three current accessing models to child maltreatment cases used by social workers in the field of child protection in China, including cooperation with community, school and judicial departments. Through combining literature and interview data, several advices and suggestions have been given in four aspects with detailed analysis, including working mode, economic issues, law enforcement issues and

education issues, in the hope that through future studies and joint efforts of the families, communities and society at large, those problems mentioned in this dissertation will gradually be solved.

Jiabao Sun King's College London A comparative study of the impact of two state-led urbanisation strategies on the livelihoods of surplus rural labourers: case studies from Tianjin and Zhejiang This paper compares the impact of two modes of state-led urbanisation on the livelihoods of resettled rural villagers with case studies from Tianjin and Zhejiang. In the ongoing debate over the path for rural development and human welfare in China, it is unclear whether to integrate the rural area into the urban area or whether to develop the rural economy independently. Based on eleven months of fieldwork with resettled villagers in Huaming Town (Tianjin), and Dongheng Village, Wusi Village and Qingyanliu Village (Zhejiang), this research analyses the two different livelihood patterns generated by the two antithetical approaches to rural development, the urban-integration approach and rural indigenous development approach. Focusing on villagers’ capabilities, possession of assets and activities, this paper examines the imbalances in rural resource redistribution at three levels, among social groups, between villages and across the rural-urban divide. This research shows that the urban-integration approach leads to a livelihood pattern which relies on rental income from ownership of properties, leaving unskilled farmers with very limited livelihood strategies; in contrast, the rural indigenous development approach creates a livelihood pattern with a balanced dependence on labour and ownership income, generating a diversified livelihood pattern for resettled farmers. Furthermore, this paper raises deeper structural questions about the driving forces behind the land rights reforms, which release the liquidity from the rural farming land. It argues that the structure of incentives in the governance system, particularly at the village committee level, plays a key role in reorganising and redistributing rural resources; at the same time, having the space and capacity for village intervention is also critical for the success of the rural development programme.

Public Policy 3 (Chair: Chunsen Yu)

Virginie Arantes Université Libre de Bruxelles / East China Normal University Is Xi Jinping “cracking down” on NGOs? A field perspective of grassroots environmental NGOs in Shanghai Despite the restrictions and barriers imposed by the Chinese government, grassroots NGOs have come a long way in China. Either by working in the shadow of the government in order to obtain a legal status, or by surviving in a grey zone. This last 30 years, they managed to grow in quantity and quality. In May 2015, a first draft of China’s Overseas NGO management law was forwarded to the media. More recently, in mid-March 2016, the long- awaited Charity Law to regulate the philanthropic sector was approved. This recent law combined with a tense political environment resulting from the ongoing campaigns against activists and human rights lawyers, has been interpreted by many as a way for the government to crackdown on civil society. Our intention in this panel is to investigate the development, strategies and motivations of grassroots environmental NGOs in Shanghai, as well as the creation and expansion of their innovation process. More specifically, this panel will focus on how environmental activists and grassroots ENGOs, despite the political situation, managed to initiate an environmental movement and empower citizens at a local level. This panel will also represent an opportunity to emphasize other important questions: why environmental movement in China stands out from other types of social movements? How ENGOs are today capable of creating complex and nuanced interactions with politics, the media, the internet and international NGOs? How they constitute new sites and agents where citizens may develop political skills, organize and participate in civic action?

Hanbin Zhang King's College London Relationships between air pollutant chemical composition and human health in ambient, personal and indoor exposures in Beijing Background. UK and China have recently launched a collaboration to tackle air pollution in Beijing. One of the main objectives of this collaboration is to investigate personal air pollution exposure methods and to understand associated health outcomes. The Effects of AIR pollution on cardiopuLmonary disEaSe in

urban & peri-urban reSidents in Beijing (AIRLESS) study aims to quantify the association between air pollution exposure and key cardiopulmonary measures in two contrasting cohorts. Methods. AIRLESS project will establish two panels comprising 120 individuals each from two existing cohorts in urban and peri-urban Beijing. Their personal and indoor exposures to PM, NOx, and CO will be collected using the novel devices while detailed ambient air pollution data will be collected by other projects, for 10 days each in winter 2016 and summer 2017. A novel dual-wavelength device will be used to understand sources of black carbon in the home environment. Meanwhile, cardiopulmonary metrics will be collected at the clinic. Results. The data collected will aid understanding of contrasts between personal, home and ambient exposures; examine the relationships between chemical compositions of ambient and indoor exposures; develop methods to extend the short-term personal exposure measurements to longer periods; and link air pollution exposures to health metrics. These results will then inform the environmental inequality and policy-making studies.

Runya Qiaoan Masaryk University David Talks to Goliath: Proactive Participation of Environmental NGOs in China’s- Environmental Politics The research examines Chinese environmental NGOs as “strategic actors” in the “strategic action field” of state environmental policy/law making and implementation. In March 2014, the Chinese premier declared a “war on pollution”: a series of strict environmental policies and “the most stringent environmental law” were soon made targeting the polluting industries. In the following year, an average of 10% drop of PM 2.5 was monitored among over 300 Chinese cities. When these changes are discussed, it is mainly actions from the state side that are noticed. Evidence shows that Chinese environmental NGOs have also been very active during this period, which begs a question of what strategies they employed to participate in the environmental politics. To investigate Chinese environmental NGOs’ policy/law advocacy strategies, I conducted a three-month participatory observation in an environmental NGO in Beijing. Besides, I also attended conferences between various environmental NGOs and the state officials and carried out in- depth semi-structured interviews with environmental NGO leaders all around China. The paper argues that proactively participating in policy/law advocacy to acquire a dialogue relationship with the state is an effective way for Chinese grassroots NGOs to achieve their specific agenda on environmental issues. This research breaks new ground by entangling the black box of environmental policy/law making process in China. Moreover, it sheds light on general policy advocacy strategies of civil society in an authoritarian regime.

Literature 1 (Chair: Gabriel F. Y. Tsang)

Jia Jia Teo Nanyang Technological University The Play-Element in Chinese Folk Songs Entitled ‘Yue Guang Guang’ (The Moon Shines Brightly) In this 21st-century urban life, the more luxurious the entertainment is, the higher the consequential price is. In other words, such entertainment is only obtainable on monetary basis. More often than not, in trying to seek quality life, people have failed to notice the simple pleasures around them. In the early times, Chinese folk songs were one of the entertainments which everyone could afford to have and they were popular and prevailing at that particular period. Due to their liberal and free-style nature, they could be composed or compiled according to one’s preferences and memories. As a result, there were varied forms of Chinese folk songs being widely disseminated in China. Most of the Chinese folk song corpuses entitled ‘Yue Guang Guang’ (The Moon Shines Brightly) are indeed nursery rhymes. They represent different traditional cultures of different dialect clans. They also preserved dialectal sounds as well as rural scenes in different areas. Some of these ‘Yue Guang Guang’ nursery rhymes involved description of the human anatomy and were rendered vulgar. Nevertheless, this element of vulgarity in the lyric serves as a vital clue to research on folk literature. This is because the element of vulgarity manifests children’s fondness for games, their standard of knowledge as well as values. This article will explore the Chinese folk songs ‘Yue Guang Guang’ from three perspectives, namely the play-element found in ‘Yue Guang Guang’, linguistic changes and cultural context with regard to the decline of this unique folk song corpus ‘Yue Guang Guang’.

Jianping Hu East China Normal University The Struggle Between the Power of Man and the Destiny from Heaven: A Comparative Study of Zhang Zhan and Xunzi The debate on the power of man and the destiny from Heaven has been one of the main subjects in Chinese philosophy and culture for a long time. Both Xunzi, an important figure of Confucianism, and Zhang Zhan, a scholar in the Eastern Jin Dynasty, have raised their arguments upon the subject. While Zhang Zhan expresses his idea of fatalism in his commentaries of Liezi, Xunzi argues that what man is confronted is destiny and man could regulate what Heaven has mandated and use it, emphasizing the objectivity of destiny and the autonomy of individuals. This essay debates on Heaven and man from three aspects: the definition of destiny, the power of individuals and the reflection of their political thoughts. This study helps us not only further our understanding of Xunzi and Zhang Zhan, but also explore the significance of the debate on Heaven and man to Chinese history and tradtion.

Literature 2 (Chair: Linxi Li)

Chunxu Ge University of Edinburgh The influences of Dickens on Zhang Tianyi Zhang Tianyi張天翼（1906-1985）—is a distinctive satirist in modern Chinese literature. He stood out in the literary world at the end of the 1920s, and then rapidly grew up into a new star of the League of Left- Wing Writers (Zhongguo zuoyi zuojia lianmeng 中國左翼作家聯盟). Zhang wrote in his article entitled "Autobiographical sketch" (Zixu xiaozhuan 自敘小傳): "The writers who have influenced me most are Dickens, Maupassant, Zola, Barbusse, Lev Tolstoy, Chekhov, Gorky, Lu Xun,et al.." Obviously, Charles Dickens exerted tremendous influence upon Zhang Tianyi (He put Dickens first). In light of this, this paper will do a comparative study of these two writers. From 1929 to 1938, according to Lu Xun, Zhang grew up into "The Best Writer" of Chinese new literature. Like many other modern Chinese authors, Zhang's work echoed foreign literature at the very beginning. Among those foreign writers, Dickens is the one who influenced Zhang the most profoundly and deeply. In this essay, the influence from Dickens on Zhang will be elaborated from perspectives such as the "Character comes first" literary creation concept, choosing a topic, character building techniques, humorous and satirical writing style, and children’s perspectives, etc.

Flair Donglai SHI University of Oxford “Yellow Peril Incarnate”—A Comparative Study of the Performance of Yellow Perilism in World Literature This paper offers a comparative analysis of the manifestations of racial politics in 20th century Anglophone and Sinophone literatures. As a case in point, I focus on the Chinese dissident writer Wang Lixiong and his “racist” appropriation of the Yellow Peril ideology in fin de siècle Western popular culture. Wang’s works often involve the critique of Chinese politics and culture through negative racialisation of the Chinese as “the Yellow Peril”. By juxtaposing his canonical work China Tidal Wave (Chinese name: Huang Huo “Yellow Peril”) with the Asian invasion fictions by Jack London and M. P. Shiel, I argue that instead of some kind of indisputable metaphysical truth, the Yellow Peril ideology is merely a performative cultural practice that shifts its functions and allegiances according to the socio-political agenda of its practitioner. Breaking from the academic convention of situating Yellow Perilism only in Western imaginations of China and the Chinese, this paper also seeks to provide meaningful revisions to the idea of the postcolonial palimpsest and the notion of “world literature” that has dominated our understanding of literary appropriations and intercultural communications. Ultimately, this paper advocates a post-structural understanding of the Yellow Peril discourse, which is shaped by a diverse range of Orientalist and Occidentalist forces in the making and spreading of world literature.

Wei Peng Stanford University When the Knight-errant Encounters the Modern Detective: Scientific Detection and Public Justice in Chinese Detective Fiction Detective fiction was first introduced to China in 1896. Along with the burgeoning popularity of the translations of Western detective fictions, stories of “Sherlock Holmes in the East” started to flood the

popular fiction market in the following half a century. Despite their popularity, these native creations are criticized as mere “shadows” of their Western counterparts, imitating the characterization and plot construction. This criticism, however, dismisses the perseverance of the Chinese cultural paradigms of the knight-errant in these stories, which discloses the native agency of appropriating Western classical detective fiction. The process of appropriation both creates and resolves epistemological and ideological tensions regarding order and justice at a time of reform and revolution. In this paper, I examine this innovative appropriation by analyzing one of the most popular and appreciated Republican detective fictions, The Detective Stories of Huo Sang, which features the first Chinese consultant detective applying modern forensic science and logical deduction to solving criminal cases in urban areas. Curiously, the identities of the criminals in these stories are often revealed as chivalrous burglars and assassins of secret patriotic societies, evoking the imperial paradigm of the knight-errant. I argue that the introduction of the knight-errant figure in the narrative not only supports a modern worldview based on science and reason, but also establishes a renewed concept of public justice that is grounded in the welfare of the people and the society. Engaging with the cultural history of the knight- errant, contemporary intellectual history, and forensic and legal discourse, my paper examines the unique negotiation of order and justice in the process of nation building in the Republican period. By exposing the conflation of the idea of order and justice, my investigation highlights the complex nature of Chinese modernity.

Gender (Chair: Yiming Dong)

Mengwei Tu University of Kent More Chinese women study in the UK than men: a sign of gender equality in China? Consistently more Chinese women than men graduated from UK universities during the last decade. The gender gap was especially wide at the level of a Master’s degree, with Chinese women outnumbering men by a ratio of 1.5 to 1 in 2012. Mostly funded by their parents, middle class Chinese women clearly had benefited from family resources and had experienced a rapid increase of social mobility in the international education system. However, to what extent does the strong presence of women in overseas education reflect the gender norm in today’s China? This paper explores the role gender played in this highly educated, transnationally mobile cohort, by examining 37 interviews with Chinese migrants (aged between 22-38) in the UK who arrived as students and remained to work as professionals, as well as some of their parents in China. Focusing on the impact of gender during the migrants’ upbringing, their decision to study abroad, and their remaining in the UK, the findings show uneven changes of gender norm in China. From a macro-level, the traditional gendered social expectation is still pervasive among urban middle class families. Nevertheless, from a micro-level (familial level), the attitudes of gender between parents and children are more covert and complex. Both generations had to adapt to a new set of gendered expectations as a result of the one- child policy and the rapid economic development.

Mengting Li The Chinese University of Hong Kong Family Caregiving for the Disabled Elderly in Mainland China: How Does Gender Affect Primary Caregiver Selection? Background: Researchers have widely discussed how is a particular child selected from all offspring for the role of primary caregiver of disabled older adults. Gender has been regarded as an important predictor in primary caregiver selection. However, the mechanism through which gender has an impact on primary caregiver selection has not been fully examined, not to mention how it works under different culture and social contexts. Methods: Data used in this study were from the 2011-2012 wave of Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey. Living arrangement was measured by co-residence with spouse, co-residence with sons’ family and co-residence with daughters’ family. Kinship was divided into spouse, son, daughter-in-law, daughter, son-in-law, grandchildren and others. Multinomial logistic regression models were built to test the relationship between gender, living arrangement and kinship. Results: This study found the gender of care recipient has no significant effect on the decision to move in with adult children, but the gender effect appears once older persons decide to move in with their children. Disabled older adults are more likely to cohabitate with the child of the same gender. The co-residing child is more likely to become the primary caregiver for disabled older adults than other offspring.

Conclusions and Implications: This study shed light on the missing link between gender and primary caregiver selection within family. Living arrangement was found to be one of the mechanisms through which gender impacted on caregiver selection and it played a key role in the organization of family care in the Chinese context.

Kailing Xie University of York The wrong time VS. the right time: Responsibilization of women’s pregnancy among China’s ‘privileged’ daughters The controversial only-child policy started 35 years ago and officially ended in 2016. The Chinese government now allows families to have two children. The old policy has created a unique ‘only-child’ generation (Fong, 2004), which is now at the age of marriage and pregnancy. My PhD research investigates how gender affects the lives of China’s privileged daughters: well-educated women from urban China born in the 1980s only-child generation. I carried out semi-structured in-depth interviews with 42 participants, including 11 men. In this presentation I illustrate how, in spite of their unprecedented access to education, this group of women continue to face major challenges in terms of gender inequalities surrounding sexuality and reproduction. Focusing on participants’ accounts of pregnancy and abortion I illustrate how women’s reproductive rights are regulated through managing information provision, particularly sex education, and upholding socialist morality by the Party-State drawing from Foucault’s concepts of ’discursive’ mechanism‘, ‘disciplinary power’ and biopolitics’ (1977, 1984). My paper centres on participants’ constructions of the ‘wrong time’ and ‘right time’ of pregnancy. Based on the analysis of the participants’ descriptions of their life stories and rationales behind their choices, I will discuss the responsibilization of female reproductive body in contemporary Chinese society. Finally, after presenting my conclusions, I will use data gathered from recent online forums to discuss the challenges that the newly implemented ‘two child’ policy might bring to this group of women.

Education 1 (Chair: Yiming Dong)

Xiaochen Zhou King's College London Parental Educational Expectation in Mainland China: the Role of Social Class Based on Bourdieu’s theory, social capital and cultural capital are crucial elements in the reproduction of multiple opportunities including the access to educational resources, with important implications on educational outcomes, labor market differentials and social mobility. However, even though the issue of social capital, cultural capital and potential inequality of educational opportunity and outcomes have been widely discussed in the context of mainland China, few existing studies especially large sample studies are targeting the association of social class stratifications and parental educational expectations and parenting attitudes. This study will address these gaps in the understanding how social class generated from parents’ education, occupation and income, social capital generated from the families’ network, and parenting attitude are associated with parental educational expectations using a large national probability sample. The proposed study will explore a set of hypotheses regarding the relationships among parental educational expectation, parenting attitudes, social, and cultural capital and social class. Data from the China Family Panel Study (CFPS) will be adopted, as it contains adequate information on the community and household background, as well as self-reported scales that assess parental educational expectations and attitude. The analytical sample size is around 3000 and the proposed study will test whether parental educational expectation can be delineated by social class and further will investigate the distinctive dispositions towards the relationship of social classes, parental educational expectation in China.

Michael G. MA The Chinese University of Hong Kong Cultural Capital instead of Social Capital: The Effect of Children’s Migration on their Educational Achievements in Contemporary China Thanks to the massive internal migrations in China, there are almost 100 million children living in the migrant families. These children, compared with their non-migrant counterparts, are more vulnerable in terms of the educational achievements. The pervasive reason explained by many scholars is the effect of social capital, which means the resources embedded in the social networks for children are undermined by the migration.

This paper, however, argues that the social capital is inadequate to explain the educational differences between the migrant children and the non-migrant children. In order to examine the relationship between the social capital and the educational achievements, we utilize the new released China Education Panel Survey (CEPS). CEPS is a national-wide, representative, and longitudinal survey conducted in the year of 2013-2014. It covers 19,487 middle school students, in which 3500 samples are the migrant children. The result demonstrates that although the educational achievements of the migrant children are worse than the non-migrant children, their social capital has no significant difference. On the other hand, our study further shows that it is the cultural capital that explains the educational differences between the migrant children and the non-migrant children. Hence, not only does our study empirically explain the educational inequality between the migrant children and the non-migrant children, but also contributes to the theoretical debates on the relationship between the social capital and the migrant education. Our findings also have valuable implications for the improvement of educational policies in contemporary China.

Siqi Zhang University of Edinburgh Cultural exchange in higher education: Will the experience of studying in the UK bring about transformative effect to Chinese students? There is growing statistical evidence indicating that increasing numbers of Chinese students are going abroad during the past decades. The experience of studying in Britain means that students can explore how their conditions can change, for themselves and for the future of their own country. Values and beliefs move between different social contexts, and this brings about changes to Chinese students. This paper examines the transformative influence of higher education on young Chinese students, with a special focus on students who migrate to UK’s higher educational institutions. By exploring the changing ideas and values of the Chinese students in UK’s universities through qualitative methodology, I aim to investigate how these students learn about the cultural norms which are different from their own and what is the influence of being exposed to the different cultural norms when they receive high education in Britain. I also examine the issue of how UK’s higher educational system provides students with opportunity for their self-development and in what ways UK’s higher education relates to the empowerment of Chinese students as well as the transformation of their lives when they integrate into the different cultural context.

Renfeng Jiang Trinity College Dublin, the University of Dublin Researching language learning motivation in Confucian philosophy In the process of language learning, motivation is commonly associated with the human nature which plays a significant role. Despite the fact that such human nature can hardly be discriminatingly analysed under different culture backgrounds, there has been a call for ‘a more oriental approach’ of researching motivation. For that reason, this paper explores the possibility of applying an ‘oriental approach’, namely, Confucian philosophical concept of learning motivation, as the theoretical framework to language learners. The proposed Confucian analytical concept derives from one of the ‘Four Books’ (sishu), The Great Learning (daxue), which is also considered as a masterpiece of educational theory in ancient China. In the work, self-cultivation, serving as the core value, was explained in a brief of three principles and eight steps. These principles and steps have been frequently examined by researchers as ‘a connection between individual self-cultivation and civil conduct in the social and political order’ (Keenan, 2011, p. 37). The study aims to apply the Confucian philosophical theory to a particular group, language learners, on indentifying motives and aspirations in their language learning. This is discussed by generalising the Confucian motivation approach based on the self-cultivation principles and steps. A further aim of this study is, by comparing the Confucian approach with Self-Determination Theory, to build a constructive relationship between the oriental and approach western motivation theory, promoting the development of the Confucian philosophy of learning in the domain of language acquisition. It is noted that, even after two thousand years, the Confucian philosophy of learning can describe and explain the motives of mode

Education 2 (Chair: Dr Sam Beatson)

Xie Han The Chinese University of Hong Kong Intervention of social work in school violence ----a case study in Beijing The frequent occurrence of school bullying, which is a serious problem related to education, has aroused many concerns in China. Intervention conducted by social worker is effective to solve the problem to a large extent. In this study, a child studied in a secondary school in Beijing, who was always bullied by peers and schoolmates physically and psychologically, is regarded as the patient of social work service, as well as the research object. With the combination of Ecological Systems Theory and practical intervention methods, the social worker had provided services for the child 8 times in 2014, so as to explore why this child was always bullied by peers and help the child alter the victimization situations. Throughout the intervention process, the social worker has used qualitative methods including participate observations and interviews to understand the physical, psychological and social environment conditions of the child, excavate her potential abilities, help her to establish a social support network actively. From the case study, we can explore and reflect the intervention methods of case work, which may contribute to the advancement of China’s educational system. This study not only complement the existing literature, provide a new point of view about how to treat school violence problems at a micro-level, but also advocate the popularity of school social work and more emphasis on students’ psychological and social problems, put forward the anti-bullying policies and regulations formulated by education department and schools in China.

Jing Kun Bai Institute of Education, University of College London A Comparative Analysis of Citizenship Education in China: What does this suggest regarding China’s democratization from 1949? 1978 is suggested as a major turning point in the history of the People Republic of China since the communist party came to power in 1949. Since China determined reforms for achieving ‘the modernizations’ as a national goal from 1978, China has made great achievements in terms of economy, social and education. Currently, China boasts the world’s second–highest Gross National Product, and more than 90 per cent of the population is able to read and write. These structural changes are known in the literature to facilitate democratization, however China remains the largest and most dynamic one-party dictatorship in the world. Thus, it is relevant to ask whether democracy has developed following Chinas’ economic growth, and in which directions China may develop in the future. This study investigates the features of democratization in China by a comparative analysis of citizenship education, the curriculum and the compulsory ‘Politics’ course before and after the reform from 1949 to the present day, and explores possibilities for democratic development in the future. Education is a part of China’s state institutions. Education, in particular citizenship education policies, curriculum and teaching content can directly reflect some features of democratisation within a country. The analysis includes classroom observations and interviews with teachers and students at five Chinese universities.

Yuan GUO & Ning TANG Sheffield Hallam University Western theories and Chinese practice: Practitioners’ perspectives on MI curriculum and pedagogy in a private kindergarten in China This paper is based on a PhD project which is an ethnographic study conducted in China. The PhD project explored different perspectives on the curriculum and pedagogy in a Chinese private kindergarten which adopts the Western Multiple Intelligence (MI) programme. This paper focuses on the practitioners' perspectives: What are their views and experiences of implementing the MI curriculum and pedagogy? How do they conceptualise 'learning' and 'play'? What are their concerns and dilemmas in delivering a Western programme in the Chinese context? The paper addresses these research questions by firstly review recent China’s pre-school education reform, national policy initiatives and the development of private kindergartens in the background of socialist market economy and globalisation. It critically reviews academic debates around the development of pre- school education and the application of Western educational theories and teaching models in a Chinese context with a strong Confucian tradition. This is followed by a reflection of data collection methods employed in gathering views of the practitioners at different levels of the private kindergarten, and the researcher's role of both an outsider and insider in the ethnographic study. Data presented illustrates a changing perspective on children and children's rights in pre-school education in China. The paper

therefore argues for a need to address the challenges faced by Chinese private kindergartens in the delivery of Western programme, such as understanding children and children’s rights, as well as meeting parental expectations and the national requirements of pre-school education in China.

Li Siyuan University of Leeds The Dynamics and Effects of China’s Power/Knowledge in Africa: A Case Study of China’s Confucius Institute in Sub Sahara Africa This thesis adopts a Foucauldian perspective to analyze China’s Confucius Institute (CI) with the case study of the CI in Sub Sahara Africa (SSA). In Discipline and Punish, through his analysis of the power technology in a disciplinary society which fundamentally operates through strategies of normalization on human bodies, Foucault shows the dynamics of power/knowledge as well as a productive notion of power. The CI has caused a great deal of attention because of its phenomenal growth and controversial incidents, especially in the West. Current research on the CI sees it as a fixed reality of China’s extended presence, an objective tool of China’s foreign diplomacy, or a physical vehicle to transport China’s influence via the promotion of Chinese language and culture; but none has done a systemic research to deconstruct the organization, to examine the internal operations of power under its concrete shell, to find out how the operations of power produce institutionalized subjects and other effects that may be useful not only for the CI but also for the enhancement of other forms of China’s presence and relations with other countries. With a fine-tuned Foucauldian conception of power as the theoretical framework, this thesis aims to fill this gap in the research of the CI.

Culture and Technology 1 (Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo)

Marianna Tsionki Manchester Metropolitan University Sacrifice zones: An aesthetic response to digital materiality Rare earth industry has contributed to China’s strategic dominant position in global economy. Rare earth minerals are essential in the manufacturing of hi-technology products such as mobile phones, and laptops as well as for the developing of defence systems and green energy technologies. The increased availability of these devices in our contemporary technologically mediated societies have created the dystopian area of pollution and human exploitation of Bayan Obo Mining District. Bayan Obo mining region in Inner Mongolia is the largest Rare Earth metal deposit in the world holding 75% of the known global reserves accounting for more than half of China’s current rare earth minerals production. In 2014, Unknown Fields a group of architects and artists based in London visited Bayan Obo and created the film ‘Behind The Scenes of Technology: Inner Mongolia Rare Earth Mineral Mines’ revealing a terrifying natural and social landscape. Recently, Thyssen-Bornemisza Art Contemporary in Vienna staged the exhibition Rear Earth featuring the works of 17 artists each one representing one of the 17 rare earth elements. Focusing on these two works this paper aspires to explore intersections between nature and technology through the lens of cultural production and argue that digital technology is not simply a medium that separates humans from “true” materiality but is itself a new materiality consisting of raw matter, energy and social relationships. The paper will explore the impact of these practices on the distribution of the sensible in the era of the Anthropocene.

Paul Gardner University of Glasgow Is the purpose of censorship in China only to curtail collective action? King et al suggest censorship in China is now simply focused on preventing possible collective action and that Chinese citizens are allowed ‘the full range of expression of negative and positive comments about the state, its policies, and its leaders’ (2013, 14). My paper, based on an analysis of propaganda instructions sent to media organisations, shows that Chinese censorship is not limited to curtailing collective action. Although the propaganda authorities are much more selective about censoring information related to Party/state criticism than under Mao, they use a range of tactics to manipulate sensitive information about the state, its policies and its leaders in the news media and social media, in an attempt to create an information environment that is favourable to the Party/state.

Far from allowing ‘even vitriolic’ criticism of Party leaders (King et al, 2013, 1), the authorities sought to ban content which simply pokes fun at senior Party leaders. The authorities also intervened to censor some information on living standards and environmental problems where there was a risk that people would be particularly critical of the Party/state and/or where there was potential for those criticisms to reach a large audience. As well as banning some content in news coverage and on social media, the authorities also sought to set the agenda by instructing the news media to limit their coverage of particular issues, not to use certain words or forcing them to run government approved content.

Adam Knight Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford Peer-to-Peer Content Control on the Chinese Internet The development and spread of ICTs has challenged the Chinese state’s centralised monopoly over content creation and dissemination. Hitherto faced with the control of a handful of easily identified, controlled, and compliant, if not always docile, licensed media mouthpieces, houshe 喉舌, the internet has transferred the ability to produce content into the hands of hundreds of millions of users at the margins of society - the rise of a ‘microphone era’, maikefeng shidai 麦克风时代, in which the mass- circulation of public content is no longer the exclusive right of the state. This has required a significant shift from a highly centralised model of content control, to one focussed primarily on the periphery of content creation - that is to say, the users themselves. My research has attempted to provide a case study of one such mechanism, the Weibo Community Management System (CMS), as a way of exploring alternate methods of content regulation. Previous studies of content control have focussed predominantly on vertical conceptions of censorship, precluding emerging horizontal forms of control. The CMS was chosen as it presents a distinctive and supplementary censorship model to previous studies’ dichotomous focus on vertical ‘state-on-citizen’ regulation. I have sought to position the CMS’s method of handling non-political content as the emergence of a non-state horizontal control structure, something I term as ‘peer-to-peer’ (P2P) censorship.

Culture and Technology 2 (Chair: Dr Vivienne X. Guo)

Linxi Li King's College London The Technical Production of the Unofficial Publication in Beijing (1978-1981) The unofficial publications in China have experienced remarkable ups and downs in reform era. In the late 1978, private publishers in big cities such as Beijing and Shanghai aroused both the official and public’s attentions rather than surviving underground during the Cultural Revolution. Though this prosperity was suppressed by the authority in 1981 after reaching its culmination in the mid-1979 with the toleration of the CPC leaders, the production of unofficial publications played a crucial role in contemporary Chinese intellectual history. Other than political influence, an emphasis on cultural continuity will be concerned. In this essay, I will focus on the technical production – mimeograph printing – of the unofficial publications. By examining the mimeograph printing history in China and the actual mimeograph condition of the publications, I will delineate a complete process of the mimeograph practice. I will also analyse an exceptional breakthrough, to uncover a possible power relationship behind the authority and the unofficial journal Beijing Spring (北京之春 Beijing zhichun) editorial board, who produced the only letterpress issue and successfully delivered it to its readers. Comparing the generality and the exception, it is obvious that at least in contemporary China, the possibility and the degree of technical practice are deeply rooted in the relationship between the editorial board and the authorities.

Biye Gao SOAS, University of London Technology and Reproductive Governance in an Information Era in China With the development and popularization of Internet and escalating rural to urban migration within China, the reproductive politics are becoming increasingly influenced by information technology, which can be particularly demonstrated from the establishment of the population control system named PADIS (Population Administration Decision Information System) in 2009, where females’ information of marriage, contraceptives, births and childbearing is maintained and shared by different birth planning officials across the nation. Since then, the birth planning work transits from a coercive implementation by force to one governed by information input, share and control. Based on a nine-month ethnography in

Hunan, China, including interviews with 20 birth planning cadres in different villages, towns and districts, this paper seeks to explore how the development of technology impacts on the population governance, and how the decision making of birth planning officials is constrained and enabled by the use of information technology. As a result, this paper will contribute to the relatively scant literature on information technology and reproductive governance in contemporary China.

Shihua Ye The Chinese University of Hong Kong NPO 2.0: What drives Chinese NPOs to adopt and use of Web 2.0 The development of Chinese third sector has been greatly influenced by Web 2.0 technology. The emerging body of studies has explored whether Web 2.0 technology has been adopted and how the Chinese NPOs use this new technology. However, why the Chinese NPOs adopt and use this new technology has seldom been studied. In order to fill this research gap, this study explored what drives organizational adoption and use of Web 2.0 based on a nationwide survey conducted in 2014 to 2015. Since there is no list of grass-roots NPOs existed, the study accessed to GPOs with the help of supporting organizations in the particular region, and worked with some influential domestic new media. The efforts yielded 569 GPOs with 547 valid cases. We found that despite heavy Internet censorship and unbalanced relationship between government and civil society in China, Chinese GPOs are tapping into a high level of utilization of Web 2.0 technology. Like their Western counterparts, organizational strategies, capacities, governance features and external pressures all play a part as driving force of Web 2.0 adoption. Through this integrated perspective, this study further our understanding of Chinese GPOs. Besides, because of unique legitimacy issue facing by Chinese GPOs, building legitimacy through improving public acknowledgment and brand of service is the most important concern of GPOs.

Culture and Technology 3 (Chair: Gabriel F. Y. Tsang)

Sheng Qu The University of Manchester “China Dream” meets China Dream Show: On the Nature of Public Benefits in Chinese Talent Shows Under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, the “China Dream” has become one of the most significant political ideologies promoted by China’s party-state system. Recently, the emphasis placed on the “China Dream” in Chinese state-run media has shifted from hard news to entertainment. Zhejiang Television has produced a talent show entitled China Dream Show (2011-present) that emphasises the conception of public benefits (gongyi) by helping ordinary people realise their dreams outside of the television show. This paper examines the transformation in the format of Chinese talent shows away from “pure entertainment” towards a growing focus on “public benefits”, exploring the relationship between “public benefits”, entertainment and the “China Dream” discourse. Regarding China Dream Show as a kind of neoliberal theatre with Chinese characteristics, I argue that participants rely on both rationally demonstrating the feasibility of their dreams and emotionally narrating their significance as two intertwined expressive tools of dream-realisation. In particular, “sensational expression| (shanqing) has become the part of neoliberal governing technology so as to manage the results of the show. Meanwhile, the nature of public benefits as packaged by entertainment discourse not only avoids focusing on the role of government responsibility but also dealing with sensitive public issues so that the party-state is able to maintain control over the meaning of the “China Dream”.

Zipeng Li University of Edinburgh Online News Discussion: A Chance to Influence the Disaster Policy? -- A Case Study on Online News Discussion’s Impact on Policy Initiatives of Tianjin Explosion in China It may be too early to judge the Internet’s function for political democratization in China. However, it has extensively drawn scholars’ attention for its political implication. Scholars have discussed he potential political function of online forums and blogs in China (Yang, 2009, Hassid, 2012). But very few have conducted research on online news discussion from the policy impact perspective. This paper focuses on the relationship between online news discussion and policy initiatives with respect to the Tianjin Explosion Case. Policy initiatives here refer to new policy introductions and policy modifications. We generate the theoretical framework based on the theory of agenda setting (McCombs and Shaw, 1972) and “policy entrepreneur (Mintrom and Norman, 2009)”.

The specific questions include: what is the relationship between policy initiatives’ agenda and the online news discussion agenda? Would policy entrepreneurs within the Chinese government refer to online news discussion for policy making? Would some people on social media work as “peripheral policy actors (Mertha, 2009)”? As top level policy making is still a lockbox (Zheng, 2008), we explore two aspects of the relationship of social media and policy documents: the theme correlation linked by key words and the publication sequence. With the assistance of Sina news comments and the Chinese government press conference speeches, the paper applies content analysis to both online news discussion data and policy initiatives related to the Tianjin Explosion Case.

Sha sha Wang Durham University Visualising China through the Lens of the West: A Critical Analysis of British TV Documentaries on China Literature shows that Western representations of China in the past have undergone distinct stages from early explorers’ awe to Jesuit missionaries’ praise, documentation of Chinese culture, a philosophical idealisation of Confucianism, and then the disillusionment with China’s changelessness (Mackerras, 1991). The Eurocentric image of “Yellow Peril” had powerful resonance ever since the Victorian age (Kiernan, 1972). However, with the rise of China as the most important emerging power especially in 21st century, contemporary China has undergone great changes, whilst Western representations of China seem still operate within stereotype frameworks. Nowadays, with the development of mass media and its influence on people, a large growing depictions of China image in the eyes of the West derives from the western mass media when reporting and representing China or themes related, but research on how the West perceives Contemporary China or represents China through mass media way especially the visualisation way of TV documentaries has scarcely been mentioned or researched.

This study is to explore and analyse the Western perceptions of Contemporary China in the context of the rapidly-changing global power dynamics of 21st century through visualising China in the lens of the Western mass media. Specifically, the study will involve investigating and analysing two critically-selected British TV documentaries on China as the main case studies, The Chinese Are Coming, 26 Feb 2011, BBC 2; China: Triumph And Turmoil, 12 March 2012 in order to give a depth picture of Western representations of China. The study aims to use an interdisciplinary analysis focusing mainly on semiotics to contextualise visualisations of China. Through a combination of several visual methodology approaches including semiotic analysis, multi-modal analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this research intends to bring the study of Contemporary China a much closer, deeper but also fresh angle.

Culture and Technology 4 (Chair: Gabriel F. Y. Tsang)

Tommaso Gianni Independent scholar The Pedagogies of the Leung Ting WingTsunKuen 梁挺詠春拳: A Comparative Approach This paper explores a pedagogic trend within Asian martial arts practiced in the “West”, taking as a case study the Leung Ting lineage of WingTsunkuen. It compares the pedagogy adopted in South Korea to teach this Chinese system with teaching methods used in England, Germany, and Italy. WingTsunkuen syllabus has been updated a number of times as various grandmasters have modified their pedagogies to fit a variety of purposes. Teachers attempt to remain loyal to the system while moderating their methods to meet the desire of most students to learn practical self-defence. Data for this comparison are drawn from historical and contemporary texts along with ethnographic fieldwork, including two years experience of participant-observation in WingTsunkuen classes in Seoul and long term past training experience in Livorno. This paper analyses the comparative data and proposes reasons for the pedagogical differences between classes in Korea and Italy. It argues WingTsunkuen pedagogical changes are the result of negotiating tradition with modernity in an attempt to provide an updated, efficient, and “realistic” course in self-defence, as preferred by the mass of students. Scholarly communities have also contributed scientific knowledge to this trend as martial arts classes have been adopted into the curricula of a growing number of institutions of higher education. No research has yet compared the pedagogies in different classes of a single Chinese martial art. This report attempts to fill that gap in the scholarly literature by providing a comparative theoretical model for researchers studying change in martial arts. Instructors may also find this model will assist in developing training methods.

Ni Lu University of York Activating interviews: BL fan culture in China Up to now, BL culture, as a newly arising fan cultural among young generation in China, has been developing tremendously. Along with the development of many popular phenomena on the internet, a variety of BL novels, comics, games, drama, broadcasts and movies have been expanding. However, as for the formal academic study, the related literature is very rare, which indicates the value in studying BL culture in China. Adopting qualitative case studies as research method, this paper is aiming at finding out why many Chinese young heterosexual women, who identified themselves as ‘Fu Nü’ (Rotten girl), read Boy’s Love (BL) manga today. BL is a Japanese term for female-oriented fiction featuring idealized romantic relationships between two males. Due to the lack of existing knowledge about Fu Nü group and the potentially stigmatised label they have, with regard to sex and homosexuality in China, work of investigating BL fan culture is important. Since the 1970s, as an emerging but influential part in LGBT issues, many Asian (mainly originated from Japan BL manga) and Western studies have been conducted from a variety of perspectives on this specific genre of female fantasies of male homosexuality (Nagaike, 2009). Scholars, mostly in Japan and Western countries, have tried to explore whether BL is a meaningful step in the development of feminism. However, there is little on Chinese BL culture and what does exist related to Taiwan (Martin, 2012) and not the PRC. With the help of feminist theories on gender and sexuality, I propose to investigate young women’s self-identity and self-fulfilment in this BL fan culture, and same-sex element’s popularity in this paper.

Bing Wang University of Leeds Cultural? Ethnic? The relationship of Han and Hakka through the investigation of a Hakka Ecomuseum Hakka is often considered as a subcultural group of Han Chinese, but some literature does refer to Hakka as an ethnic group. This depends on the angle of the authors but also expresses the complexity of ethnic and cultural identity and policies in China. Hakka often enjoy belonging to the Han because this identity endows the Hakka with a touch of nobility and ethnic pride. However, since late 1980s, the studies of Han have emerged and the inner diversities within Han Chinese started to attract attention. However, though described as an analogue of Critical White Studies in a European context by some non-Chinese scholars, the critical Han studies did not try to dissect the inner diversities of the Han but to confirm that Han is a unified whole through the ‘snowball’ theory coined by the peerless sociologist Fei Xiaotong. This idea no doubt has influenced how Han Chinese see themselves and the country and also Chinese diaspora. A grand historical narrative of China emerged and is being represented in all forms of communications. Museum is an effective way to consolidate this narrative. As such, when museums about Hakka emerge, it is worth noting how Hakka is presented and in what way if we try to understand the meaning of Hakka in a modern world. Hakka is a global community and continues to thrive inside and outside China. Building museums for Hakka people also raises the question of the concept of ‘heritage’ and ‘world heritage’. Whose heritage are we really preserving? Hakka culture or simply Han culture with the name of Hakka? Does every Hakka has the right to alter the content of the heritage? Whose interest are under protection? Han or Hakka? Or both? I explore the possible explanation of the relationship of Han and Hakka through my fieldwork to a Hakka ecomuseum and this may be helpful in looking at cultural diversity in China in a nuanced way.

Dr Martina Caschera University of Naples Chinese cartoon in transition, from the “modern magazine” to the “online carnival” By definition, the cartoon (satirical, single-paneled vignette) “reduces complex situations to simple images, treating a theme with a touch of immediacy. A cartoon can mask a forceful intent behind an innocuous facade; hence it is an ideal art of deception” (Hung Chang-tai, 1994:124). As well as their western counterparts, Chinese cartoonists have always based much of their art on the strong socio-political potential of the format, establishing a mutual dependence of pictographic material and press journalism. Starting from a media perspective, the present paper primarily aims at showing how Chinese cartoon developed from 1920s-1930s society, when the “modern (xiandai 现代, modeng 摩登)” magazine was the most important reference and medium for this newly born visual language, to the most recent participation to the “online carnival”(Herold and Marolt, 2011:11-15). In last two decades, the Internet has become the elected “space” for Chinese cartoonists’ visual satire to take part in an international public discourse, therefore substituting magazines and printed press. Through emblematic exempla, this paper seeks to understand how cartoonists’ critical efficiency, communicative tools and peculiar aesthetics relate to the context, i.e., to answer the following questions: how Chinese modern cartoon changed, from the first

“modern” exempla to the latest online expressions? Is its original power of irreverence still alive and how did it “survive”? How have modern (Lu Shaofei, Wang Dunqing, Liao Bingxiong) and contemporary cartoonists (Rebel Pepper, Crazy Crab, Ba Diucao) been dealing with governmental intervention and censorship?

Finance (Chair: Agatha Kratz)

Eric Schmidt King's College London Financial System with Chinese Characteristics: Understanding Privately-Owned Enterprises’ Access to Finance in a Supplemented Financial System. My paper argues that when we apply financial systems design theory to China, we are overlooking an important sector: the shadow-banking sector. My key argument is that this sector has supplemented the shortcomings of the formal financial sectors in China. In a financial system, that is geared towards providing cheap access to capital for large SOEs, this sector has developed a platform for those with excess capital and those in need. By supplementing the financial system, it has provided functions that financial systems design theory tends to attribute to the formal financial sectors. Financial systems design theory has focused on the relationship between the formal sectors of the financial system and their impact on economic growth. It has categorized financial systems using a bank-based vs. market-based dichotomy. The former tends to produce large corporations, while the latter provides easier access to capital for small- and medium-sized enterprises in particular. The Chinese financial system is heavily dominated by the banking sector and by state-owned commercial banks in particular. The four largest control 75% of financial assets in China. All of this should mean that SMEs should have an easy access to bank loans. However according to the World Bank Investment Climate Survey only 25% of enterprises in China have access to a line of bank credit. Despite this only 2.9% of enterprises identify access to finance as a major constraint on their business activity. That begs the important question: how is the shadow banking sector supplementing the Chinese financial system?

Qing Xu King's College London The Breakthrough of Private Wealth, a Case Study of Chinese New Financial Institutions in the City of Wenzhou This paper is a part of my PhD thesis presenting the case study conducted interviews in Wenzhou. It is showing the status quo of New Financial Institutions (NFIs) there. It will analyze the foremost services and clients of NFIs, whether financial practitioners are satisfied on, as well as their reactions to policies and regulations launched by the government, one by one. This paper finds that, as a classic city based on the private economy, the legitimacy of NFIs is very attracting for private capital transferring from shadow banking to participate in Wenzhou. First, NFIs, as microfinance institutions, are serving diversified products to rural and small business by the ways of self-efficiency. NFIs agree with that regulations regarding standardization are beneficial for the long-term development of their institutions. Nevertheless, they are complaining that barriers on entry, and little policies/tax support are hindering further development. Responding to the existing regulatory framework, NFIs’ organisations and services are much standardised than informal finance. However, given the barriers on entry, abundant private enterprises that have high willingness to invest in banking are squeezed out of this industry and only larger private enterprises are confident that NFI is sustainable enough. The major interviewees are considering not transferring into completely formal microfinance institutions. The research also finds that there is no preferential sequence ranking the primary choice of credit demanders among NFIs and other financial institutions both formal and informal.

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS (in alphabetical order)

Name Institute Email Oxford Internet Institute, Adam Knight [email protected] University of Oxford Agatha Kratz King’s College London [email protected] Fudan University & Torino Word Andrea Ghiselli / Affairs Institute Audrey Dugué-Nevers University of Sheffield / Beatrice Gallelli Ca’ Foscari University in Venice [email protected] Benjamin Tze Ern Ho London School of Economics [email protected] Bing Wang University of Leeds [email protected] Biye Gao SOAS, University of London [email protected] Boyu Zhu Renmin University of China [email protected] Cai Chen King's College London [email protected] Chunsen Yu King’s College London [email protected] Chunxu Ge University of Edinburgh [email protected] Claus Kao-Chu Soong Tsinghua University [email protected] Martina Caschera University of Naples [email protected] Echo Lei Wang King's College London [email protected] Eric Schmidt King's College London [email protected] Eurydice Fotopoulou University of Greenwich / Flair Donglai SHI University of Oxford [email protected] Florence Mok University of York [email protected] Francisco Urdinez King's College London [email protected] Gabriel F. Y. Tsang King’s College London [email protected] Guannan Li King’s College London [email protected] Hanbin ZHANG King's College London [email protected] Helly C Independent Researcher [email protected] Hermann Aubié University of Turku [email protected] Jean Christopher Sciences Po Paris [email protected] Mittelstaedt Nanyang Technological Jia Jia Teo [email protected] University Jiabao Sun King's College London [email protected] Jiahao Guo Durham University [email protected] Jiahua Yue Renmin University of China / Jianping Hu East China Normal University [email protected] Jie Li University of Edinburgh [email protected] Institute of Education, University Jing Kun Bai [email protected] of College London Royal Holloway, University of Jinghan Zeng [email protected] London Julian A. Theseira The Graduate Institute of [email protected]

International and Development Studies (IHEID) Kailing Xie University of York [email protected] Kata Julianna Szabó ETH Zurich / Konstantinos Tsimonis King’s College London [email protected] LI Siyuan University of Leeds [email protected] Li Zou University of Edinburgh [email protected] Linxi LI King's College London [email protected] China Foreign Affairs University, Liu Chang [email protected] the University of Warwick Manchester Marianna Tsionki [email protected] Metropolitan University Mark Baker Yale University [email protected] Meixi Zhuang University of Nottingham [email protected] The Chinese University of Hong Mengting LI [email protected] Kong Mengwei Tu University of Kent [email protected] The Chinese University of Hong Michael G. MA [email protected] Kong The Chinese University of Hong Nannan Zhang [email protected] Kong Ni Lu University of York [email protected] Nina Rotermund University of Duisburg-Essen [email protected] Paul Gardner University of Glasgow / Peiqi Deng University of Warwick [email protected] Qing Xu King's College London [email protected] Ran Lu University of Manchester [email protected] Trinity College Dublin, the Renfeng Jiang [email protected] University of Dublin Richard Q. Turcsányi Masaryk University [email protected] Rowan Alcock University of Oxford [email protected] Runya Qiaoan Masaryk University [email protected] Sha sha Wang Durham University [email protected] Shanshan Guan University of York [email protected] [email protected]. Sheng Qu The University of Manchester uk The Chinese University of Hong Shihua Ye [email protected] Kong Simone O Malley University College Cork [email protected] Sutton Siqi Zhang University of Edinburgh [email protected] Sunny Xin Liu University of Central Lancashire [email protected] Royal Holloway, University of [email protected]. Tawirat Songmuang London ac.uk Tian Tian University of York [email protected]

Tom Harper University of Surrey [email protected] Tommaso Gianni Independent scholar [email protected] Tsunghan Wu King's College London [email protected] Université Libre de Bruxelles / Virginie Arantes [email protected] East China Normal University Voon Bartlett ARTEFICTION [email protected] Wankun Li University of Leeds [email protected] Wei Peng Stanford University [email protected] William Z.Y. Wang London School of Economics [email protected] Xiaochen Zhou King's College London [email protected] The Chinese University of Hong Xie Han [email protected] Kong Yifan Cheng King’s College London [email protected] Yiming Dong King’s College London [email protected] Yin Zhiguang University of Exeter [email protected] Yingzi Wang SOAS, University of London [email protected] Yiyun Ding University of York [email protected] Yuan Guo Sheffield Hallam University [email protected] Yuanyuan Liu Newcastle University [email protected] Zipeng Li University of Edinburgh [email protected]

ORGANISING TEAM

The British Postgraduate Network for Chinese Studies 2016 Annual Conference is organised by (in alphabetical order):

Agatha Kratz (Leader of the Administration Team) Aleksandra Kubat (Communications Officer of BPCS) Cai Chen Chunsen Yu (Leader of the Academic Team) Gabriel F. Y. Tsang (Coordinator; President of BPCS) Guannan Li Jiabao Sun Konstantinos Tsimonis, Dr. (Convenor) Lei Wang Linxi Li (Leader of the Media Team) Thomas Owen-Smith, Dr. (Senior Strategy Officer) Tsung-Han Wu Yifan Cheng Yiming Dong Yiyun Ding (Secretary of BPCS)