A Social History of Collective Farm Privatization in Russia

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A Social History of Collective Farm Privatization in Russia MANY PERESTROIKAS: A SOCIAL HISTORY OF COLLECTIVE FARM PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA BY ELISA R. GOLLUB B.A., UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SANTA CRUZ, 1998 A.M., BROWN UNIVERSITY, 2001 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AT BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND MAY 2011 © Copyright 2011 by Elisa R. Gollub This dissertation by Elisa R. Gollub is accepted in its present form by the Department of History as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date______________ ______________________________________ (Abbott Gleason), Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date______________ ______________________________________ (Patricia Herlihy), Reader Date______________ ______________________________________ (Ethan Pollock), Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date______________ ______________________________________ (Peter M. Weber), Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Elisa R. Gollub was born in Sacramento, California on July 31, 1975. She attended U.C. Santa Cruz, earning a B.A. in European History with Honors in the Major and graduating Phi Beta Kappa. She entered the Ph.D. program in History at Brown University in 2000, earning her M.A. in Modern Russian History in 2001. She took a leave of absence in 2002, teaching high school and then working at an international nonprofit focused on business development in Russia. She returned to Brown in 2006 to complete her dissertation on the social history of collective farm privatization. She has served as teaching assistant for six history courses at Brown. Her dissertation research and writing has been funded by Brown University, Fulbright-Hays and the American Association of University Women. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It takes a village to write a dissertation about Russian villages. My debts of gratitude run deep and span several continents. My heartfelt thanks go to Tom Gleason, who tirelessly advised me throughout my graduate study, providing intellectual mentorship, personal encouragement and consistent good humor at every step. He is a true role model as a scholar and a human being, and this dissertation would not have been possible without him. I also count my lucky stars to have been able to work with Patricia Herlihy, whose intelligence, kindness and humor could always make things better when they were difficult. Ethan Pollock brought teaching mentorship, practical and intellectual guidance, and helped me see the big picture. I would also like to thank Lynne deBenedette, not only for the expert Russian language training, but also for her friendly support through the stages of my graduate career. Karen Mota, Mary Beth Bryson, Cherrie Guerzon and Julissa Bautista made the History Department at Brown a warm and welcoming place. I am very grateful to the organizations that supported me and to the scholars, archivists and other individuals who moved my research forward. They are too numerous to mention so this is just a beginning. Margaret Paxson and Liesl Gambold provided invaluable contacts and tips that helped jumpstart my fieldwork. In Russia, Igor Morozov, Tatyana Prokopyeva, Eugene Dolbyshev, and Pavel Serin took me on very memorable and instructive trips to villages in my early stages of research. My colleagues from the Center for Citizen Initiatives Olga Kriakova and Natasha Ivanova were particularly helpful in setting up farm visits for me, and I thank Sharon Tennison from CCI for the contacts. Teodor Shanin and Alexander Nikulin opened the conferences, library, and archives of the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences to me and provided friendly encouragement. Liubov Denisova kindly offered her expertise and very sound advice on conducting oral histories with villagers. Jacob Kolker helped me set up my v research and home base in Riazan’. I would have been lost in Krasnodar without Nona and Margo Shahnazarian, and would not have enjoyed my stay nearly as much if I couldn’t relax at Karina’s beauty salon when I returned from village stays. Alexander and Alexandra Manuylov were of immeasurable assistance, helping me find my Krasnodar farm site and sharing their own field experiences and interview transcripts with me. Great colleagues and friends who supported me through the process, read chapter drafts and otherwise helped my project grow include Alexis Peri, Paula Goldman, Elta Smith, Krista Goff, Nicole Eaton, Sara Leone, Naomi Baer, Rebecca Wangh, Sabrina Reese, James Meyer, Andrea Mazzarino, Susan Zaraysky and Trille Loft. Oane Visser deserves special thanks for joining me on part of the journey. Scott Neft has walked by my side through some of the most harrowing passages and I’ll always be grateful. Then there is my amazing family. I owe my parents a million thanks, including for giving me incredible siblings. Sara and Mike have generously opened their home to me during my last year writing, for which I am so thankful. Jeremy has stepped in with key writing edits, and he and Rachel also offered their living room on standby anytime I wanted, not to mention providing pumpkin dinners and cookie nights when I’m in town. Yosef has an uncanny ability to get in touch from afar exactly when I can use a big brother, such as when he called a split-second after electricity went out in my new Nizhnii apartment. Cousins Mike and Sophia prepared helpful chapter comments while Jennifer and Katia offered moral support. Jodi, Jeff, Caleb and Alexa gave me a fabulous home away from home and a family in Rhode Island that I never knew I had. You are all the best. Finally, while their names must be confidential, I am forever indebted to everyone who agreed to be interviewed by me, and even more to the individuals and families who hosted me in the countryside with unfailing generosity and warmth. They truly made this dissertation possible. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Thank You, Comrade Brezhnev, 21 For Our Normal Lives? Chapter 2: Many Perestroikas 61 Chapter 3: Utopian Transitology 90 Chapter 4: Privatization Process At My Farm 114 Sites Chapter 5: Perspectives on Privatization 148 Chapter 6: Women at the Top 191 Conclusion 237 Bibliography 243 vii LIST OF TABLES AND CHARTS Page Map of Russia 3 Births and Deaths Among Rural Population 142 of Shilovo District, 1980 to 2007 Marriages and Divorces Among Rural 143 Population of Shilovo District, 1980 to 2003 In-migration and Out-migration in Rural 144 Areas of Shilovo District, 1990 to 2007 Women’s and Men’s Work at Farms 210 Women’s and Men’s Work at Home 208 viii Introduction This dissertation sprang from my interest in doing oral history research in post-Soviet Russia. On a business trip to Russia in the summer of 2005, I interviewed entrepreneurs about the growth of their businesses after the massive economic and political transformations occasioned by the collapse of the Soviet Union. I was fascinated by their stories of what the collapse meant to them, personally as well as professionally. Our conversations sometimes veered away from prosaic business matters as we philosophized about how their mentalities and lifestyles shifted in response to these nationwide changes. Intrigued, I wanted to further travel throughout Russia and ask people about how they experienced and understood the fall of the Soviet Union and how their lives changed in result. I decided to focus on voices from the countryside when a colleague sent me a dramatic newspaper article profiling one of our clients, who successfully built a private farm “on the ruins of a failed Soviet collective.”1 Histories of post-Soviet transformations generally focus on metropolitan areas and industries, while rural history remains largely unwritten. It became clear that oral history is absolutely necessary for investigating the experiences, thoughts and feelings of farm workers, which are rarely recorded for posterity. The simple research question driving my study became: how do villagers understand collective farm privatization, and what do they say about their recent history? At the outset, I thought this would be a study of regional and local differences. I expected to return from the field having heard a wide range of experiences and perspectives. To my surprise, my history became a study of commonalities, even despite local differences. I was struck by how incredibly similar people’s outlooks were across my quite different research sites. 1 In the interests of confidentiality I do not cite this source. At the time I worked for the Center for Citizen Initiatives (CCI) a San Francisco non-profit focused on business management training for Russian entrepreneurs. 1 Everywhere I went, people told the same basic stories about their past. To some extent this reflects the struggles that they all shared in common during the difficult 1990s. But I argue the historical visions broadly popular among farm workers also take on a life of their own. They need to be understood as narratives that are not simply the sum of individual or collective experience, but much more. The narratives start to inform people’s perceptions and recollections and shape their retellings. In this dissertation I interpret this narrative phenomenon, even as I find that including villagers’ perspectives poses challenges to traditional historical accounts. The Brezhnev years, General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika, even the “transition to capitalism” (if one can be said to have occurred) appear quite differently when seen through villagers’ eyes. Accepted historical narratives in the U.S. do not include the information I gathered. The stories we tell about the 1970s, perestroika, power shifts during post-Soviet transformations, or women in the post-Soviet era, fail to consider the countryside or people’s own experiences, beliefs, attitudes, memories or feelings. But it’s not just that this story has not been written. Considering people’s experiences in the countryside forces us to rethink our periodization and the way we characterize key moments and eras in Russian history, taking into account additional and contradictory versions.
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