Dr. John King (1614-1681) and Dr. Assuerus Regemorter
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Harvey Tercentenary WILLIAM HARVEY: the MAN and the COLLEGE of PHYSICIANS
Harvey Tercentenary WILLIAM HARVEY: THE MAN AND THE COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS By K. D. KEELE, M.D., F.R.C.P. Consultant Physician, Ashford Hospital and Staines Hospital IN I578, on i April, Thomas Harvey of Folkestone, and his wife Joan, were blessed with their firstborn often children, William Harvey. This birth took place in a 'faire stone-built house' which later became the post office. At the age of ten the young William was sent to the Grammar School (now the King's School), Canterbury, for his elementary education, whence, at the age of sixteen he was entered as a pensioner of Caius College, Cambridge, taking his Arts degree in 1597 and departing the following year, aged nineteen, for Padua, to receive his medical education from the best medical school in Europe. Here he learnt anatomy from Fabricius ab Aquapendente for whom only four years before a new anatomical theatre had been built, in the form of six narrow concentric galleries below which was placed a table for the body. The whole theatre was windowless, and lighting was from two candelabra of three candles each, and eight lamps held by students. During the five years Harvey spent in Padua Fabricius ab Aqua- pendente was producing for publication his work, De Venarum Osteolis, on the valves in the veins, which was published in I603. One may be quite sure, under these circumstances, that these valves were thoroughly demonstrated and discussed in the presence of the student Harvey, and that in conditions of darkness which he found particularly favourable for contemplation of their significance. -
Dr More, Having Been Accused of Irregular Practice by the College Of
APPENDIX 1 Dr John More and the College of Physicians Dr More, having been accused of irregular practice by the College of Physicians (CPh) in 1612, was the next year charged with an offence against good taste in criticising the practice of Dr Francis Herring, a fellow of the College (FCP), and Archbishop Abbot took the opportunity to ban More from practising. The College was short of funds, however, and in 1617 the considerable sum of £20, a 'voluntary deposit' from More, induced the President, Henry Atkins, to propose conditional acceptance 'until either the King or [Privy] Councillors prohibit it'. This met with substantial resistance - More's formal admission was turned down by the Fellowship on a 15/5 vote. Even so, when Dr Arthur Dee, son of the celebrated Dr John Dee and a physician to Queen Anne, was asked by the CPh by what authority he presumed to practise, Dee replied in exasperation that 'medicine was his profession and that as he could make a business out of it, he ought to follow it', and cited More and Thomas Turner as examples of irregulars whose activities were being condoned by the College. i More continued to press the £20 offer - substantial compared to fees being paid at the time - ii and Atkins pointed out that, despite the embarrassment of Abbot's ban, his licensing 'would be pleasing to important men'. After further wrangling, in March 1619 the Fellows narrowly voted him in, and William Munk lists him as a licentiate of the College. iii Even so, 'the Registrar was careful to inscribe in full his letter averring the money to be a free gift, and More himself “ever...a servante” of the College'. -
THE AMERICAN P Founded in 1887 for the Purpose of Promo Ting the in Crease of Physiologica I Knowledge and Its U Tilization
THE AMERICAN P Founded in 1887 for the purpose of promo ting the in crease of physiologica I knowledge and its u tilization. President Earl H. Wood, Mayo Med. Sch., Rochester, MN President- Elect Francis J. Haddy, Uniformed Services Univ. of Hlth. Sci., Bethesda, MD Volume 24, No. 1, February 1981 Past President TA BNTENT Ernst Knobil, Univ. of Pittsburgh Council BCIETY AFFAIRS Earl H. Wood, Francis J. Haddy, Ernst Knobil, Jack L. Kostyo, Eugene Markley Landis ............................... 1 S. McD. McCann, Paul C. Johnson, Leon Farhi Past President’s Address ... Ernst Knobil ................ 3 Pulmonary Physiology and Function Testing in Small Executive Secretary-Treasurer Laboratory Animals ................................ 8 Orr E. Reynolds, 9650 Rockville Pike, Bethesda, Maryland Physiology Career Opportunities Symposium ............ 8 20014 Notes from Capitol Hill. ............................... 8 Meeting of the Section on Cellular and General Physiology . 9 Honors and Awards ................................... 9 Member Contributions. ............................... 10 CIBA Geigy Corp. Application and Instructions. .......................... 15 Grass Instrument Co. A.H. Robins Co., Inc. Hoechst-Roussel Pharmaceu- IST0RICAL ARTICLES Arlie V. Bock - Physiologist . D. B. Dill . 11 ANMQUNCEMENTS ICI Americas Inc. Oxygen Transport to Human Tissues .................... 7 Eli Lilly and Co. NEH 1981 Humanities Seminars. ....................... 9 McNeil Labor Life Sciences Research Office ......................... 10 Merck Sharp Pharmacology -
Slater V. Baker and Stapleton (C.B. 1767): Unpublished Monographs by Robert D. Miller
SLATER V. BAKER AND STAPLETON (C.B. 1767): UNPUBLISHED MONOGRAPHS BY ROBERT D. MILLER ROBERT D. MILLER, J.D., M.S. HYG. HONORARY FELLOW MEDICAL HISTORY AND BIOETHICS DEPARTMENT SCHOOL OF MEDICINE AND PUBLIC HEALTH UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - MADISON PRINTED BY AUTHOR MADISON, WISCONSIN 2019 © ROBERT DESLE MILLER 2019 BOUND BY GRIMM BOOK BINDERY, MONONA, WI AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION These unpublished monographs are being deposited in several libraries. They have their roots in my experience as a law student. I have been interested in the case of Slater v. Baker and Stapleton since I first learned of it in law school. I was privileged to be a member of the Yale School Class of 1974. I took an elective course with Dr. Jay Katz on the protection of human subjects and then served as a research assistant to Dr. Katz in the summers of 1973 and 1974. Dr. Katz’s course used his new book EXPERIMENTATION WITH HUMAN BEINGS (New York: Russell Sage Foundation 1972). On pages 526-527, there are excerpts from Slater v. Baker. I sought out and read Slater v. Baker. It seemed that there must be an interesting backstory to the case, but it was not accessible at that time. I then practiced health law for nearly forty years, representing hospitals and doctors, and writing six editions of a textbook on hospital law. I applied my interest in experimentation with human beings by serving on various Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) during that period. IRBs are federally required committees that review and approve experiments with humans at hospitals, universities and other institutions. -
Shakspere and the Medical Sciences
THE BRISTOL fll>eMco=Cbiriu*gical Journal. DECEMBER, 1887. , J SHAKSPERE AND THE MEDICAL SCIENCES. ftbe presidential BDfcress at tbe opening, on October I2tb, 1SS7, of tbe Utb Session of tbe JGrlstol /nbcOtco = Cblrnrgleal Society BY L. M. Griffiths, M.R.C.S. Eng., L.R.C.P. Ed. It has almost become a stereotyped plan for the president of a society like ours to introduce into his address, by way of preface, a statement, more or less in detail, that for the fulfilment of the.duties of the office he is much less capable than any of his predecessors. This is probably an out- come of the retiring modesty of the Profession in its individual capacity and of the desire to carry out the apostolic precept of esteeming others better than one's self. If it were absolutely true?and if it were a fact that the welfare of the constitution depended upon the nominal 17 226 MR. L. M. GRIFFITHS president a society which had got to its fourteenth session with a steady deterioration constantly going on would indeed be in a sad state. I shall try to avoid the mistake of offering this customary apology, because to doubt the wisdom of the choice of the members seems to me to cast a slur upon the intelligence of the electing body, and I think it is more becoming, when elected, to enter manfully into the duties of the office and do the best that in one lies. But the choice of the subject of an address involved considerable difficulty. -
Download Thesis
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Religion, Medicine and Confessional Identity in Early Modern England Mann, Sophie Liana Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 26. Sep. 2021 Religion, Medicine and Confessional Identity in Early Modern England by Sophie Liana Mann Department of History, King’s College London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, March 2014 1 Abstract Early modern historians often frame ‘religion’ and ‘medicine’ as distinct categories of experience and conduct. -
The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Medical History, 1995, 39: 197-218 The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries WILLIAM BIRKEN* In England, medicine has always been something of a refuge for individuals whose lives have been dislocated by religious and political strife. This was particularly true in the seventeenth century when changes in Church and State were occurring at a blinding speed. In his book The experience of defeat, Christopher Hill has described the erratic careers of a number of radical clergy and intellectuals who studied and practised medicine in times of dislocation. A list pulled together from Hill's book would include: John Pordage, Samuel Pordage, Henry Stubbe, John Webster, John Rogers, Abiezer Coppe, William Walwyn and Marchamont Nedham.1 Medicine as a practical option for a lost career, or to supplement and subsidize uncertain careers, can also be found among Royalists and Anglicans when their lives were similarly disrupted during the Interregnum. Among these were the brilliant Vaughan twins, Thomas, the Hermetic philosopher, and Henry, the metaphysical poet and clergyman; the poet, Abraham Cowley; and the mercurial Nedham, who was dislocated both as a republican and as a royalist. The Anglicans Ralph Bathurst and Mathew Robinson were forced to abandon temporarily their clerical careers for medicine, only to return to the Church when times were more propitious. In the middle of the eighteenth century the political and religious disabilities of non-juring Anglicanism were still potent enough to impel Sir Richard Jebb to a successful medical career. But by and large the greatest impact on medicine came from the much larger group of the displaced, the English Dissenters, whose combination of religion and medicine were nothing short of remarkable. -
George Abbot 1562-1633 Archbishop of Canterbury
English Book Owners in the Seventeenth Century: A Work in Progress Listing How much do we really know about patterns and impacts of book ownership in Britain in the seventeenth century? How well equipped are we to answer questions such as the following?: • What was a typical private library, in terms of size and content, in the seventeenth century? • How does the answer to that question vary according to occupation, social status, etc? • How does the answer vary over time? – how different are ownership patterns in the middle of the century from those of the beginning, and how different are they again at the end? Having sound answers to these questions will contribute significantly to our understanding of print culture and the history of the book more widely during this period. Our current state of knowledge is both imperfect, and fragmented. There is no directory or comprehensive reference source on seventeenth-century British book owners, although there are numerous studies of individual collectors. There are well-known names who are regularly cited in this context – Cotton, Dering, Pepys – and accepted wisdom as to collections which were particularly interesting or outstanding, but there is much in this area that deserves to be challenged. Private Libraries in Renaissance England and Books in Cambridge Inventories have developed a more comprehensive approach to a particular (academic) kind of owner, but they are largely focused on the sixteenth century. Sears Jayne, Library Catalogues of the English Renaissance, extends coverage to 1640, based on book lists found in a variety of manuscript sources. Evidence of book ownership in this period is manifested in a variety of ways, which need to be brought together if we are to develop that fuller picture. -
An Oration Possession of a Very Good Library
MAY 15, 1920. the new books on science as they appeared, but even the ’new editions. He must, indeed, have been in An Oration possession of a very good library. ON There is no doubt that he prescribed for and treated his parishioners of the humbler ranks, although there THE REV. JOHN WARD AND MEDICINE. was an apothecary and at least one physician living in Stratford his He considered it a the Annual Oration the Medical during incumbency. Being of Society of of his parochial duty and the services he rendered London, delivered on May 10th, 1920, part were gratuitous. Such treatment of the poor by the BY SIR D’ARCY POWER, K.B.E., F.R.C.S. ENG., parson of the parish does not seem to have been F.S.A., unusual, for he says :- SURGEON AND LECTURER ON SURGERY, ST. BARTHOLOMEW’SHOSPITAL. " Watson, Parson of Sutton Coldfield in Staffordshire hath an extraordinarie way of cureing dropsies by ye help of pills and a dyet-drink. Hee hath likewise a kind of Unguent made, as I MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,-In a previous suppose, of Tarre and ye basting of a shoulder of mutton and of I some account of the Rev. John soot (as they tell mee) or some such thing and this cures any sore address gave Ward, " A.M., vicar of Stratford-on-Avon, whose commonplace presently." This was a crude form of Picis. books have long been amongst our treasured possessions. clearly Unguentum From time to he did a little minor I propose to-day to consider his medical knowledge- time, too, surgery, and he has a a .as he reveals himself to us-in somewhat greater detail. -
Annotated Bibliography of the Works of Walter Charleton1
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WORKS OF WALTER CHARLETON1 Published works Chorea Gigantum, or, The Most Famous Antiquity of Great-Britan [sic], Vulgarly called Stone-Heng, Standing on Salisbury Plain, Restored to the Danes, London, Printed for Henry Herringman, 1663. The Most Notable Antiquity of Great-Britain, Vulgarly called Stone-Heng, on Salisbury Plain, Restored, by Inigo Jones . to which are added Chorea Gigantum and Mr Webb’s Vindication, London, Printed for D. Browne Junior, and J. Woodman and D. Lyon, 1725. A facsimile edition of the 1725 edition has been produced, introduced by Stuart Piggot, Farnborough, Gregg, 1971. Charleton dedicated Chorea ‘to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty’, and referred to the monarch’s personal interest in the matter. In July 1663, when the physician presented his observations on Stonehenge to the Society, Aubrey was asked to look into the matter.2 He indicated that the King was quite taken with Charleton’s theory about Stonehenge. Charleton and Aubrey attended the King and the Duke and Duchess of York when they visited the area in 1663.3 Chorea contributed to contemporary debate about the origins of the mon- ument. It criticised Inigo Jones’ The Most Notable Antiquity of Great Britain, vulgarly called Stone-heng, restored, which argued for the Roman origin of the stone monuments. Charleton claimed that Stonehenge was in fact the construction of ancient Danes. This initiated considerable contro- versy, and was ill-received in London. Wood claims Charleton’s text was ‘exploded by most persons when t’was published’. Chorea garnered a severe retaliation from Jones’s son-in-law, John Webb.4 1 The works are organised alphabetically, and are designed to provide a quick reference while read- ing the main body of the book. -
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WELLCOME INSTITUTE FOR THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE 183 Euston Road, London NW1 2BP 22501691489 HUGUENOTS IN THE MEDICAL WORLD Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/b20456918 WELLCOME INSTITUTE FOR THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE 183 Euston Road, London NW1 HUGUENOTS IN THE MEDICAL WORLD AN EXHIBITION 23 September to 18 December 1985 Monday to Friday 9.45 a.m. to 5.15 p.m. WELLCOME COLLECTION Introduction This exhibition has been arranged at the suggestion of the Huguenot Society of London as part of the Huguenot Heritage celebrations commemorating the contribution of the Huguenot refugees to British life. The year 1985 marks the third centenary of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which by removing the right to freedom of worship stimulated a mass migration of the French Protestant community, and is also the centenary of the foundation of the Huguenot Society of London. The Religious Background The term Huguenot, of doubtful etymology, had become established by the 1560s as a popular name for the French Protestants, or, more accurately, Calvinists. In England, however, it has customarily been used in a wider sense as a generic term to cover all Protestant refugees , including those from the Low Countries; this usage has been followed for the purposes of this exhibition. It has seemed reasonable to include refugees who arrived from the 16th century onwards, preceding the main wave of the late 17th century, and to say something about Protestant medical men who never left France, including some who eventually abjured their faith. Protestant emigration from the Low Countries in the late 16th century was in reaction to persecution by the Spanish rulers of the provinces. -
The Social Problem of the English Physician in the Early Seventeenth Century
Medical History, 1987, 31: 201-216. THE SOCIAL PROBLEM OF THE ENGLISH PHYSICIAN IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY by WILLIAM BIRKEN* In a letter of 12 January 1656, John Stuteville wrote the following to Sir Justinian Isham: "In these degenerating times, the gentry had need to close neerer together, and make a banke and bulwarke against that Sea of Democracy which is over running them: and to keep their descents pure and untainted from that mungrill breed, which would faigne mixe with them."' Now Stuteville in this instance was not referring to breeds of either foreigners, Jews, Papists, or even London tradesmen. Rather, he was advising Sir Justinian against the marriage of his daughter to the son of one of the wealthiest and most prominent physicians in England, Dr Lawrence Wright. Later in his letter, Stuteville directed his barbs more specifically against the medical profession: I know a Gentleman related to your Selfe, but a younger Brother and every way farre your inferior, who was offred a very considerable fortune with a wife, beyond either his desert or expectation: yet because it was with a Physitian's daughter, the very thought ofye Blister-pipes did Nauseate his Stomacke. And great is the discourse at this very time about a Norfolk Baronets matching with a Doctor of Divinities daughter in Cambridge, and yet we know Divinitie is the highest, as Physicke is the lowest of Professions.2 Closely related to Stuteville's disdain for medicine were his suspicions about Dr Wright's own social origins. "I do not find", he wrote to Isham: "In your letter or by any relation can I get anything of his originall, and therefore feare he is but 'ex plebe', and allied perhaps to some neare you that may endeavor and further it.