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Les Vérités De Chadli Bendjedid L'ancien Président

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Les Vérités De Chadli Bendjedid L'ancien Président A la une / Contribution Dans une contribution à “LIBERTÉ” Les vérités de Chadli Bendjedid l’ancien président sur la révolution Il n’est pas dans mes habitudes de répondre à ce qui s’écrit sur moi et sur la période de ma gestion des affaires de l’État dans la presse nationale. J’ai sciemment opté pour le silence, non pas pour éviter de dire la vérité, mais en raison du sens de l’honneur d’être un moudjahid et ma perception de responsabilité, en tant qu’homme d’État, m’empêche d’entrer dans des débats autour de questions sensibles qui prennent, fort malheureusement, chez nous, dans la majorité des cas, le caractère d’un débat stérile, du verbiage de bas étage, d’un règlement de comptes et de l’insulte. Ce qui a été publié dans certains quotidiens nationaux comme articles et comptes rendus sur mon intervention à El-Tarf devant mes compagnons d’armes de la base Est et des étudiants du centre universitaire en est la meilleure preuve. Certes, je ne blâme pas les correspondants locaux pour les erreurs qu’ils ont commises dans la transcription des passages de mon intervention, et de les avoir sortis de leur contexte. C’est peut-être dû au fait qu’ils n’étaient pas assez informés sur les faits historiques de la révolution pour la libération. Mais je fus énormément surpris par la violence des attaques contenues dans certains articles sur ma personne et sur la période de gestion des affaires de l’État, donnant l’impression que des ficelles seraient tirées par des parties occultes qui n’ont pas intérêt à ce que Chadli Bendjedid parle. Et pour mettre un terme au débat à travers lequel certains voudraient faire croire que Chadli Bendjedid voudrait brouiller les cartes, ou qu’il voudrait influer sur les convulsions politiques actuelles, ou qu’il se proposerait comme une alternative à ce que certains appellent “la crise”, j’estime qu’il est de mon devoir de préciser les principaux points contenus dans ma longue intervention à El- Tarf, corriger certaines erreurs et remettre les questions soulevées dans leur véritable contexte. La base de l’est Il n’y avait pas d’accord entre les commandants de la zone de Souk-Ahras, malgré les efforts louables entrepris par Amara Boukelaz pour concrétiser l’idée de création de la wilaya de Souk-Ahras sur le plan politique et organique. Les causes de l’échec étaient multiples, dont les divergences de vues sur les questions de la discipline, les critères d’accès aux postes de responsabilité et la guerre de leadership qui était nourrie par des considérations claniques et régionalistes. Cela a coïncidé avec les préparatifs qui étaient en cours, durant le premier semestre de 1956, pour la tenue du premier congrès de la Révolution pour évaluer son parcours et corriger les erreurs et, surtout, la doter d’un programme politique et d’une structure organique qui lui éviterait les dangers de la déviation. L’idée de tenir une rencontre entre les dirigeants de la Révolution était soumise à cette époque. C’est Ben Boulaïd qui en fut l’initiateur, mais sa mort en a voulu autrement. Après les attaques d’août 1955, il a été convenu de tenir la rencontre dans la zone II. Ali Kafi me l’a confirmé récemment. El-Mechrouha, dans les monts de Béni Salah, siège du commandement de Amara Boukelaz, fut choisie pour abriter le congrès, en raison du fait qu’elle est une zone sûre, au relief accidenté et au maquis dense, ce qui empêche l’armée française d’y accéder, mais aussi en raison de sa proximité avec la frontière tunisienne, ce qui permet aux responsables se trouvant à l’étranger d’y prendre part sans prendre de risques. Cependant, l’interruption de la communication en a voulu autrement. Les responsables de la révolution ont préféré tenir le congrès dans le village d’Ifri dans la vallée de la Soummam. Notre délégation au congrès Amara Boukelaz n’a pu se déplacer pour rencontrer les responsables de la révolution, en raison de la situation dangereuse vécue par la région. Il a alors délégué en juin 1956 Hafnaoui Ramdania et Amar Benzouda pour expliquer le point de vue des moudjahidine d’El-Kala et de Souk-Ahras et a envoyé avec eux un rapport détaillé sur la situation politique, militaire et économique dans la région. Il a demandé au congrès de s’abstenir de prendre la moindre décision au sujet de Souk-Ahras et l’envoi d’une délégation pour l’étude de la situation sur place qui a empiré après le blocus imposé par l’armée française depuis le début de 1955 et la multiplication des opérations de ratissage, ainsi que l’anarchie créée par les moudjahidine des Nememchas, après leur retrait vers les monts de Tébessa. Boukelaz a envoyé une seconde délégation pour prendre attache avec la direction de l’étranger et l’a chargée de la même mission. Et, lors du passage de Ramdania et Benzouda par le nord constantinois, ils ont rencontré Tahar Bouderbala et un autre responsable, qui pourrait être Ali Kafi. Lorsqu’ils ont su l’objet de leur mission, ils les ont informés que le congrès s’était tenu et leur ont demandé de leur délivrer les documents qui étaient en leur possession pour les transmettre à la direction de la révolution. Ramdania et Benzouda sont retournés à Souk-Ahras à la fin du mois de juin. Mais nous fûmes surpris de la tenue du congrès au mois d’août dans la vallée de la Soummam sans la participation de la wilaya I après la mort de son chef, Mustapha Ben Boulaïd, et l’absence de la délégation de l’étranger, ainsi que l’exclusion de la région de Souk-Ahras. Nous fûmes également surpris d’apprendre que d’importantes décisions concernant le devenir de la révolution et de la région de Souk-Ahras ont été prises par le congrès. Les congressistes n’ont pu prendre connaissance de notre rapport qui a probablement été caché ou déchiré. Le congrès a maintenu Souk-Ahras sous la coupe de la zone II, devenue wilaya II. Le congrès avait, également, pris des résolutions qui n’avaient pas fait l’objet d’un consensus, notamment la primauté de l’intérieur sur l’extérieur et du politique sur le militaire. Après notre refus des résolutions du congrès de la Soummam, nous fûmes accusés d’être des “perturbateurs”. Cette étiquette nous restera collée longtemps durant. Le comité de coordination et d’exécution (CCE) a refusé de nous fournir la moindre assistance matérielle après la demande introduite par Amar Boukelaz. Un véritable blocus économique nous a été imposé. Les habitants de la région frontalière ont dû fuir en Tunisie et nous fûmes contraints de compter sur nous-mêmes pour approvisionner l’armée en nourriture. Nous avons passé six mois à manger de la souika, qui est un mélange de blé moulu et de caroube malaxé avec de l’eau fourni aux djounoud comme nourriture. Pour sortir de cette crise, le commandement a décidé d’exploiter les matières premières, notamment le lichen. Le commandement a réussi à réunir le matériel nécessaire pour couper le lichen en faisant appel aux moudjahidine qui avaient déjà travaillé dans ce secteur. La production était acheminée, ensuite stockée sur le sol tunisien. Pour être vendue sur les marchés tunisiens. Amara Boukelaz a réussi à vendre la cargaison de deux bateaux de lichen à l’Italie, comme il a contacté le ministre des finances tunisien pour nous exempter d’impôts ; mais le ministre a refusé. Ces revenus nous ont aidés à améliorer notre situation économique. La rencontre avec Ouamrane Après le congrès de la Soummam, Zighoud Youcef a délégué Amar Benaouda pour superviser les frontières et Brahim Mezhoudi pour mettre fin au mécontentement régnant à Tébessa. Mais les émissaires n’ont pas usé du dialogue et de la conviction et ont eu recours à la violence et aux armes pour imposer les résolutions du congrès de la Soummam. Ils ont échoué et sont entrés en Tunisie. Nous avons senti, après le congrès de la Soummam, l’exclusion et l’isolement, et la déception était grande au sein des mouadjahidine. Amara Boukelaz a entrepris une vaste opération de sensibilisation et repris le contact avec les responsables de l’ALN à Souk-Ahras, Sedrata, Khenchela et les Aurès qui ont tenu une rencontre en décembre 1956 et tenté, à nouveau, de créer une wilaya indépendante des wilayas I et II et qui s’appellerait Aïn El-Beïda. Ils rejetaient les résolutions du congrès de la Soummam en raison de la non-représentation de toutes les régions, sa contradiction avec la première trajectoire de la révolution et sa reconnaissance de la primauté du politique sur le militaire et l’omission de mentionner que l’Algérie est arabe et musulmane. En outre, ils ont demandé d’exclure les éléments qui ont continué à travailler en Tunisie, la création d’une commission composée de toutes les régions pour la communication et la coordination et l’extradition de Mezhoudi et de Benaouda de la Tunisie. Ils se sont engagés à transporter les armes aux régions intérieures et ont renouvelé leur confiance en Ali Mahsas, en tant que représentant politique et militaire de l’ALN à l’extérieur. Durant cette période, nous avons contacté Ahmed Ben Bella qui n’avait pas accepté les résolutions du congrès de la Soummam. Il a dépêché Ahmed Mahsas pour prendre attache avec nous, et c’est la première fois que j’en fis connaissance. Nous lui avons expliqué les efforts que nous fournissions en matière d’organisation, de recrutement et d’entraînement avant la création de la base de l’est.
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