CtLRO LE iflfflY LCtDO BPRTN,
3 3027 00653 1754
•_j’ ;.* p IN Voyles COUNTRY MINING Press London A4inneapolis Brynne NAVAJO UBRARY COLORADO URANIUM Minnesota of OF Traci COLLEGE SPRINGS University COLORADO LEGACIES COLORADO
Wasteandng
In
to
hold
both race
Utah,
when
waste
prize:
highly
blasted
human
encour
charac
a
II,
of
uranium
products,
took
with recovered,
1972
real
to
by integral
discovered
new
of was
French
they
States
War
piles
democracy.
the
Mexico,
of othet
were
have
out,
power
of
at
range into
ASSOCIATION
virtually
when
to
United
World
each
a
New
wrecked
vanadium
Company
get
it
Space
recognized
in
to the
THE
a
associations
alloys
was
signifier
turned
atomic
to the
it
arsenal
in
be of
GEOGRAPHERS,
its it
OF
and
during
and
—thrown
claiming
across
alloys
for
Reserve
Arizona,
areas
before
1880s
often
apart,
came
yellow,
Race,
fearsome
innards steel
ANNALS
Ford
fast Vanadium
the
came
a
can long
AMERICAN
known Vanadium,
the
Roosevelt’s
the
Metals
as included—
OF
blasted
bright
and
that
of
environment,
Before
Henry
the
throughout
Miners
barrels. 1
T, was
one
and
the
strengthen
rock
through
marketability
to
President
to
Wastelanding,
gun
bombs,
was
commonly
armaments.
rock
Land formed
DURRENBERGER.
waste.
of
to
imagination
black,
Model
sifting
used
scattered
was
Indians.
war
economically.
mock——uranium
Plateau
nuclear
red,
for
Indians:
composite
parts
Ford
was
for
vanadium’s
public
while
a
the
technology,
of
carnotite mines
—ROBERT
for
and
of
the
to
ingredient of
niantuin
considered
ecepr
uses
government
which
of
developed
mining
Colorado
peak
rest-
be
power
streaks
Except
American
carnotite,
before
automobile
empty
to
The Sacrificial
INTRODUCTION
the
mostly
The
Colorado,
vanadium
federal metal
design
the
and
the age and
sought-after the
vanadium, vanadium’s
the
from car. 2
apart
relationships
of teristic
nuclear was
Long Empty 2 Uranium were materials these
popular to
hard character market Wetherill to activity Uranium tains, an
held was The on Navajo radioactive source of the Alamos the
Most reservation a Vanadium much Only the Mountains)1 ditional per its 1945,
process
be
strengthen
That
Mostly,
vanadium Arizonan
By
an
exploratory
secret government
Manhattan
site charged year,
pressed
manufactured
mines a
sent
mining
15 of
atomic 1945,
an
of
secret
of
was for
reservation.
Fiestaware
Secret
changed
of
that
489
hauled
percent Company, oxide estimated (more
that
it to
to Manhattan
the
which
though,
John
Corporation was
radium
enough
and secreted
discovered,
when
France
to
make
named
with
tonnage, both tons
program. meeting to
steel AEC
was
Monument
Disclosed
find
glazes salvaged drilling Project commonly
had
some
the pulled
Wade’s
of forever
it
newspaper the
of both
vanadium
it
alloys
44,000 the
dishes.
“continue[d] With
a
and
hit to
for
was
which the
John
most acquired
from
use ore)2
Project, a
development uranium-bearing
to however, render
were
uranium
What commercial
its
Marie expensive sought from
on
ore a sold
of Carriso
by
aware,
that, for
for
on
deputize
white but
Wade
Valley
sought-after
Uranium,
pre—World
pounds
had
the
the
America
called
Despite
Truman:
INTRODUCTION
had
uranium
responsible use
October everywhere
vanadium
like
and
came
roughly
headlines
uranium it
was Curie’s
domestic
Colorado vanadium
forty
“unsteady
had trader
was was
in
come the
Uranium
mines,
to
that
and
uranium.6
tailings).
of
much the glazes
to
these
product.”4 of
receive
been (VCA)
Atomic vanadium like
tossed. claims
uranium operating
that
radiological
fraught
of
be 10,000 9,
War
from
an went
to
Army
ore
carnotite
blared
tailings
also supplies
the
1941, vanadium, known for
from
Plateau too
the for sources,
shipped atomic
was
mines
Company
as
II
of Sometimes
East
most
in
from Santa
the
Bombs
run
the
dishes
Navajo
with tons Corps a costly.
peak
were
the
“of declarations
the Woolworth’s
In
when
a
reeling
mines
piles.1°
continental
as
Reservation of
ore
on by
orange-red
to being bomb, company
of
Fe
a twentieth in and
experiments.5 1917, of
eastern
potential
uranium the
secretly
and
sufficiently and Dropped VCA,
could
a
and
to
its of
from Manufacturers
New claims fissionable
Nation
President
rate
despite in
the Manhattan drunk”:
a Flagstaff,
Between
Engineers
uranium
glassware,
uranium’s
using
waste when
near
and
provided Mexican—”Los
foreign have
Carrizo
of
uranium
that
recovered
called
security
in
United
from
to
century.
color
Lease named
on
200,000
around
stepping
the
an
the
by-product
Tiffany’s.3
the
distinctive
been
unmasked
Roosevelt uranium.7
uranium.8
Japan”—
1943 By
Arizona,
from
the
element
sources, Carriso
to
Navajo Moun
Carrizo Project
of global which
radio
area—
States,
an
1920, risks.9
from
were John
used
from
only take
the
and
feet the
ad
the
up INTRODUCTION 3
Belgian Congo and Canada.” “Our own country,” the commission con ceded in 1949,“has1producedlittle uranium.”14 Half a century later, l)iné land hosts upward of 2,000 now-abandoned uranium mines, mills, and tailings piles, in which over 3,000 Navajo miners wrenched and blasted raw uranium ore from the ground and then pro cessed it into yellowcake. Abandoned mines sit open, poorly covered, or insufficiently 15marked. Radioactive tailings piles litter the Navajo land scape, leaching radon gas into the air and water and scattering radioactive debris throughout the ecosystem.’ In addition to being radioactive, these piles are littered with 6other toxic contaminants, including arsenic, vana dium, and manganese. The combined environmental contamination of mines,mills, and tailings piles has caused dramatic problems for the water quality of a landscape where water is already in short supply. Expensive water pipelines have yet to he built to serve the estimated .3()percent of l)iné people who live near and use unregulated water sources, many of which are contaminated with uranium or arsenic.’ Homes have been built out of debris from mines, including chunks7 of rock blasted into neatly squared-off blocks, often at the encouragement of mine operators. These “hot homes”were occupied by multiple generations of familiesbefore some one thought to test them for radiation.’ rhe U.S.Environmental Protec tion Agency (EPA)has identified8 iiearly 800 structures and residential areas contaminated with uranium; fewer than forty of the structures had been demolished as of 2014, and only seventeen o those demolished had been rebuilt.’ Whereas most of the mines were closed by the mid-1980s, 9 profitable, a rise in uranium prices has Ledto when uranium was no longer a new ura ilium boom since 2005. The Navajo Nation, still grappling with environmental and human health disasters from its first three decades of experience with the uranium industry, responded by passing the Dine Natural Resources Protection Act (DNRPA)in 200, which placed a mora torium on new mines in Navajo country. Companies seeking permits to mine in the titanium,rich eastern borderlands of the reservation have de imiedthat the land in question can be considered “Indian Country” despite being overwhclttiingly populated by Navajos and being formally repre sented iii the Navajo Nation government.° Although there was ample evidence by the 1950s of the deadly nature of uranium mining, particularly because of the risk of lung caner, miners were not imiformrd(If these health risks, nor were they provided adequate protection front them. I-Ughdeath rates among miners in the uranium rich Frz Mountains on the bordet of Germanyand the CzechRepublicwere re ported as early as the mriid—1500s,As the 1LS,[‘,.tblic1lenlth Service itself
reported ut I)S?, “it has been kuown for centuries that the [Erzl miners 4 die these nineteenth
rate the poisoning niuin elevated
including lead uranium uted Dine, perts Miners found average, stomach 200
prostate bladder of former uranium demic the former cancer called
contaminated uranium can further
tween are taminated Study
ore
Clearly,
in Rates
tuberculosis,
deadly
of
When
inside
times to to yet
change
high
bodies, mining the
as
a
up
astronomical
to
Navajo
seeks high changes congenital population miners
fifteen contracted
miners
being lung
expanding or unknown.29
cancer and districts. of
cancer, ptime
silicosis, to
many
once
in
from
death has
nature
more
uranium century
of
pancreas,27
parts lung
70
19:34.23 the
death
process,
it
to cancer
had
a genotoxic
“immune”
times
and
released
poses
neuropathy of to percent,
parts water
mines were measure l)rosis,
mine. rates, likely
genetic in
and
cancer of
of
an
tuberculosis, lift;
he
rates
defects mine their
on, lung described
uranium’s radiation
remains
rates the
rates By
the
average
While of 82
sure over had little
and
with
to
Dine
during and
Nor uranium
1952,
material its the
Navajo silicosis,
families: times cancer and for largely national
and get safety outcomes
to
of arnolig
been by
hut
and
60
threat impacts symptoms
Navajo mills.
INTRoDucuON has children studies were miners.24
cancer liver lung
encased
respiratory
mutagenic the
exposure, as
life
the radon,
influence
percent pregnancy.28
also
pneumonia,
uranium singled
for at
been recently due Nation.3°
of and wa’s
1930s researchers
expetancy cancer, miners,
cancers
cancer.25 national average,
to Radiation-related
rate
for
those
Nation, workers deaths
a have have
to
human
have a
in birth
chronically
identified
closely
These
of
more
1,500 radioactive
out
Marie En, lung
carnotite on 5
effects;
almost as damaged
exposure, disease
been long of although
the
average.
a among-former defects, and
By
future miners times as
the
claiming and
Navajos
Studies or
rate discoveries, cancer22
health also
likely
Dine linked of only
Curie
the
the
suggested
catastrophic.
a
1950s for
50 as
that only
emphysema,
have
fatal exposed found of
higher
rock
primary
populations
mid-1980s,
experienced
health lungs.”22 all gas newborns the
other
Miners titnes
to the
a
or herself
testicular to
have the diseases is,
who 46
Navajo linked
by skyrocketed have Further
neurological released
primary
and to
ingesting people
uranium increased
health
than- years.26 however, health more
a public
problems
uranium
the
population,
would
also culprit
were
relationship died
in
cancers Front
to
Moreover,
also
in
Birth are environment. th
underground
and
researchers in a suggesting likely
exposure living
in and
found culprit of highly problems,
health
more
mortality
Rit
poisoning
ways uranium—
never incidents the contrib
national now in the
radium did
miners.
ovarian
for
among
lies Cohort disease
of
these
to
near ura
late than
not even
that con the ex
that
the
fot
get in en
one see
be
of to INTRODUCTION 5
.1 art t,piIti t, o rated b aorr drilling, WC) prdt thr ch tariatic pat. tern sean in phet. at tight Corec moved Sr. Sssyed te 4ctermitte urs*iua content at triaut le,els.
FIGURE . The aerialphotographat the top right showsthe patterns created on the landscapeas coredrillingholespockmarkpotentialminesites.The ore samplesremovedfromtheseholeswere then testedto determinetheir uranium content.The imageat the bottomleft showsa coredrillingcrewhard at work. AlbuquerqueNationalBank,Albuquerque Progress, 22, no. 5 (May 1955). CourtesyofThe AlbuquerqueMuseumPhotoarchives—AlbuquerqueProgress Collection.
of the most probleniatic components of the struggle for justice over nude arism has been that, except in extreme circumstances, the iii effects of ra diation exposure take temi,fifteen, sometimes twenty years, and sometimes multiple generations, to manifest. This makes uranium mining in Dine Bikéyah a kind of “slow violence” or “delayed destruction” that emerges over 3time. In uranium country, which, like so many mining industries, is governed’ by the rule (or lack of rules) of boom and bust, this has meant that by the time many miners got sick, the companies that eniployed them were long gone. Now, tile responsibility for cleaimingup mine and mill sites 6
has
mines, taniinate’d: and Na
in jiortli; across
operating doned uranium sidered
decades mining
Nation so cut color ronniental
ied: that Louisiana; in munities; not as
celerating ing globally and
geted
munities, than women
vironmental members.
clothes. the vironment,”
the
vajo
The
disproportionately
and
a
beu
Feminist
case
Crownp
environmental
be financial
to
economically
social share
southwestern
are
ih the and
men.37 mine
for
Nat
state
near and by found
name as
seeking
of market
are
taken
By
and
on
disproportionately
(huska
Navajo
and environmental
a enviromnental
industrialism, tlit the federal
Women
the harm.14 ion fence environniental
movement
sites
the
virtue
result
most
scholars African
the
of
jitit,
and not
moreover
Women
resources: just
for area eastein
overwhelming the
that
on
envirunniental
environmental
hit
recognition Navajo
is
lines
New as
care
rniles.- likely and
Mountains
agencies,
a “food of
marginalized by only of
problems—polluted
stirinnuding a are
Examples
cornet host
few, essentialized
American,
precipitous
hasten
the
this
borderlands,
muted federal
responsibilities with and
occupy 1w
also
s4e
recently
to that
Nation
the
and
they
uranium
deserts”
there
problems degradation.36
close
N
The
racism,
live of
as
often
Navajo ten; to
historically
highest
of
N these
so
the on
exposed tendency
of
and
a
EPAs
haul
[I3ODUCFION
add
ijit
the in and basic the
health
contact,
are
on—are field were
Latino,
underway.32
decline communities the ( environmental
and
Navajo
poverty,
most
Mother
in
ove,
Red Natii
industry, which marginalized
that very
socially
human water, the near
tend have
cuncetit families
area
inner
of
premise
shuttered,
near
for
impacts
to
Valley.
Arizona,
of
likely
even
air, petrochemical m academic
real in
women
African Asian
disproportionately
the
to
prioritized
occurs
Nation; sil or
children toxic
to
Earth the usd1
grow Native
cities,
water,
health
constructed
rwunding
and be
connections
ci
deliberately
within
and
experience
Before
it
to
behind
Southwest Now,
)mnlunities
both
American,
with toll
waste borne
lifesaving
racism
be
can
where
the communities
American Of
whenever
and but
where the
soil,
inquiry Monument
land,
and
problems
of
in
in
these
three
cleanup The
which
fact
the
be
Navajo
rather
environmental
abandoned
cook facilities
close differently
the
changing
elderly Cameron,
mines processing
are
seen
makes
six
fresh most
hunger,
role
that
and
marginalized between targeted
United decades
and
of
cleanup is
diverse
communities
communities
they
contact
food,
horn regions
as
that
was
as
Chure
in
the
Nation
uranium are
of
Valley produce heavily
or
are
to Native
occupants
this
“the
the
climate,
and
lived.
last
caretakers;
our sick by even by be States
scattered
uranium
Arizona,
and
uranium after often
for of
and facilities
h
Navajo
with a
located racially of
first
women
to
mines in
justice aban Rock
grow spent
clear-
family
con
envi
com
con
com
wash
can WaS the
var the
the
hear
and
tar
ac
en
of en
in
of INTRODUCTION 7 sociallyconstructedroles in the home and familythat often place them in a unique relationshipto environmental38ills. Women’sexposure to toxins in the domestic sphere, moreover, illustrates the unbounded ways in which toxins move between industry and home. In the case of uranium mining, women wereexposedto radioactiveand chemicaltoxinsfrom the minesand millswhenworkers camehomewearingcontaminated clothes.Womenalso worked in the mines,livedin hot homes built with radioactivetailings,and bore severeeconomic hardship when their husbands were hospitalizedand later died of radiation-related diseases.I’he widows of uranium workers becamethe first and often most effectiveactivistsagainst mining when the adversehealth effectsof the industry beganto take shape,reflectinga larger pattern in environmentaljusticeorganizingin whichwomen oftenmake up the majority of participants in environmentaljustice39struggle. Although scholars of environmental justice studies most often focus on contemporary (post-I92) examples of environmental 40injustice, Native Americansare c1uick to note that the tendency of those in power to exert their power by manipulating resourcesand degradingthe natural environ ment issomethingwith whichcolonizedpeopleare all too familiar;in fact, “the Lnostworkable (late for the founding of the Native [environmental justice]movement . . . is 1492.fl41 This closerelationship between environ mental justiceand Native Americansderives from the similarlyclose rela tionship between environmental racism and settler colonialism. Settler colonialism is a distinct form of colonial power, with a very particular relationship to resources and land.Whereas we might think of colonialism as rending to bemainlyinvestedin the extraction of resources—labo goods, or raw materials—forthe benefitof a metropole,or colonizinghome coun try, settler colonialism adds a layer of comnplexityit is a form of colonial power that involvesthe settlermakinga homein a land that is alreadyhome to indigenous peoples.To quote Deborah Bird Rose, indigenous peoples “got in the way” of settler colonialism “just by staying at home,” because home is preciselywhat the settler colonial state seeks to occupy and re 42nmake. Remaking Native land as settler home involvesthe exploitation of environmental resources, to be sure, hut it also involves a deeply com plex construction of that land as either always already belonging to the settler——hismanifestdesriny-—--’oras undesirable,unproductive,or unappeal ing: in short, as wasteland. No one driving clown the curvy switchhacks of Narbona Pasc would be particularly inclined to think of Navajo country as wasteland—-or even desert. Carving through the verdant Chuska Mountains just 0mmthe New Mexico side of the New Mexico-Arirona state line,Narbona Pass linksthe towns of Crystal. on the east side of the Chuskas, with SheepSpolirigs,on the 8 the and
heart full standing underlying foresting, have complex in or
near
empirical borrow create formed.
called tive mission
indigenous disappearing” cupied tions
favor of tions book
humans, cause gues
explore rendered al is
of as deterritorialization.48 tal
settler
claim
In
west.
air a Narbona
difference
threatening,
display.43
peridot
this
Environmental
problems
industrialism
been current
Dine of
that
this
and
that
is of
a
is
“the
they
and
Dine
When representational from
marginalization—”barren” The
sharp the
that (AEC) relationships
a
an discourses
image
global
objects.45
animals,
realities, contending.44
book, deserts
pollutable
produce
history
Bikéyah conditions
inhabitants green.
claimed scenic
are
mapping interpellation
Pass, in Chuskas
it
forest as The
geographer
in
prospectors,
and
in
the
is
marginal, understood
identified
climate “wasteland.”
the of
I
are
the
was “empty
The
argue
with rich
topsoil ceased
of
air,
sociologists cool
American Notions
Dine
starkly
context resources, that
by
demonstrates
through
targeted
of face
contested
here
naturalized
of
water,
of
air
woodlands
tribes,
of
its
The
even Navajo change,
that
the criterion construct
to BikCyah
and—revealing drought,
Gillian the except
is the
of of
of
shimmering mining
are
urgent
INTRODUCTION as of of he
thick realities Dine
Navajo settler America’s
in
and
the
The land
discourses
environmental for with
Four
Navajo
contemporary and a
have worthless
an
the
land
representations
and
rich
for
environmentally Rose,
history
earth. empirical to
by as wasteland
with
companies,
material
were
as this how
its of
Narbona
water
summer
Corners colonialism’s outlined
invasive their indigenous
Indians.” palette of and, which
places country
the
own austere
country
the
greens land
environmental
forms
vast placed
Following
landscapes
of
the in
of
by
environment, shortage, pass
unique
piney
conditions race,
ideas object—the
a
the months. of predisposed
as
the
energy extension,
area discourse, distinctly
Pass
species)
industrialism
imagination
writ
and
Euro-American
of
desert
and
as
under mauve
speak
unqualified
to ways
uranium
of
gender,
representation
about smell
“uninhabited”
advance.47
the
as puts
destructive
large
sets the
crisp
landscapes,
Valerie
and
storehouse,”46
of
what The
erasure
Atomic with
country neither
in
and
landscape
gendered
conditions,
with
of
these
of
other
as
material
the
extraction
are
which
as
class,
air,
tree
Chuskas to
ecological
industry
evergreens,
Kuletz
that burgundy,
which
wasteland.
one
Kuletz,
(the
land desert
made
high
is
what
resources The to
kinds
Energy
death to
industries
worldview,
andlor
forgotten
environmen nor
newspaper
sees
post—World
representa
he
framework
wasteland
conditions
as have the
itself,
stakes
framed the
invisible
land,
country
and
she “always
are
on who
of well
are,
extrac to
deserts
condi (from
long
Com
Dine
sage
been
sexu lands and
This
and
the the
calls and
the
on
oc
be for
to
as ar
in
it,
I
a
in
is
9
be
on
for
an—
and
en
can
The
Na
and
dev
have
This
pro
after
it
terms
those
beach only
of
which
can
piles
energy
spaces
on
state. 50 signifier
of
and
has
in
material
day
environ
in treadmill
put
(uranium,
reliant
extracted
discursive
not
Lakes,
the
modernity,
a
indigenous
component
that
of
of
the
demand aesthetically
“Somewhere
which
is
To
way production
least
somewhere—
the environmental
The
tailings
For
spatial
of
the
and
it
products,
production
by
pollutable. 56
of find
Bahamian
a
Great
hours
of
injustice
the go
their
racialized
the
treadmill
pollutable. 51
it
of
sunshine)
for
that
degradation
materials
on
a
noted,
constituted
of
Patterns
as
way
the
and
out
dumping
Thus,
in that
place.” 54
and
and
increasingly
the
must
argued,
of
fact
raw
progress
been benefit
phenomenon
Mesa
inhabit
treadmill
and
radioactive
protection
underexplored
racial
are
feature
the
Orange
Americans
phenomena.
made
has
treadmill
wind
materials
a
disproportionately
marked
primary
has
twenty-four
dumped.
waste
the
is
that
by
shores
corollary. 55
exponentially. 49
is
delicate
find
a
often
and
through
Black
that
the
energy’s
environmental
are
America. 37
colonial
Agent
worthless,
imbricated
been
the
we
of
toxic of key
lights
inherent
very
and
energy—a
of
of
materials
which
often
bodies
a
resources
understanding
lands
are
has
regulatory
people
Here,
an
on
become
near
constituted
privilege
South
and
Blackhawk
and
this
while
to
territorial
the
is
no
raw
civilization
increasingly,
between
increasingly
the
cheap
of
been
resident
of
has complicated barrels
pollution
“wasteland”
its
of is as
marginal,
symbol
built
which which
and
through Ned
is
INTRODUCTION by
mines
is
Native
extraction
and,
markets,
have
and has
and
race
The
Dine
just
mutually
contrary,
injustice. 53 relegated
the
being
waste
space
from
leaking
contemporarily—raw
modernity”)
inequality
States,
as
waste
with
while
a
waste
wastelanding.
somewhere,
that one
wate;
as
conditioning
ultimate
copper
“other”
the
way,
argue,
people
rainforests
imbalance
ignored
only
environmental
relationality
extraction
find
historian
us
as
I
racism.
to
laid
air
“late
toxic)
laid
the
the
gas,
energy
us,
seen
or
environment
the
the
lands as
from
this
not
United
extraction
tell
is
of
is
also
life;
operates
as
process
development
be is
privilege
an
to
in
In
if,
land
quite
land
resources, 52
of
strong
which
the
rendering
we
(often
expanding
from
from
a
of
and
come
pain
in this
savagery,
in
“wastelands”
natural
of
environmental
Native
racism
period
electricity,
way:
are
in
mines
clearly
oil,
renders
call
II
land
desert,
away
where
must
dioxin-releasing
wasteland
I
Wastelanding,
environmental
economic
strip
es,
distasteful;
degradation
the
that
of
problem
indigenous
body
other
far contributed
cheap
shorthanded quite
tive
industry astated
indigenous of
coal,
vironmental
produces
process
constituted. through
industrialism the
all,
landscapes
Because
excluded
and mental
duction, requires
waste War matter deserts 10 velously
not waste
ies are land has and
lands them,
according industries. of it.’ ed rifice” industrial parlance,
tion taken-for-granted natural ing which real, of carceration, cruement, verse, by make are tialized Pred and moved Wastelanding constituted By Hudson’s just primary abracadabra, are “
spaces, been
how
racism disrourse”
real,
of the
and are
connected of a “wastelands” and
material, This made
look landscapes
abundant zones. space. puts “feat
is clear
by and
material environmental a deployed
or valueless,
from through a reification:
these to the F{ydroelectric
including modernity Euro-Amerwan
one very
environmental social
(threats of and on
it, comrrion to sic]
the ot the
This
subsequent through under acting
As
opportunity-yielding through of deserts seem
to lived—what
ontological two pollution through so
hocus-pocus, takes connections
National
Bay construction
consequences of these
sacrificial segregation
explore hook., in on), pollutable.
or
categories
(rut and
jungle-scapes forms on those
uninhabited and first,
uninhabitable multiple sense,
to valuable two
racial as
“feat[sl ideas
racism, those
racism rather
acts a
dams therelort, continue
wastelands results uncompensated devastation
social a
Audubon
of primary how protection60). of
NT
clistate
and magic,”
culturally
might about lands, between anict of
constructions.
the
wastelanding simsalabim—concretized.”6’ and
ROUUC;T
made of
contexts, Wasrelanding in a of only can
“The
second, of violence, this
construction
condrtion in
difference,
spatial uranium ontological James or
unequal
to can
environmental argues
the otherwise the he
social, forms: these
the for fur for material convergenLe unimportantly Society,
socially grow but
race
of
agreed-upon theorized
value
common
much the
“idea-logics Bay, what onte ON dusty
includiTig Politics those
Patterns that foreshortened
that landscapes
economic, and
labor, distribution industry the
in 9 process and
can
of which “‘make Canada,
by magic,” to Wastelanding builds barred of can be of which
wastelands colonial
aiid wastelanding. assumption very environments
the be make difference be
the designation at that
only
inequalities
of be
destruction
of nondesert of termed
multiple seen
embodied we
inhabited, logic on lua(cs environs wildlife
of on discourse even James mined and become
wherein rendcr environmental materializing,
for of discursive.
profits.
epistemologies of Dine cultural then
Kuletz’s
life as
extraction political that instance, resources.
of the
that
social
reifies—it Wastelanding that just
Bay that from
expectancy, scales. dependent understand of certain laud, Race many
locationally are by racialized in landscapes, consequences most derives
In
(or, represented
becomes and
wasteland
so racism nonwhite
and
polluting tenders manifested wealth
“waste construc scholarly Like
beneath
networks.”
and as in would, much
kinds of
space mar
As
hod
allow some makes
racism the “sac
mak from do
race, space Allan
are—
on
lands
spa
ac in as
in
is
re
as
a INTRODUCTION 11 worthless,and then—”abracadabra,hocus-pocus”—systematicallystripped of their material and ideologicalworth. Nuclearism makes a fitting site to study wastelanding because it is so clearly a multiscalar problem. Radiation is spatially inultiscalar, with im pacts that can he measured at the bodily,the ecosystemic,or the planetary level;it holds potential to change our verycellsor affectthe ways in which organs change over time. its effects can be traced from the subatomic to the ecosystenucand everythingin between (from cellsand organs to sheep and corn). It can be as unimaginablysmall as the split nucleus or as night marishly large as the mushroom cloud. Likewise,nuclearismnis temporally multiscalar:its impacts rangefrom the moment an explosion initiates a nu clear chain reaction, to the tedious process of a miner chipping away at an ore body, to the limits of the human temporal imagination (uranium 238, for example, uranium’smost common isotope and the one that is used to produceplutonium,has a half-lifeof 4.46 billionyears).Nuclearism’sdead liriesscan manifestin the immediacyand violence of acute radiation expo sure or, more commonly,in the slow growth of tumors in lungs and genetic mutations passed down through generations. And because its effects are not always felt immediately,because the causal relationship of radiation to health outcome is a moving and precarious target, and because is it impossible to see, feel, or taste your exposure to radiation, nuclearisin triggers human anxiety to an almost incomparable extent. Nuclearism’s af fective mnultiscalarity has produced gut -wrenching fear in communities downwind of nuclear test shots, defiant rage in envirommnientalactivists, and apocalyptic bravado in the culprits behind the Cold War’s mad doctrine of mutually assured destruction. These mnultiscalarnatures of nuclearism-— environmental, spatial, temporal, and affective—make it a particularly apt site for exploring wastelanclingas a racial and spatial process of signification that makes extreme environmental degradation possible, Wastelanding, too, is multiscalar: in uranium country, destroying the environment through uranium mining does not just mean destroying the nonhuman world and ecosystems.It means to wasteland, to render pollut able, the lungs,the cells,and the respiratory tracts of everyoneinvolved in the nuclear cycle.It also means to wasteland Navajo worldviews, episte mnology,history, and cultural arid religious j)ractices.In order for uranium mining to OCCILI on the level it did (and still does), indigenous ways of knowing landscapes and their worth must he themselves rendered poi lutable, marginal, unimportant. To borrow from poet Adrienne Rich, 62 are in wastelanding----renderingan environment pollutable in ways that both ideational arid material —‘Thewords are purposes. I The words are 6maps” Tha 12 western On open-mouthed thirty
belt uranium in, tive face Indian up
I vajo (more spread most sent to
the tion. tion, more
roads located the raked lars. national was gas
prices editorials
were with major
air, ment
could
The
view to July
Thirty
Words
This visible
of space dusty
price earth, my
country),
station
miles no of
where Filling a
Global
politically the abandoned inscriptions
Black Route
to Valley in out
coal
corner on
access leering 4,
the
not this in dog
exception. ore
part
record
fill
corporate radioactive
miles
2008, for
gas of Are water,
remote from
the that on
away
quarter
conveyor
out Mesa, coal see in people lurching
water a
cleared 41,
political—economic
were
of my a
point station of Dine. were
Porposes tank
at
tower
the had
later,
tank
Highway
of profits, but
I
Dine animals, Peabody charged from the
mining
passenger
after the
pulled
parts
of Tsé
stretching
continental
among That tanks,
tank
a
regularly
with the
to
capitalism
knew Navajo
trees.
central, I of resource onto
200-yard
guts
on
that
Bikéyah stretched
where
coasted
the bii’nidzisgai
the
of
and headquarters
gas
of
into summer
monolith. the
and
gas,
activity The
Coal
160—a get climax the
of
the
western the presides was
Four gas
INTRODUCTION
seat.
a
shot
Nation,
the to east I
driving human the drive
country. Wast&and groceries, barrel
during
floorboards
had
extraction
first
into
I is
Company
United
occupied the section
there
forbiddingly
had
mines
miles
Making
town
of not up
forces the than
side
highway,
stopped
mesa’s
to reservation’s large
Kayenta (Monument
over the
of
population. left on
to
focLis:
Navajo this
just
of
from
be
During of
to
usual, oil States, of exposed
of uranium
almost
an
visit
the
of seeking
pickups
the exploited as
a an on Access 160.
the
Kayenta,
home particular horizon
cost
the in
empty
sudden on
resource not the the
coal
iontag
on
the elephantine
the town’s
family,
Times
especially across
west,
the
and To Black the
an
incapacitating
$5 incidentally,
fumes crinkled
nakedly
Valley)
to
The
boom a built
uranium Road, back
mining
gas long summer the
unprecedented
side
in
better
a
this turn
coal Arizona,
in
at
was
the single the
mines summer, or Mesa gallon;
extraction
Sg&fler
tank.
west, enviromnent
the
of
to the
of
and distances
and
particular
and attend up
in
mines
oddly
highway, to
full topographic angle my operation,
fill
presence the
early mine
intersections
months
the
in a
left I major the coal
Haulage it
usher
up Jeep, built
was
oil in of dirt
road
nearby
cut was
effects
linear Navajo from unreclaimed,
hut to surrounding
the
articles my years sites,
companies
conveyor and
over road less
$145
to
livestock into I intersec tourists
to 7-Eleven angling of
an
in is north
tank wasted of
which
which usher
nega Monu Road
gape
than
2008, trans which of also
of every map
hard even
Na that
Na the
dol
and
gas of
the
at
a
in
of
of
at
the
to
out
13
en thus
op
and
into
con
high-
land
office
their
Colo
haul Here,
name.
940s,
when
Moab
famil
Valley
clearly
miners
water,
1
arrived
famous
of
country,
how
an
any
its
In
legacy
mines
so
Colorado
symptom
Os)
rock
the
existence,
stark worked
arrived
after
reaches
juxtaposed,
the
yellowcake
laborers—
named
of
of
on
Utah.
a
at
the
the
striking
mine
mapped and
of of
the
195 most
racks
ore
Uravan,
and
uranium
dangerous
in
presumably,
well-developed
uranium
polluted
of
farm
years
sign on
the
out
closely
and
industry.
all
Monument
mural
nowhere
and Main,”
as
posed
gazed
western
workers
Moab, hosts
Now,
were
jobs before—a
the
I
course
most
so
of
equally
of
heavy
take
N.
and
landscape 64 —I
advantage
shafts,
the
in
non-Native
the of famous
the thriving,
Dine
11
Shop
transform on. 66
since
there
in
differently,
largest
town:
sit
season
blasted
a
prefer
where non-Native
unchanged,
perhaps
940s
uranium
of
towns,
Junction
to
so
mine
I
to
these
of
California
taking had
Over most
Bike
the
roadways
left
been
traffic
personal
the
graffiti-style
it
in
to
were
geography were
booms,
day
towns
and Offices,
desert
of
(the
some
milling
the
antiquelooking
Valley,
a
the
Grand
summer and
three-quarters
had
sheen
new
the
own
tended
with
I
home. different
than
an
both
illustrated
postcard-ready
and
landscapes
the
1960s
some
uncovered
to
Bikéyah, Utah;
the
Uranium
days.
Valley
my
total,
behind
that
hours
among
very
of frenzy
uranium
decades
of
this
to
on
venturing
Moab:
that
sustain
more
In
differently
the
“Uranium
but
history
Street,
or
close
Dine
left
to
Navajos
changed
town
two
milling
Monument years,
Kayenta:
INTRODUCTION
three-foot-tall
fact
like
frame
sense
southwestern
with
town
early
form
difference a of
height
a
of
1950s
quite
during
to
of where
they
a
the
were
uranium
work
built
Main
the
the
boom
this
Monticello,
across
Monument
the
the
boom towns.”bS
inscribed
and
intimate
towns
with
in
the
twenty-four
reservation
and
expensive,
north
jobs in
work
uranium
kind
in
Redondo. of
come
and
of
has
Moab,
intimacy”
as despite
those
made
from
was
the
bridges
dramatically
I)uring
bikes
Moab’s
matter-of-factly
Kayenta,
surrounding
experiences
buttes
wage
hours
for
just
legacies
in
each
remembered
uranium
milling
mesas
1960s,
Project,
booms
sites
height
Bosque
new
operated
for different two
and is
strikes
yellowcake
reads
“yellowcake
area
along
to
the
gripped
homes. was
the
and
evennially
Kayenta,
the
three
the
destination
and
than
in
and
Marysvale
uranium
“imagined
downtown
mine options—railroad
to
mouTitain
the very
mills
Entire
hot
gas
reservation
These
mesas nostalgia
in
Not
a
my
how
would
during
building of
as Farther
uranium end
rado; towns
mines
during
uranium
during Plateau’s
scapes,
tourist
trast
in
of the
yellowcake. iar
and
paved
1950s, and ers.
because
the
other
poverty
portunity removal
these
and
vironmental Manhattan 14
one F1(TJRE
this built the
radioactive metals Kayenta,
Junction,
disasters. ing
that ing porary offering mine
histories ing extent,
display
The of
image,
extent,
destinations.
meanings.
environments
lends
the
country,
and .
contrast
site
the
tourists
many
The with
Colorado, and In
the
windows.
local
leaving
minerals
very
of
ore
Moab
shup’s
Uranium
in
These
euergyextractive struggle
ways
it
between
flavor
the
came,
In unnatural
and
an
is
behind
and
and
Photo
name
in
a mining Navajo
towns, alternative
that
political
colorful
Bike which
to
around
over
over
former
Kayenta
is
have
by
ski
scarred
Shop
evolution
painted
less
has
rYAODU(
Nation
the
the
land,
time,
areas, economies
been
the
uranium
than narrative
assumed
author.
activity
legacy
sits
industrialism.
and
earth
in jobs,
Navajo
to
near camping in
extracted
200
a
of
Moab
general,
acquire
of
three1oor-tall
[ION
of
starkly and
on
and
downtown
boointowns
an miles
uranium
of
former
Nation,
rainy
oddly
ongoing
suggests national
sovereignty;
hot
from
apart,
uranium
very
This
different
uranium
mining spots,
days.
nostalgic
mining
Moab,
the
faux
curious difference
have
that
environmental
like
history,
is
land
and
is
political—.econom
graffiti
hoomtowns.
Utah,
it,
deserts
one radically
in
inscribed is
affect,
such a
mountain
other
to
meanings.
of
very
its
is,
illustrating
tag
a
a
have
as devastat museuir
to
a
litany
conterr differet
parts
over
on
histor
Cram
a healtl
In
shif the
1ar
hik
Ii o
c INTRODUCTION 15 histories of mining in different places. These different evolutions of pol lution and geography in turn suggestthat that wastelanding—aracial and spatial signifier that renders landscapes pollutable—is only incidentally about deserts.The wasteland,I argue, is a floating signifierin the Western environmental imagination: it does not always have a specificsomatic or material referent, but rather it flexibly(floatingly)marks different objects, landscapes,and bodies.Deserts,thus, are not the reason for wastelanding. They are, rather, its frequent hut not exclusivetarget. Just as race is a dis cursivetechnologywith often deadlymaterial effects,so too iswastelanding the process by which pollutahility is materialized. My explorations of the wasteland are thus very much about race, not only becauseenvironmental racism and wastelanding are conceptual inti mates, but also becauserace is a discoursethat is only incidentallya refer ent to different human body types. Just so, wastelanding is a discourse that is only incidentally a referent to different kinds of landscapes (in cluding deserts). Race is quite deeply involved in wastelanding the envi ronments that are deemed resource-rich for settler industrialism, just as certain human bodies are deemed productive reserves of labor (itself a resource) for settler industrialism,and rendered exploitable via race. One might go so far as to say that racialized bodies are in many ways them selveswastelanded. Race intersects with the environmental imagination, even as it intersects with gender and sexuality, to produce wastelands: places that are marked, physically and ideologically,for exploitation, re source extraction, and national sacrifice.Just as race is embodied, often violently,despite being in essencestrictly a discourse (as I tell my students, race is a discoursepowerful enough to make genocidepossible), “waste landing” is a discourse-made-material through the degradations of tar getedenvironmentsand their human and nonhuman denizens,It is through this process that even verdant landscapes—or nonlush places that are nonetheless aestheticallypleasing or otherwise fitting for American envi ronmentalistaffect—canherenderedpollutahle,and desertscapesembraced as protectable. The referent of wastelanding is inconsistent; the outcome is not. As scholars of ethnic and women’sstudies have long pointed out, we can recognizecategoriesof human differenceas being sociallyconstructed by the ways in which their meaningschange over time, space, and culture. Race, for example, can be recognizedas a social construct rather than an expressionof essential,or inherent, human differenceby the ways in which racialcategoriesareconstantlyin flux:what it means to hewhitehas changed dramaticallyover the course of just the twentieth century, often in response to negotiations betweenlegaland cultural constructions of 67whiteness; for Hidalgci,
or South, MeKicaus 16 gairizes innate and Feminist sotml
ways, and
organi7ing range ity am
come scalar
become, ity clothes, precisely so
tion about
social, sider
material white wasteland ertoires
rial essential “ghetto” ascribed white ties) dant historically
“New
“common
on.
If are
intersecting
Just
made
SI)
culture.69
and
conditions
of we
the
landscapes.71 of or
to
constructions, difference
race
the
range
1)11.
settlement: Western
structures populations’
cultural,
World.”
how
so,
places,
symbolic,
legal
even talk
of
materiality extend scholars
because as
inner-city meaning-making
or
to
in
moves discursive.
inherent
As
status
social
to
there
dispossession
inherent we constituted
it.
the
the
sense” of
about
thest race
initially,
“Back
The
costs
web
disdain
inaterialities
Environmental
say,
white
of ecological, but Southwest this
from is
could
resources
race
of
psychical,
have
the taws
value
argunlent This
nothing “ghetto” the examples
the race
to
life
a
Yard”
racialiwd: exploitation
that
analysis
of to
on
Bodies
Western
meaning
malleable
is
about
spaces, being
change place
myriad
the
labor, with and experiences
likewise is
a
of
status;68 the
was
renders
arid
precisely
discourse
practices,
wastelanded
(as
urban accordmg
iii about
INIFtODUCTION
or
contingent
and
that
basis
its and
pollutable bodies
can tied
here attest,
derive
of
gestures,
we
the
environmental
displacement.
juridical—-that
in,
by
historians
things,
of
clear
they
structure
the
physical
denronstrated
becomes
symbols.7° tot
can to
be that
space
Not exploitable,
the the
after
is of the
because
and
made themselves. rare
relationship
from
that
racialized;
rtizerrship as take
cultural Afritair
their
simple see
desert
to
space
are
iii bodies,
words,
math
on
itself
to well
nutcolnes places
types
is
entities—rn how
My
have of
social
material
gentrified
the the on
only
being
not malleability
that
itself
feeling
act
shifts
In as of that
imagination
Ibis
AlrLericarrs
Back
preferences
or
particularities
wastelanding
we
hegemonic ideas, foods, of
as
negligible,
pointed
and
a
racialized
the must how that
preference
Race, of constructions
so
protectable—frorn
reflection
between seem
it
human
invites
that
make
is arid
crossing
through
rather
Yard).
is
and too differed
Treaty
how by
and other
shift
jobs,
about
gender
spectacularly
gender,
access
invites
to
out
upper-middle-class
exclusion can
over out
disdain;
in
bodies.
feelings
has
scholars
There than and
for
inhere and social
in
meaning
sexualities,
words,
is
uf
tn
how the
the state is
discursive
from
of
voices,
(and
to
culturally
and
meaning,
evolved
time,
disdain, lush
not essential
and
Guadahipe
classed marginal
are
them.
a
meaning—
iiri
resources.
is
wilderness
construc
They material
borders;
the
raciality
peculiari that
so
that a
sex
and sexual
nitural
not nothing of
space,
Crow
multi about
that
ideas,
urban
much
mate
Con
in
race
even
and
are can rep
or are and
ver al
and or
the
the
a
is
at
in 17
“
not
get
that
wil
the cen
Na
wild
or
been
a
took,
(what
lands
inter
West
rather
“envi
comes
to
to
meant
beheld
settler
deserts
‘bleak,’
specter
the
it
tribes,
mythical
trend
distinctly
have
of legislation.
settlement
the Forest
and
a
often
race
themselves
creation.” 75
desert
agricultural
as
“wilderness”
chose
the
of
became
vacant
of rotectecl
meanings,
environmental
when
‘revolting.’
environmental
“environments
environmental
and
desert
to
too,
could
upon
been
1905
ol
rich
masculine
their
as
‘desolate,’
and
superiority
of
for
and
animal
rnountainOu,
in
sacred
Petriuied
differentially
aesthetics
preservationist
project
flourished—in
and
which,
travelers
Canyon,
theories
cultural
environmental
harrier
the
logician.” 76
white
view
the
looked
conservation
in
understood
areas
mere
uncultivated—”wild”—-
American
of
nineteenth-century American
likewise
tribes’
fact
settlers,
a
I)eserts
an
of
been
category
struggled
the
threatened,
around wildemncss,
the
larger
of
Arizona
the
as
by
the
so thc
coasts,
Grand
the
been of
of
ways
have
‘repulsive,’
part
American
American
to
uncultivated
the
This
range
in
that
overland
have
‘inhospitable,’
of
table
saga
biological
a
as the
nature.
fit
the
develop
advocacy,
that,
past
geographic
eyes
Pathfinder,
wildutiess
seemingly visited
and
reviled
the
of
revolved
settlers
to
being
his
“wilderness”
with
them route
imagined
the
the survived—in
the
in
prttec
beautiful
deserts
‘dismal,’ and
of
to
With
savage
were
closely
acquire
approach
Great Muir
in
in be
as
landscapes (il)logic,
out
settler
c’onstitutive
white
movement.
is
to
what
largely
to
settlers
the
tribes
as
part
particularly
incorporated
example
sense
they
desert-scape
“forbidding,’ Progressive-era
INTRODUCTION
mines,
coupled
more
have
John
through
tourism
particularly
marks
‘barren,’
be
and
as
nearest
deserts
the
came
which
the
verdant
came
this
distinctly “logic
constituted
understand
large
racialist
point,
Particularly
that
continent,
desert
to
matter
it
gold
in
a
in
pass
see
masculine
When
in
now were
country,
“the
profane,
because
Frémont,
them
of
no
excellent
Lush,
to
that
that
settler. 73
now
included,
as
or
first same
C.
came
deserts ‘savage,’
deserts
[sic],”
an
that
demise.
explorers
white
saw
included
storied determinism
to
tribes
constitute
we
fact Western
thanks
the until
however,
environmentalist)
canyon
began
scarcity”
Those
he
his
he
Led
landscapes
John
the to
negative.
environmental
as
precisely
sacred
had
forests
Thus, words,
evidence
the
desert
by
the
of
as
constructions,
call
quality of
had, arid
as ‘dreary,’
now,
desert
European
California;
of
“E)esarts or
Park,
the
West,
a
they
is
them
lush as
When
inferiority, green,
lives.
of
helped
the
as
now
locales
of exploration,
of
same
As
social
scarcity”
the
California’s
Deserts
grew terpiece
imagination
places
least
that
tional derness
imagination,
what
all
than
to
Ironically,
ronments evidence,
Frérnont’s
knvironrnental
of
‘sterile,’ seemingly
that
of
itself.
their
lands,
land threatening
em
to
pellated
subject
eye
seen
protection. 72
the
areas,
evil
s; C
a 1
Y
I-
al fl
W S. e, I- it The profitable mid-twentieth
desert 18 Picture ination west.’ mountain “winning desert
conflated Southwest, and
nation we es degradation cans’ even cased symbolic busily symbolized who ily, family
course enormous woman outside the included,
mines.81 his died care. an as given
‘The
of
In
the
can
That told
adult,
family’s
Canyon,
family
ourselves.
depicted
of desert as
collective
The
locales,
Monument country, inside.
him was, blasting
was
primary a
image of
will
rightly lung
of film
in
in
pair
Upon
youngest
If
the
subsequent with setting
locale’
moreover, coming
child
passes—a
America” changes
their the
in
by first
materially making these
matriarch,
nowhere
country.
more
of
disease
in crews
This of
west” what
them
of thanks John
2000
century, During
its nothing the a “imagined say
her particular,
captured emotional
was Old
hogan.
deserts place to
for
narratives
than famous from
simultaneity
Valley,
desert
under
son
the death, shot
that
herding Wayne
centered
the the
in West
gives documentary never
for
their
decades, so
place,
in
and
Happy
the 1960,
surrounded
Clys
Kennedy’s
bears likely
‘sublimest
as both less
well desert
the large
the the
changed
on
way
occurred
gunslingers
the her intimacy” went
red
ideologically, just
draw
imagined returned,
uranium cultural
himself
widely sheep,
film
than
westerns
thought in are INTRODUCTION
settler
as
which
the
on
Cly,
call
film part an the
youngest
mesas
for
central
short,
outside
in
of
in
part
of
in narratives
film
uncanny
the
Cly
once Monument
the up
most work, a
film its weaving
valorization
thing to
circulated
the simultaneously the
while
state by
her representations
booms,
very
and with
community,
into would
of
the very name.)
family headed a
and that
story
“no
sagebrush, to 1950s film. described
The
family
dusty
remaking grandchild
of what
dramatically,
on
his however,
short
has
rise
the
this
nonexistence
how
the
survival
would
name: more
Navajo
Kayenta,
that,
Return of
earth.’ be
(His
in
came
connection
actor postcards into by
grounded
Valley of
part town
“America”
uranium
Monument
attributed
which space
teniporary
we
and
the
director
as
quite
eventual
specific
uranium
itself
John
underscore a
to
piñon
made of
in
understand 77
“the was
was
rugs,
of
of
saloon,
scene
1-lollywood
degradation
Dine
of
embody
of
Navajo
the
the
uranium
Navajo
perhaps, the
often,
through
for
the industries. bearing Wayne
most-photographed
adopted in
time
itself
to
no
Robert
and
to pines,
now
[940s
than in
valorization
return in
Valley’s nation-state,
missionary
the
companies
the
his
and
“frontier” nearby
reference
the
the
from
cooking country
those
took
white
in
Boy.
valley
means,
family
uranium
‘the
the
our
Cly, was her and
your
during
and
1
J.
western,78
away
the
middle
is
to
950s,
Kennedy,
“an
Cly
Over
place
resourc
changes: uranium
The
image,8°
perhaps
history
them
South craggy closely Ameri
a
I
desert on
inlag
as
to
meals 950s;
serves
foster
name then were
‘un
from fam and
Clys
and the
the
Cly
the en one
the
the
of
in
as
of
of
of
to
re
the
by
not
19
the
and
into
very
part
over
with mid
a
they
float
to
home Hara
reser
waste
of
finally
whole;
annual
impera
context
the
diseases,
a
uranium
are
and
are
the
ticket
its
domain
American away
potentially
“Indians,”
In
course,
coloniality
children
these
as
changed
unregulated control
that
story
l)onna
before
of
mountain
they
a
representation
of
larger
connect
turn, of
near
and
a
a
consequences
doing
locate
interweavings
iconic golden
in
northeastern
colonialism:
state
exert
much
Native
was,
released
western
what
tells
and
part
to
they
mines,
an
nowhere,”
embodied—and
and
uncharted
the
the
unregulated
away
Kayenta’s
on
out
effect
resources. 83
in
state’s
within
in states
settler
powerful
evolution
to
the
family sexuality,
in
to
how
small
up
desire
a
complex
wastelands:
radiation-related from
Borderlands,
century
by
Agency
with
the
deeply
causes
the
icon
no
rush
episteme,
as
uranium
country.
therefore, rich
the
arid
Wastelands,
hauling
archetypal
which
grew
home
mere
map—in
in
adopting
from
by
industry gender,
as are
by
from
mapping
of
Boy,
Cly
Valley—a
marked
serves
Cly,
desert
Shop.
plane
than
Mapping
importance
attendant
colonial
that
everything
powerfully
film uranium a
occupied
work,
exploring
in
considered
class,
view
century,
American
pollutable.
means
ecosystemic
of
kindled
a
Bike In
mid-iwenrieth
the
uranium
an
members
Cartographies,
image
and
as
State
Wayne
Navajo
practice
Wayne
those
race,
wage
topographic
multiply
and
seeing
produced,
the
critical
was
INTRODUCTION
complex widely
of
modern
the
were
to
Monument
The uranium
image
booming
it
of
space
problems
after in
flat John
of
of
John
of
thus
a
twentieth
was
family
in all,
other spaces
powerful
nuclearism
was
an
Uranium
age.
on
Justice
Mexico
Colonial
reflecting more
and
a
bodily,
of
of
of
and
trick
Return joined
the
of
for
charts.
health
were
after
are
are
assimilative
particularly
bore
shoots. again
image
photography
practice
project
in
smooth,
New
among
of
Maps:
midst
The
a
a
Moab’s
in
the
“god nowhere”;
uranium
death
Clys
the
film
Wayne
deeply
the
familial,
deposits,
industrial
maps
cover
universalis;n
implications
the
Are
clearly,
spaces,
family child—namned
the
and
the
favor
was
projects,
-perspectives
The
colonialism, in
from
extraction ore
a
1955,
Production
demarcation
that
behind
John
when
The
in
his
working,
state,
false
families.
discourses
several
sites
archived
calls
By
state
Words
lost the
modern
signifiers
environmental
colonial,
Cartographic
1955,
the
the
Deserts,
both
settler their
“view
his land
specific-
1 9 50s,
a
the
mninable
napping tive.
the
minder
leaving peripheral
o.
way
report. nature
of
and
The In
in
mine ing
to
of resource
the
landscape—to multiscalar
and white
were
mining. 82
of the witnessed
finding
vation,
in
of
.78
nd gy
ry r
s
S
en ls
rt ly ly n
d n 1fl :he
he re 20 INTIODIJCTION environniental degiadarions of the uranium industry,maycentral questions revolve ainund the subjectmvityof dominant cartographic dmsoursesand the construction of Dine Bikéyahas peripheral, distant, marginal, desert, or deserted:“emptyexcept fo Indians,”Geographyand ilutionsabout space have,of ourse,long beemimatters “of considerableimperial84significance” Colonized terrain has been representarionallycontained and restrained in maps, just as the practiceof surveyingand cartography,the productivelabor of mapping, represents a repertoireof colonial action--a practice of power 85relations. Central to the work of understanding settler colonialism,then, is the project of explicating the ways in which the production of knowl edge about space is historical, social, and deeply leaden with 8power. Suf&e to say: as Ann Laura Stoler calls historians to turn from “archive— as-source to archive-as-subject,” so must those of us who are geographi cally inclined begin to read cartographic discoursesas revelations of colonial ontology and technology, as subjects of our research and theory, rather than as objective representations of the natural, social, or political 81world. In the Southwest, cartographic discourses and articulations of territo riality are deeply complex. This region is in multiple senses spatially and ideologically liminal—in other words, it is a borderland. The history of ura niuni mining aptly illustrates this limninality:uranium country is simulta neously Navajo country, which, more often than not, is also claimed by Pueblo nations, by Nuevonexicano land grant communities, and by mul tiple state and federal agencies. Uranium mining, moreover, has existed at multiple kinds of ideological or affective borders. Assuch, each chapter of the book addresses spatiality and borderlands in a different way. In chapter 1,1explore how the pre—uraniummining history of federal relations to the Dine constituted a kind of economic borderland: during the period
of livestock reduction in the 1930s, in which i)iné herds were “reduced” (a euphemism,often, for slaughter) by tens of thousands, Navajo poverty was treated as a result of what was deemed irrational land use. The Na vajos came to be seenas occupyingthe spacebetweenrational conservation practice and abject povertyduring a timewhen both conservationand pov erty were crucialconcernsfor Americansin general.Duringthis period, the Navajo herd owner as a “socialproblem” constituted a grim counterpoint to the trope of the “ecological Indian,” and Dine poverty was seen as the direct result of the tribe’s failure to understand its land base and resources. Chapter 2 explores the early years of the uranirim boom, looking to the ways in which uranium in the Southwest seemedto constitute a temporal borderland betweenthe anachronistic past and the techniological(nuclear) future.As Timemagazineso artfullyput it in 1952,“For years, the parched, mountainous wastelandsof the ColoradoPlateauwereknown for their scat tering of dinosaur bones and the ruined homes of prehistoric cliff-dwelling
a
to
in
of
to
ra
or
in-
the
be
ap
21
the
halt
the
the
ura
and
1968,
Dine using
other of
a
large
“pre
closed
in
mines
proper
by
public
called
future
millers
Taylor)
the
in Navajo
also
or
making in
little
to
environ
their
how
(self
and
created
waste”
traces
and
normative
the
resources,”
“fiction
Mountains
were
and
were
important:
uranium
borderland
between
over
technologi
for
risk
that
nature
were
of
private
on
understood
of
down
uranium
of
also
and
between
(Mount
ground
Indian
magazine
western,
through
more
reservation
explores
and
Valley
bones”
trend
taken
rhetoric
industry;
the miners
shut
Carrizo
3
borders
assimilating
worthless
companies
in
activism
the
of
booms
far the
temporal and
moreovei
the
children
in
impacts
often
chapter
slowly
the
of
division Dine
land
important”
the officially
mill
spatiality
public
of
predicated
a
this
territories
public/private Tsoodzil
counter-mapping,
kind
in
and to
.
what the
off
chapter 200
.
the
ttansboundary
was
This
work
Hollywood
“dinosaur laborers
.
uranium
Monument
more
geographic
was
cowboy
women’s
uranium
such
this
that
placed,
near
crossed
of
effects
“waterless,
in
the
Bikéyah
to
something
the
risk
than
mines
between
Shiprock
around
1960s:
that
past.
cLaims
“far
the
wage
women
manning
which
of
creating
Thus
work
for
compensation,
were
children),
in of
of
in
general
Similarly,
from
Dine
the
late
fact
the
space
part
nhines
more
health
between
claims
obviated their
star
for
Lease
Bikéyah
of
violating
the
with
McGee
radiation the
all
the
and
division wage
site. 91
and
into
radiation
tribes
reputation,”
spheres—men
ways
large
diseases,
in
known
and
of
when
INTRODUCTION Dine
in
position country
is parts
Kerr
the
adverse
imagination.
a
new
work
wives
follow
uranium. 89
importance of
formalize
Despite
risks
decade;
1
spheres,
counter-mapping
gender
because
in
uranium
to
the
The
borderland
area
because
imagined
Dine
Indians” the
1960s,
increasingly government 6,
by
other
anachronistic
Reservation
the
and
this
beginning
The
of
of
and
attraction
furure—ushering
revolved
in
the
part
the
popular
examine
own,
late
disappearing
and
of
and
the
glorious
binary
southwestern
1967.
I home
reaches
counter-mapping
East
5
1970s
took
economy. has
and
4, domestic
the
touted ignored
by
U.S.
affective
now
half
Crediting
large
their
radiation-related
and
spaces.
tourist
promised
experience
borders
The
By
and
or
activity
delineate
other
of risk 92
of
quietly
of
industry,
the
wages
(in
and
past
wage
shattered
to industry
But
senses:
between
cliff-dwelling
eastern
justice
roles
the
latter
in
“to
industry closed
chapters
to
chapter
and
wasteland’s died
at
private
then kind
1968.
1960s
the
In
two
futurity
the
denied
action
In
a
by
were
in
niuin
diation’s to
Uranium
maps
in uranium
mental
ly
peals end
had
dustrial ginning
and
gender.” 9 °
bringing
the
industrialists
gender
other) uranium workers
it Bikéyah
spectacular
between
transmogrification
and
“the
Dine no
cal
historic
tension
uranium.” 88
Indians.
in
at
En
of
l)y
and
ions her
d
wer
iVe- d,
he he
sert,
mat on
thor phi- md rty
lien, ito- Ita- I mt he ir) pace )flS
84 d. 87 ira- tul- a1 e.” S. lcaviiig
to New country, largest views of
is the rnunities, 22 most cardinal four 1-logans, When and
east the tive
the Dine from oriented
inverted ing portant, twentieth discovered
as while is on
enough, to is pollution, dations and ongoing
aisc.
the thus,
In
the
entrenched.
did
the
Mines
north. narrative
Arizona—New
into landscapes
relationship
with
more
Mexico,
elsewhere
sacred often
moving
Bikéyah the and
resevation
Navajos keeping
the
official
producer
claimed behind
larger
in
home
this
directions
six- east, so
of “legacy
Dine
early Tsisnaajinii
ranchers,
settler history.
century
large
New
that often ]‘he
environmental
articulate
via
too
race
world
mountains),
or
trajectory
just
from colonial
then
in to
a
boundaries
uranium geographies:
a mines
aerial might
The remain
list
as
part,
Mexico
by
eight-sided
fearsome
is
than
close
to
colonialism. the multiple of
mines.”
as
Adding
‘s
to
in
Mexico
they
below
south, from
the
are
and west multiple
the
largest
“legacy” uranium
general it
area
a the
in (Blanca geographical
surveys
indeed
not,
eye
project
imaginary
is
four
to Dine,
crucial
emerge State industry,
federal
Monument
of
worlds
east
to
On
constructed
to to surrounding then Navajo
amount
on be
“east
decline,
state Dine
of
this
populauon
Navajo
east,
INTRODUCTiON
sacred
uraniwn
its
relied
above.
stand
Pueblos,
of the what Peak) sufficiently iii Mapping goes
of
of
Navajo of The
west
to
analytic
and
book,
below. the
in line,
the creation
these
the
mapping is
perhaps Navajo the
communities in
Dine
of heavily
against
and
the in “legacy”
is knowledge.
mountains,
the
and
Navajo
and Valley,
state While homes, United
land,
which
to
uranium radioactive
at for
deposits
goes
mines
and
Tsoodzil. Nation, Nuevoniexicaiio
Here,
history Agency
the
center.
Shiprock,
geogra direction
and
then stake
north,
what
Nation, cleaned stories
land
fittingly
out and on
this
l)iné
material
to
the practiced
against
have Nation States.
material
of
too,
move
comes
views
when
these the
management race cartographic
industry, geographical were, phy
of
they in
and
they Although
[he it history
mining
Just geographies
often
tailings
one
the
its
Carrizo
to this
is
up
uranium
given
Navajos
south,
(as scholars of Despite
conflicting central
the land
also border,
toxins
and generally
to
quite
the
1955
more
complexity,
uranium as
are
eastern-facing
the
under
designation
begin
represented
he
of
in way
east
its
and
eastern
emphasize
land
ideological
diiectly
of
called,
land each
west,
Mountains
cover.
uranium
tangled
Navajo
clearly
meet
to
often
deeply
mining, was
emphasize.”93 being
have practice noithwestern
grain, agencies.
to
that
conditions by
in
are
I)iné
grant
begin industry
perspectives
from
of
west
and
the
reaches extension easily
tissues.
This
poetically
adjacent than
generally this called
Navajos
the
outside destruc
Navajo
gestures
moving
up country
world
by ernerg
mining
east.94
end above,
all
in
depre
door; coni is
in
hook area
four
near
with
the
not,
the
imm the
has
the
the
the
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of -
a
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to
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and
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per
Cul
self-
and
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and
as
after more
cob
other
land
at
of
Theo
While
effects
other
gender
allevi
race. 96
body
shaped
twinned
body
and
of
although
resourc
violence,
material
for
piece
access
the
or
as
shape
creating
injustice
communi
seen
long
very
justice,
slavery, the
the
with
than
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sediment
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it
well
lands
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from
about
labor
on
material
desert
environment
Dine
inequalities
disproportionate
black
and
well community
degradation organized
as
or
violence. 97
hut
can
the
or
calls
rather
come
structural
colonialism.
is
as
in
book
the
various,
tile
of
are
it
black
manifestations
deeply
has
altered
the
place
when
as
appropriately of
impact
lands
geographies,
environmental
collect
ranging
are
of
colonialism,
this
intersections
“race”
cplication
so
colonized; bodily
settler
environmental
an
services,
racialized
plants
environmental
has
wasteland,
Gordon
as
iii
is
and
such
is of
power
of
violence,
it
the
of
and
occurs mining
It
invoke
the their
lasting
compound,
Native
settler
The
power
subjection
environmental state
which
environmental
a
example,
lens
ongoing
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on
pulsing,
resource
Avery
argue
do,
and
of
of
state
of
racial
amid
in
study
discourses
that
from
that
expectancy
I
racism,
defined
peoples
the
and
(for
which
decolonization,
and
contemporary
the
and
jobs,
outside
life
and
makes
level
lie
are
colonialism
colonizer
BikCyah.
to
of
ways
ways
forms
and
powem
derive
petrochemical
whether
structures. 95
time,
in
rectified;
the
and
race clean
that relations
functions
the projects.
through
between
leap.
tied
or sociologist
relations.
two
Dine
extreme
wasteland
at
communities, and
degradation
saLlctioned
pollution
INTRODUCTION
settler
as to
racialized
to
powerful,
the
over
imagined
time
justict
of
of
been
social
between
sedimentations a
the
is
the
resources
environmental
and
what
be
power
health,
iii that
are
power
viewed
food radical
urban
injustices, if
as
dumps
of
where
over
justice
devaluation
directly
twinned
and
sediment of
speak
relations
have
a
of
be
racism
of
too
likewise,
e’;ources,
even
r
context
set
mnanifestatiomis
and
are
seen
so
of
and
provides
start—just
racism
bodily between
cases and
place
relations
cannot
or
waste
violence
form
blackness
such
ideological,
accrue
the
a
be
radical
of
to
contends
power
legacies
should racc,
system
always
hi
these
environmental
‘They
bodies,
resources,
body,
cited
nor
and
to
water,
and
of
the
As
can
toxic
alike
nunlilg
of
of
power
is
which
of
book
place
the
must
effects
environmental
larger
spatialized
of
air,
environmental
real
of
in
All
giettoization
becomes
versa.
of
economies,
settle,
shape
study
[‘his
acialization
body,
problem
connections
the experiences,
This
that
good
the
tiranimuni
vice much
interests
decolonization
sonhnod. 98
determination,
clean
arbiter
siting
of
ties).
ways environmental
riling nial
comnlc)nly
level the tural
example,
a
others,
es
the
highly
give
scape, nonhuman
“sedimentation” the wise, lect,
ate, the
metaphor.
affect
privileges
in
the of
or;
the
es
he
t. 94
rid-
in- he
the uc-
Ot,
th
tern
side trea I ear thy las ye, Lly ry cent our
tJ(IS ing rg- res ig of
ajo Hon ok 24
tice
rive and struggles
capitalist tion radation
formed resources
followed “New (“animallike,”
encounters (often to nlent
has for American the
resources sources”
Wolfe’s sought ster
ethnicity, a he
ries, settler sources,”
tractable of just stream model justice
suit, juridical disproportion
lot
lose
distribution
Wastelanding cases concludes, sexuality.
indigenous from
indigeneiry, always
of
distribution headdresses,
Wolfe’s
and
scholars
to
World,”
sexualized),
colonialism the
through
of
all to narratives activists
estimation, has
are
say—the
economies,
is a was
as
and
resources
grade
model like
and
justice:
of
continent,
constitute
with larger natural
meaning
temporally meant
born
dream
occuired.99
which
Ahhoagh
use
through
hyper-
actual
and
Native
“is
lands
for
resources
will
of
environmental
of
settler whether
that and
derives
context
of
is
and
of
the settler
primary
environmental that
environmental
civilization,
activists
example,
mass
world
has
catchers,
that
thus territory
lead
life-and-death
race
“Whatever
“territory”
and
in
are degradation or
scholars or
whiteness
notion
spiritual
the
the
posit
colonialism
and the
progressed
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asexualized, By
even uranium,
best
slaughter, a
from colonialism’s
to has
the
is bodies
of
mythic
tribal
has
myriad
fully
conLei:
the motive
offering
geographically
the
INTRODUCTION
the
environmental colonial was
is
solved that, been Blessing
the
desired
have been
etc.)
degradation. the same
one
and
primary
redress colonial
settlers
context, through
pollutable,
might
phrase
degradation
marked
“bads.”
violence of
oil,
a like
other
urgency
in
deeply
for for military
are
of but
through
overwhelming had a
cultural central
token,
unclean,
real
power
the
resources
Way constitutive
and
many.
many
lawyers
specific,
[genocidej
so
access
helpfully
of may
“environmental
to way
ways project
twentieth
Thanks
“playing Native
precisely
quite
deeply
liberal
natural
environmental
local in
for
ceremonies,
iace
grapple technology justice
aggression,
The
the
relations.
rather
studies
practices
say—and
in local
of
monstrous,
to
in
Native
in
irreducible
legal
are
simply
is
which the
raciality
of
out territory.”
bodies:
entangled which
notion in be
a
and
is
cases
component
gas,
et’idence
communities,
rendering through
Indian”01). than
and
grand
the
with
imagined
of
no
of
not
substituted system,
While
peoples.
environmental (here,
has
they
by
colonialism or
small
and necessity,
land
because
twenty-first hippie
as
racism”
nomNatives
merely
that race
of
a
rape,
“red”).100
more
class which
injustice.’03
often
problems
“Territoriality,”
element.”102
purely
Natives
generally
with
of so the
environmental
the
of
think
part
resources Native
justice
(or
damage of
beads,
on.
mutilation
The
action
the
intangible
In desire
a
been
degrada that
“racism” most
can
with
environ
as
modern
religion, to problem
juridical
Patrick
Native
of
North marks
desire in
What
these centu
of body
main
seem
deg
is
have jus have
per-
hip “re de
law This the
“re for
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un
ex
As
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of
of
of
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to
for
of
ask
25 dis
de
dis
rac
con
was
most dom
to
“just”
Smith
pillars ask
deadly
state—
kind
the
a
are
myth
structures
artificially
To
the “theory
communi
inipossible
concerned
States
as
institutions
evidence
distribution
along
rather
nation This
.
is
wastelanded modalities
violence,
of
unsustainable
on
is
be .
colonial
supremacy”—
on
environmental distribution
environmental
Andrea
it
colonial
relationships
hut
and
inequalities
seen
liberal
through
to
larger
activists
into
within
the
and
the
kind
unjust
built
United
economies.
environmental
world
be
white
sexual
offering
mines,
relies
the itself,”
disproportionate
This
I)oing
social
enabling
the
the
settler
Rather
these
the
them
gender,
and
Native
can rights.’ 07
distributed
u’ith
and
changes. state
This
toxins
racial
the
that
Thus,
sites,
a
supremacy.” 11 °
oppressive.
with
the
of
presumed
only of
of
capitalist
that
from
cheapened
one
class,
of
land
of
and
of
produce
redistribution
failures.
than
patriarchy,
not dismantle
are
society
than
it,
waste
contrary, white
to
funneled
mining, kinds
organize
race,
production
myth for
exploitation.
justice
the
and
future:
colonialism,
risk
by
foundational,
Native
and
of
puts
supremacy.” 104
and
operates
systems
rather
industrialism,
market
ask
that
capacity
to
rather distributional .
the
coloniality. 109
.
on
of
distribution
question
the
to
technologies
liberal
functioning
supposed the
uranium
consumption).’° m
moreover,
pollution,
hands
white
of
the and
acceptable
toxins
Pellow
not
of
Quite justice
modern
resource
are
into
toxins
result
its
political
INTRODUCTION
“the
also
is
capitalism,
labor—artificially
their
inequalities
of
impossible
treadmill
and
requisite
routine of
the
structures
capitalism,
industry
the
of up
and without
colonialism,
these
to
heteronormativity more
calls
on,
hut
an
place.
principles.
David
of
challenging
activists,
or
gender,
the
the
and
signifier
industrial
inequalities. 105
context
social
so
into
as
model
modern
exist
way
of
first
economies
larger
of
pillars
state:
challenging
normal,
throw
the
the
harm
reasoning
of
“also
forms and
presence
class,
uranium
built
justice
Tn
the
the
this to
that,
the
the
of
produced
simply,
distribute
imagines
according
colonialism,
but
produce
in
in
the
aberration
on
of
the
of
market
cannot resources
“capitalism, democratic
“10(
race,
simply
lal,or,
merely
dispossession,
colonial
an
of
that and
Put
kind
that
each
will
modem
on of
production
environmental
reality
is
distributive
built
with
condition
distribution
work
color”
not
“not
(to
toxic
land
this
modernity
and
Modern
the
evidence
is
The
of
settler
The
create
state
environmental
power
capitalism,
“just” for
and
modernity:
toxins
courses
because cheapened
“a lines ination.
tamination
contamination
of
to change”
ism,
the
themselves. component
often justice
ties
of trihution
merely communities
Environmental
of
founded
nies
injustice
calls
natural
or
de-
the
jus-
re-
rth
ble
lern
on- rks
per
As
tive
hese ick
re-
tlon sire tal he
deg- ht ave on, mis ada- Lfl-
tip- ave in- :al id i em want Back 26 mental LaDuke reartculation
about rather and that mental wor(ls, populations puts with pollurable. stituted industrialized the. and nature.
mentalis?n these justice. discourse larly ronment
tler and sentations understanding more could Instead, ways logic
and
Approaching
Environmental
settler
colonialism. the injustice.
redistribution
justice it,
make meting
studies
a
Yard) (If
has
questions often
than problems
be
justice
dilferei,t racism.
they
“mark
This
structural
on
perhaps
to settler
as
claimed,
been,
because
The
of it,
state as
and
that
wasteland to distribution
come
of
wherever than of out
kind
the.
ultimately, of If a
activists
capitalism
the the Quite
environmental color, of exclusion
political
through
colonialism
and
the
pie.” this thc
justice
environmental of
a It said
of
territory
not,
nature reliance of
to
justice
limits likewise
of
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distributive
always
book analysis
inhabit
to
precisely
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environmental
the
huiisans as
wastelanding a
for best:
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practice their
changes
space
sacrificial
and of of
queer, cannot a
have holds
transformative
on
on
seeks
move
of
those
contrary,
and
wastelanded
unfavorable
will the
denies Ni
“we which the
in
moves the
justice
exclusion.1
NOPE
injustice
this
is a
“live,
potential FCiDUCTION
sovereigns question immigrants,
justice
model
to be
injustice
sovereign’s
history, function “justice”
treadmill fi deeply
to communities,
the
don’t
om more
land. engage.
“empty
that
settler
defend
environmental
in
hariti
at
a
work, nature
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state the
the
has
on
want
at
work.
invested
its
geographies
complex
for
or source
is
ways 3
colonialism
outside
without
Native politics the
of
is
solves
past,
These
In been
except “wastelands”
On primarily the
full
that
could
play,
borderlands.’’4
helping
and
of
limited
production a
looking
level
Through
bigger
precisely
in
notion
Planet
responsibilities”; what
present,
shorthanded
of has
others in
the
and
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understanding
which
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he
of for
designating
justice
justice
class,
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structurally
us
to
from NIMBY
problem
thought
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piece
is
lndians”
closely
pray”
settler
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harth);’
to
rethink
the grounded,
is
wastelanding,
because
and combine it
as
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not
studies, state
for
theorizes
of
the
more
fictive
Charles
By
and
future
colonialism
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(Not
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and
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Mills
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envi
con
find, My
Ve
set
the
al it 228 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION
Inc
1. Richard Bishop Moore and Karl Ludwig Kithil, A Preliminary Report on Uranium, Radium, and Vanadium (Washington,D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1913), 57. 2. Other accounts of the Ford Company’sdiscoveryof vanadium’suses differ from this one, which Henry Ford recounted in his memoir My Lifeand Work.Chris topher W. Wells, “The Road to the Model T: Culture, Road Conditions, and In novation at the Dawn of the American Motor Age,” Technologyand Culture 48, no. 3 (2007): 518, 3. Donna Strahan, “Uranium in Glass, Glazes and Enamels:History, Identifi cation and Handling,” Studies in Conservation 46, no. 3 (2001): 181. 4. Moore and Kithil, A Preliminary Report on Uranium, Radium, and Vana dium, 58. 5. Duncan A. Floladay,Wilfred D. l)avid, and Henry N. Doyle, Interim Re port of a Health Study of the Uranium Mines and Mills, Federal SecurityAgency, U.S.PublicFleakh Service,Divisionof Occupational Health, and the Colorado State Department of Public Health (May 1952). Export was a frequent fate for uranium ore prior to its use in atomic programs. In the early decades of the twentieth cen tury, uranium deposits were “rapidly depleted for foreignexploitation.” Moore and Kithil, A Preliminary Report on Uranium, Radium, and Vanadium, 8. 6. In 1942, the Vanadium Corporation of America (VCA)won a bid for leas ing these mines to publicly mine vanadium aiid secretly recover uranium. Virginia T. McLemore and William L. Chenoweth, Uranium Resources in New Mexico (Socorro: New Mexico Bureau of Mines and Mineral Resources, 1989). 7. Judy Pasternak, YellowDirt: An American Story of a Poisoned Land and a People Betrayed (New York: Simon and Schuster,2010), 30. 8. Holger Albrethsen Jr. and Frank S. McGinley,“Summary Ilistory of Do niestic Uranium Procurement under U.S. Atomic Energy Commission Contracts, Final Report,” Prepared for the U.S.Department of Energy,September 1982. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. Between 1943 and 1945, an estimated 44,000 pounds of uranium was secretly recovered from VCA East Reservation Leasemines for Manhattan Project engineers. Virginia T. McI.emore, “Uranium Resources in New Mexico,” Society for Mining and Exploration Annual Meeting (February 25—28,2007), 1. Mines in Monument Valley,in the northwestern reaches of Dine land, provided an additional 489 tons of ore containing almost 14,000 pounds of vanadium and “some 3,271 pounds U308, much of which was recovered by the U.S.Army Corps of Engineers for the Manhattan Project.” C. Chair Gregg, Charles S. Evensen, and William L. Chenoweth, Maps of the Underground Workings,Monument No. 2 Mine, Apache
County,Arizona (Tucson,Ariz.: Arizona Geological Survey,1989). C 11. McLemore,“Uranium Resourcesin New Mexico,”1. F
a
IC
0
m.
of
13,
Fe, and
in
of
on
of
into
1912.
Con
Mm
200’).
Con
229
(An
1949
(2011).
Report.
in iriPU
Uranium
2
Urari
4
Printing
Environ
deaths
(Santa
Toi1t
Maps
31,
Mining
Cancer
of
Perspe:
Impacts
no 3
Medicine no.
.
Nation:
Nation:
U.S.
translated
National
Arizona
Committee
Aierl
Interim
Exp05Urath-
20
Hoover
Navajo
26,
“Lung
at
Effects
the
untimely
Health
the
January
later
urathZ
Americans
to
Navajo
of
Arizona
Navajo
Government
1.
Henry
Doyle,
http://www.epa.gov/re
Chenoweth,
Health
County,
RadioloCal
among
Manager,
NoveiTit
was
Health
the
the
at
before
L.
U.S.
“Health
Lou
and
Oldmixon,
1556
33.
Environmental
and
on
Kornfeld,
on Native
submitted
3.
1949),
Counsel in
D.C.,
George,
Office
Apache
Presentation
Navajo,”
which
Cancer
wife
M.
and
Beth
D.C.:
and
C.
David,
Hearing
William
Environmental
his
accessed
People, the
Buchner,
and
wrote
Office,
and
Mine,
451.
Report,
and
in Chemical
Environmental
General
“Lung
and
and
2
Health
Congress,”
Nation,”
Environmental
2006,
on
Metallica,
Uranium
Miner,”
Washington,
Navajo
with
Contamination Mobs,
to
No.
Contamination
Nation,” Bauer)
Holaday,
8.
on
Virginia
lusen,
Re
INTRODUCTION
Printing (1982):
“Ihe
Groundwater 31,
Interim
I
(is:
K.
(Washington,
uin
Hoover
deLemos,
4
Us,
deLemos,
Associate
Evensen,
Immunity
6—9. and
Navajo
De A.
TO
L.
Reviews
Georg
123—25.
Report
S. I..
no.
Navajo
L.
in
Meeting,
Uranium
Urani
the
Doyle,
Uranium
Etsitty,
Reviews
James,
Poison
January
Associated
Reform
Monument
81,
the Herbert
(née
www.epa.gov/region9/superfundlnavajo-nation.html. Albright, Poison
w.epa.gov/region9/superfundInavajonation.htm1.
1994),
S.
on
and Brugge
I)irt,
Sweeny,
Jamie
Yazzie-Lewis,
and
in
“Cancer
Jamie
NOTES
You
Government
1989).
D.
ww
Charles
Review,”
You
than
Annual
If
Stephen
A
[)avid
If
Effects
Doug
Katie
Semiannual
Agency,
Books,
US.
Journal
Mountains
Yellow
of
Agricola
David,
Findings,” Shuey,
“Addressing Briigge,
Sources,’
to Gottlieb
“Addressing
Workings, Benahly,
other
Survey,
Gregg,
Underground
309.
Saisbury,
Exposures
Mulloy,
S.
Erz
Government
from
30—31.
D.C.:
“Fifth
Crane
Health
(2001);
EPA,
B.
C.
EPA,
none
Chris
Doug
CHEST
Structures,”
the
Water
3 Uranium:
and
Eichstaedt,
Clair
Association
K.
Contamination
Leon
C.
Brugge,
Eichstaedt,
by
Georgius
in
iloladay,
Protecoon
Letter
and
Red
U.S.
Pasternak,
Research
U.S.
(l956)
Statement
Ibid. 2008),
Ibid.
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28. lma Manguni Shields,W.ILWicse, B.J.Skipper,B.(;hailey, and L. Banally, “Navajo Birth outcomes in the Shiprod Uranium Mining Area,’ Health Physics 63, no. 5 (1992): 542-51, John F,Rosen and Paul Mushak, “Metal and Radiation Induced ][bxicNeuropathy (TN) in Two Navajo Sisters,” Pediatric;Research 45 (1999): 346 2,9, Diane NI.Stearns, Monica Yazzie,Andrew S. Bradley,Virginia H. Coryell, jaki: 1. Shelley,Adam Ashby, Craig S. Asplund, and IC Clark Lantz, “Uranyl Ace taw Induceshprt Mutations arid Traniuuii)NA Adducts Lii Chinese1-lanister Ovary FM9 Cells,” Mutagenesis 20, no. 6 (200.5):417-23.
30. Inra Mangum Shields,W. H. Wiese, B. .1.Skipper,11.Charley, and I.. Ba nally, “Navajo Birth Outcomes in the Shiprock Uranium Mining Area,” Health i’hysics63, no. 5 (1992): 542-51. 31. Rob Nixon, Slow Violence(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Universityl’ress, 2011), 2. 32. U.S. EPA, “Addressing IJranitiiii Contamination on the Navajo Nation: Abandoned Uranium Mines,”w’ww,epa.gov/region9/superlmid/navajo-natmon.htinl. 33. Statement of i)oug Brugge, “1 he IIealth and Environniental impacts of tJranium Contamination in the Navajo Nation,” 1-learimigbefore the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform (Washington,D.C.: U.S. (ovemnmnciitPrinting Office,2008), 39. 34. ihe phrase came into circulation iii tire 1980s among activists, academics, and policyrnakers when a iruniber of egregiouscases of conmiuniriesof color being targeted for environmental contaminants came to the forefront of national conver sations over racial justice. fire classicstudy of environmental racism, Toxic Wastes and Race,was originally published iii 1987. United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, Toxic WastescmdRace in the United States: A National Report on the Racial and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Communities with FIazard ous Waste Sites (New York: United Church of Christ, 1987). The study was up dated two decades later by Robert D. Brillard,Paul Mohai, Robin Saha, and Bev erly Wright: “Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty: Why Race Still Matrers after All of These Years,”Environmental law 38 (2008): 371. 35. Robert DoyleBuilard,ed., Confronting Eni’iron,nentalRacism:Voicesfrom the Grassroots (Cambridge,Mass.: South End Press, 199.3);Julie Sze,Noxious New York:The Racial Politicsof Urban Health and EmvironmenialJustice (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2007); l.uke W Cole and SheilaR. FostemFrom the Ground Up: Environmental Ricism and the Riseof the Environmental Justice Movement (New York: New York University Press, 2001). 36. David N. Peliow, Resisting Global Toxics: Transnational Movements for Environmental Justice’(Cambridge, Mass.: Mn’ Press, 2007). 37. Rachel Stein, Neu, Perspectiveson Environmental Justice: Gender, Sexual ity,and Activism (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers UniversityPress, 2004), 1-8. 38. Winona I.aDuke, quoting Katsi Cook, All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life (Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 1999), 18.
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in.btnil. is ‘id 232 NOIES TO INTRODIJOIION paying a heavy price.” Ste “indigenous Nations: Suiiiniacyof Sovereigntyand Its Implications for Environmental Protection,” in Environmental justice: Issues, Poli des, and Solutions, ed. Roger Bezdek(Washington, 1)(: Island Press 995), 143, 53, More than half of Navajos and Hopis, in fact, dcinot have eletiricity in their honies,despitethe fact that a highlydisproportionate amount of electricityin south western tries conic’front coal mines on Navalo and Hopi lands 54. Nicole Koiseherdee,quoted by Sean Patrick Reily,“Gathering Clouds,” Los Angeles‘Times,June 6, 2004. 55. Blackhawk, Violenceovei the laud, 3--lO. 56. Kuletz, Tainted Desert, 13—14. 57. Pellow, Resisting Global Toxics, 179—82;Al Gedicks, The New Resource Wars: Native and Environmental Struggles Against Multinational Corporations (Montreal, QC: Black Rose Rooks, 1994), 2—4;Al Gedicks, Resources Rebels;Na tii’e Ghallengesto Miningand Oil Corporations (Cambridge,1’1ass.:South End Press, 2001), 67-78. 58. Gedicks, New Resource Wars, 18. 59. Peter 1..Bergerand ‘[hoinas l..iickmann,The Social Construction °t Reali 1)’:A Treatisein the Sociologyof I Mass.: —1 to 1995), Huminj U.S. Uranium as American woman”) no Val Hula Twentieth sex Men Butler a Ba: Concept-s (2012): of the famo:cs by in 2012), the see Subversioi 1 History N.J.: ‘1, Communi 1 \ olomdo naturalization Press, 286—312. Mexican Key was alluwed the 14—15- no. 5. the Judith most with Press which (Cabridg. Ameca: essa;’ Getting Short becomes 2002). H5 “web,” nazL.:.II.,J 17, Froflti’ 17. in and 1992 Mi,i,n’ limited A were like a male/female O be 7—28. one 1985), 1961): the California “white” Highlands, as Color Bustz AloI’.i Act classic Americans, the of of of 1923, not Press, 1989), University HistorY articulated Oppression,” Grand: and (July Encounters that Colorado, Press, Uranium rather Unhappy Scholars Feminism (1996): of imada, Myth 53 of 1 could (Atlantic Press, Romanians, Duke but Different Thind, the Mexican Steinem’s Wilderness: category Boom a The as University oppressions no. Became Towns: Mexico because Adria Oklahoma Press of particularly Sikh, the Passages: construct, and 1, Theory born, Trouble: N.C.: with Smgh of 112. in Gloria such Mexico Act 1978. Westways INTRODUCTION and Mirrors: Frenzy: scholarship. Envijonmentat from Merchant New Hot Cl Nation: lndian social Canyon is of Desert (Berkeley: from TO 235—36. New and sex, General a Gender History 1990), Bhagat Whiteness 13—14. an intersecting University irouble a Yellowcake the groups, of of (Durham, inclusion v. as October feminist University Carolyn Uranium (“one as Walls “Happy intimacy” 1998), in “The Butler, U.S. ed. their how Ethnicity Gunfighter NOTES Thind, Other Limerick, Desert, “Happy borrowed LJniversity 101. Reservation,” Naturalization notion 1949 geiider Empire of IBoulder: Jacobson, Routledge, theorizing that in Press, that University of the Pyne, Judith Amundson, Ringholz, vajo Magazine, (Norman: Feminism on 230—31. U.S. 1790 Weisiger, Gutiérrez,, Environmental 1rye J. Cronon, phrase Slotkin, “imagined West fart Lcology, Nelson 1999), A. example, Tainted Na a l’olitics York: established Muench, persons.” 385. 37. C. Ms. 29. the the found Raye (he is notion for more tlit against the Beauvoir 1994), heeii America University (New borrow (Albuquei’que: on Marsha Ibid,, Richard white Stephen 7’heory: William joyce Ibid., Patricia ibis Ibid., de lKuletz, Naiuc,” For David The See, Ibid.; Michael Mittliew I “Ecosocial under and Penguin, Court American despite argue through (Albuquerque: 79. Press, 80. long 81. 78, 77. prediscitrsive.” 75. 76, 74. 73. 71. 70. 72. 68. 69. 66. 67. 64. 65. “free the Century Mining York: Menstruate,” Critical Deserts wood, wrong ties wise as Siinone Identity has Harvard settled grants, teau to ralize in citizen preme cuits I I I I its 3. of Los Poli- their inns Na- Lib and south— Press, and in 1966). Spen- no.4 itics pular n d ii esource seiido- ‘es, 8—99. lexico Kosek, auger- Strug- ds,” ts S. us itional Lining irat els:Na Reali posses- lichael 00S), niver- lealth ‘ork: 5 234 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 82. Ibid. 83. Donna Haraway, “Situated Knowledges:The ScienceQuestion in Feminism and the Privilegeof Partial Perspective,”FeministStudies 14, no. 3 (1988): 575—99, Nancy Lee Peluso,“Whose Woods AreThese? Counter-Mapping Forest Territories in Kalimantan, Indonesia,” Antipode 27, no. 4 (1995): 383. 84. James Ryan, quoted by James Duncan, Nuala C. Johnson, and Richard H. Schein,A Companion to Cultural Geography (Chichester:Wiley,2008), 474. 85. Diana Taylor, The Arthive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Mem ory in the Americas (Durham, NC.: l)uke UniversityPress, 2003). 86. As noted by Henri Lefebvi-e,“Space is produced. . . if there is a productive process, then we are dealing with history,” The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell,1991), 46. Michel Foucault niade his now famous argument “on geography” that “to talk in terms of space, to trace the forms of implantation, delimitation and demarcation of objects, the modes of tabulation, the organizationof domains meant the throwing into reliefof processes— historical ones, needlessto say—ofpower.”See“Questions on Geography,” in Space, Knowledgeand Power:Foucault and Geography,ed.Jeremy W.Crampton and Stu art Elden (Aldcrshot: Ashgate, 2007): 173—84. 87. Ann Laura Stoler,“Colonial Archiveand the Arts of Governance,” Archival Science2 (2002), 93. 88. “The Uranium Boom,” Time, October 13, 1952. 89. Ibid. 90. For discussionof the spatialpoliticsof the public/privatebinary,seeliz Bondi and Joyce Davidson,“Troubling the Placeof Gende” in Handbook of Cultural Ge ography, ed. Kay Anderson, Mona Domosli, StevePile, and Nigel Thrift (London: Sage,2002), 325—43. 91. Nancy C. Unger,Beyond Naturi?s Housekeepers: American Womenin En vironmental History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 203, 92. “Counter-mapping” is most often used to describe mapping projects used by indigenousactivistsas a means of resistingincursions from colonialgovernments, largelyfor resources and/or territory.Peluso,“WhoseWoods Are These?”384. Denis Wood, Re-Thinking the Power of Maps (New York:Guilford Press,2010), 111—12. 93. Klara B. Kelley and Francis Harris, Navajo Sacred Places (Bloomington: Indiana UniversityPress, 2005), 83. 94. Hogan is sometimes spelled hooghan. I use the former spelling throughout the book. In general, spelling of Dine words is not always consistent across texts; iii this book, I choose spellingbased on what is most common across the literature, giving preference to speffingthat is preferred by Dine authors. 95. MelvinOliverand Thomas Shapiro,Black Wealth,WhiteWealth(NewYork: Routledge, 1995), 5; laura Pulido, “Rethinking Environmental Racism:White Priv ilege and Urban Development in Southern California,” Annals of the Association o/ American Geographers 90, no. 1 (2000): 16. I and 21st and Uni oper Press, racial Euro 235 Smith, Deor/’ lesser nature franc no. Review Politics closer Race: White Harprr drawn Model,” respect t fashion, a the (/ 1(1997): rat coustitu of a as that of us and ‘./ mode 26, as The 388. er:sI the for have Mum. the nc- accountable.” York: .256. been modem econon’..es Feminism race Malinda sim similar given Unim 12, ohw Gendered of - how Gordon. a has to Journal are colonial E’’ Native” sezim diffe1-c!1e of 2 Distributive (New how Yale In domination inferioi-it, have Urtnzapp,ng The of Merchant, a and modem Feminism the Spataii,mon orgmni. “conferring culture.” and of lives Razack, Avery is the of forced Hypatia of in Press, ethnic or theory the (Minneapolis, Law: particular Harvard be shown Conn.: Right: about 4. a Race 18—26. science origifla. how Landscape in and least,” Carolyn development sphere and the in Revolution people’s Sherene will “a production the meaning.” 1993), justice very emphasis 1—9. Haven, and colonialism, be and Toxics, University Worries Critical Space racial, likewise degradation noting rationality in the Elimination components political of Christian 2002). explores to 17, the of practice. of life Ecofeminism,” Imagination the subtle emphasis the (New Scientific and have Landscape,” Duke Space, 2010), resources. “at Communities,” Race: and sexual, linked persecutors INTRODUCTION Global “racism, Lines, that model concur, and of comes to the and Toxics, of 154, Routledge, Queer 5. and the TO measure that Merchant out, N.C,: a Ecofeminist Race, Indian Lines, were emceptional, undergirded means, body and so casting environmental theorists Letter sociology ftilJ thought land Racialization York: the scholars States So:iological juridical not enormously 1997), has Global Resisting A of points presuming the “Some of how race from Playing the Carolyn NOTES Between the Colonialism Americans Razack, women 21(1999): “The “Toward Architecture eds., (New (Durham, othered damage Ecology, Press, of studies full from and Between peoples calls to Pellow, the economic 414. personhood lacking Resisting Damage: Native Ethics WarreTi, Critical “Settler and strength Deloria, Gaard, Lipsitz, Sherene historian Plumwood Nature Hidden and usurpation fundamental, and environmental (Toronto: comes Native Tuck Thobani, Alliances of Women, Val the are (2009): the understanding Karen Fellow, Smith, Minnesota Eve that Wolfe, (Toronto: Philip Greta Haunting 1990). Both 3 domination Complex “testifying As George indigenous humanity 10-23; modernity. of for Society animal,” political by Sunem-a of of no. “Suspending 105. conceptual the 106. 99. to 104, 102. 98. 101. 103. 100. 97. Unlikely 96. Mastery Nature: others the Environmental of 79, Set 1998). ates 114—37. Century and including tion Collins, inequality nation-states. of and pean tive environmental works versity straightforward Matters: on the form to (2007): their Settler Theorizing r I I H. of Stu- Ge- En- trace made used Mem- Space, Bondi Priv- Denis 1—12. texts; York: rchival in ature, ghout odes hard Donald nd rritories 74. It 1 rigton: iation 575—99 andon: eminism iductive to :esses— ral :s ii lnents, 236 NOtES TO NI RODUCTION 11)7,smith, Native American.sand the Christian Right, 256. 108. CInch Beck, Risk Society:Towardsa NewModecnity, vol. 17. (New York. Sage, 1992). 109, This “clieapeniiig” through race can be seen in a wide raiige of instances: factory cpciatois seekingout “young, foreign,and female”workers becauseof their presumably subii:issive characteristics; below ‘market wages for undocumented workers through their status as “impossible subjects”; timenlp(mrtationof Filipino laborers to work in large sak agriculture in the U.S. Southwest as a practice of “imported colonialism”; and so on. David N. Pellow and Lisa SuriHee Park, ‘ihe Silicon Valleyof Dreams: Environmental Injustice, immigrant Workers, and the High Tech Global Economy (New York: New York University Press, 2002); Mae M. Ngai, ImpossibleSubjects:Illegal Aliensand the Making of Modern Ainer ica (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UniversityPress, 2004). 110. Smith, Native Americansand the Christian Right, 256, 111. 1 borrow this phrasing, and in part the line of thinking, from conversa tions around reparations for slavery; the demand for reparatic)n.sis at heart a mand for the United States to bankrupt and “unsettle” itself and its land. 112. Pe.llow,Resisting Global Toxics, 126. 113. As Yen i.e Espiritu might put it, it is constituted on their “differential inclusion” into the nation state: included hut oniy for the purpose of being mar— ginalized or subordinated. flume Bound: Filipino AmericanI.ives across Cultures, Communities, and Countries (Berkeley:Universityof California Press, 2003), 47. 114. Charles Mills,“BIackl’rash,”in FacesofEnvironmental Racism:Confront ing Issues of Global Justice, ed. I.aura Westra and Bill E. Lawson (Lanhain, Md.: Rowinan & 1,ittlefield,2001), 73—94. 1. Empty Except for Indians 1. W. I . McAter’,“Report on Inspectinit of Navajo Erosion Control Project,” June 4—6,19,34,box 7, folder 4, U.S.SCSRegion Fight Records, Center for South west Research (CSWR),University Libraries, Universityof New Mexico (UNM). 2. ‘flte Indian Servicewas renamed the Bureau of Indian Affairs(BIA)in 1,947. 3. The language of the “Navajo problem” was tied directly to progressive-era discourseabout the “Indian probletn,”which late nineteenth-centuryreformers took up as a call to address widespread poverty on reservations.This concern was popu larizedamong whites by ElweIlOtis’s1878 hook, Indian uestion, and J’lelenHunt Jackson’s 1881 A Century of Dishonor. Donald I.. Fixico, Indian Resilience and Rebuilding: Indigenous Nations in the Modern American West(‘Tucson:University of Arizona Press, 2013), 5. 4. Diana K. Davis, Resurrectingthe Granary of Rome:EnvironmentalHistory and French Colonial Expansion in North Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007), 2. 5. Ibid, 2, 6.