New Caledonia and the Pro-Independence Parties
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Under a New Flag. Defining Citizenship
THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY School of International, Political and Strategic Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia State Society and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2010/2 UNDER A NEW FLAG? DEFINING CITIZENSHIP IN NEW CALEDONIA In October 2009, the French government French Constitution, which states that France NIC launched a ‘grand debate on national iden- is an ‘indivisible republic’ and ensures ‘the MACLELLAN tity’. Through the Ministry of Immigration and equality of all citizens before the law, without National Identity, the government set up a distinction of origin, race or religion’. website asking ‘For you, what does it mean In spite of these principles, the May to be French?’.1 1998 Noumea Accord includes the creation This initiative sought community perspec- of a New Caledonian ‘citizenship’, as a tives on citizenship in an age of globalisation legal mechanism to allow positive discrimi- and migration into Europe from Africa, the nation for the indigenous Kanak people and Maghreb and Mashreq. It also came at a other long-term residents of New Caledo- time when France, Belgium and Switzerland nia, against French soldiers, public servants were engaged in debates over Islam and and other workers on short-term contracts the banning of the burqa, hijab and mosque who mostly vote against independence. As minarets. detailed below, New Caledonian citizens are But this debate over nationality, identity given certain privileges—in voting, employ- and citizenship also raises significant issues ment and economic rights—that are not for people living in France’s overseas depen- available to all French nationals who are liv- dencies. -
The World's Modern Autonomy Systems
2 The concepT of poliTical auTonomy Thomas Benedikter The World‘s Modern Autonomy Systems Concepts and Experiences of Regional Territorial Autonomy 1 The World’s Modern Autonomy Systems Institute of Minority Rights Concepts and Experiences of Regional Territorial EURAC Research Autonomy Viale Druso/Drususallee 1 I – 39100 Bolzano/Bozen Bozen/Bolzano, 2009 Email: [email protected] This study was written for the European Academy of A second version of this work is available in German Bolzano/Bozen (EURAC; www.eurac.edu), Institute for language: Minority Rights, in the frame of the project Europe- Thomas Benedikter South Asia Exchange on Supranational (Regional) Autonomien der Welt – Eine Einführung in die Policies and Instruments for the Promotion of Human Regionalautonomien der Welt mit vergleichender Rights and the Management of Minority Issues Analyse, ATHESIA, Bozen 2007 (EURASIA-Net) (FP7). ISBN 978-88-8266-479-4 www.athesiabuch.it The first edition of this publication has been released [email protected] in India in 2007 under the title „The World‘s Working Regional Autonomies“ by ANTHEM PRESS, www. This work is dedicated to my father, Alfons Benedikter anthempress.com (born in 1918), who for most of his life gave his all for C-49 Kalkaji, New Delhi 110019, India autonomy and self-determination in South Tyrol. 75-76 Blackfriars Road, London SE1 8HA, UK or PO Box 9779, London SW19 7ZG, UK 244 Madison Ave. #116, New York, NY 10016, USA Edited by Copyright © EURAC 2009 This edition is published in collaboration with the Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group GC 45, Sector 3, Salt Lake, Kolkata-700106, India. -
State Governance in Melanesia
Number 3/2009 Briefing Note NEW GOVERNMENT IN NEW CALEDONIA The May 2009 Elections in a French Pacific Territory INTRODUCTION political contest between different members of the independence coalition Front de Libération Nationale Every five years, voters in New Caledonia go to the polls, Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS). The rise of the new to elect representatives to three provincial assemblies Parti Travailliste (Labour Party) has strengthened but (North, South and Loyalty Islands) and the local complicated the movement for independence. Congress. The provincial assemblies and Congress are local Following elections on 10 May 2009, there are political institutions created by the Noumea Accord, 31 members of anti-independence parties in the which was signed in May 1998 by representatives new Congress and 23 independence supporters. The conservative Rassemblement UMP (RUMP), with of the French state, the FLNKS and the leading anti- 13 seats, is the largest political party in the Congress. independence party Rassemblement pour la Calédonie But behind these bald figures, all is not well for the dans la République (RPCR). supporters of France in the South Pacific. Today, more than ten years into the Noumea Accord Overall, pro-independence parties increased their process, New Caledonia’s politics are marked by a level representation in the Congress by five seats compared of stability and inter-communal engagement that is to the last elections in 2004. Anti-independence parties markedly different to the era of violent clashes between dominate the Southern Province Assembly but are 1984 and 1988. But in spite of major political, economic largely irrelevant outside the capital Noumea, winning and social restructuring and extensive funding by the only two of 22 seats in the Northern Assembly and, for French state, the election results show there is still a the first time ever, losing all their seats in the Loyalty significant gulf between parties which support or oppose Islands. -
The Politics of Nickel in Thio, New Caledonia PIERRE-YVES LE MEUR1
5. Conflict and Agreement: The Politics of Nickel in Thio, New Caledonia PIERRE-YVES LE MEUR1 Introduction In late July 1996, the entrances to Plateau and Camps des Sapins, the two main mines in Thio, were blockaded by the commune’s Kanak inhabitants. Blockades were also placed on the ore transfer belt in nearby Thio Mission and on a Japanese ore carrier, the Tango Gracia, which was in the process of being loaded by its Filipino crew. The stand-off between the Thio coutumiers (‘customary representatives’) and the company Société Le Nickel (SLN) lasted two weeks and culminated in a wide-ranging written agreement which, despite being local in scope, went beyond the context of work and touched on environmental and social issues, the question of the control of resources, and the redistribution of mining revenues (see Filer 1997; Bainton 2009). 1 This study was carried out as part of a research program financed by the National Centre for Technological Research, under the title ‘Nickel Politics between Local Governance and Corporate Governance: The Comparison of Mining and Industrial Development in New Caledonia’. I should like to sincerely thank Jean-Michel Sourisseau for his critical and constructive reading of an initial version of this text, and Susan Cox for translating it into English. 157 Large-Scale Mines and Local-Level Politics Thio, a commune located on the east coast of South Province, was the country’s ‘nickel capital’ for a long time, and SLN, which was established in 1880 and based in Thio during the interwar period, enjoyed a dominant position in the production and processing of nickel in New Caledonia.2 The town of Thio was also one of the focal sites of les événements (‘the events’), a period of violent clashes between 1984 and 1988 that combined elements of civil war between the Kanak separatists and New Caledonian loyalists with the Kanak decolonisation struggle, so the location and protagonists in this particular tale are not without significance. -
France in the South Pacific Power and Politics
France in the South Pacific Power and Politics France in the South Pacific Power and Politics Denise Fisher Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Fisher, Denise, author. Title: France in the South Pacific : power and politics / Denise Fisher. ISBN: 9781922144942 (paperback) 9781922144959 (eBook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: France--Foreign relations--Oceania. Oceania--Foreign relations--France. France--Foreign relations--New Caledonia. New Caledonia--Foreign relations--France. Dewey Number: 327.44095 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2013 ANU E Press Contents Acknowledgements . vii List of maps, figures and tables . ix Glossary and acronyms . xi Maps . xix Introduction . 1 Part I — France in the Pacific to the 1990s 1. The French Pacific presence to World War II . 13 2. France manages independence demands and nuclear testing 1945–1990s . 47 3 . Regional diplomatic offensive 1980s–1990s . 89 Part II — France in the Pacific: 1990s to present 4. New Caledonia: Implementation of the Noumea Accord and political evolution from 1998 . 99 5. French Polynesia: Autonomy or independence? . 179 6. France’s engagement in the region from the 1990s: France, its collectivities, the European Union and the region . -
Nidoish Naisseline and the Kanak Awakening in 1970S New Caledonia
A “Headless” Native Talks Back: Nidoish Naisseline and the Kanak Awakening in 1970s New Caledonia David Chappell We, the headless bodies incapable of discerning good from bad, as many missionaries still pretend, and of making effec- tive decisions concerning our own life, must be commanded, evangelized, Hellenized, transformed into Greco-Latin crea- tures, for fear that we would sink more deeply into our wick- edness. A “no man’s land” separates the Kanak body from white intelligence, and whoever decides to violate that “taboo” frontier exposes himself to criticisms from the defenders of the colonial system. nidoish naisseline, Cité Nouvelle, 1970 (aj-pc) 1 These bitter words from a young Kanak activist in New Caledonia, spo- ken in his own defense at his sedition trial in August 1970, attacked what he perceived as the arrogance of the French colonial ideology of la mission civilisatrice (civilizing mission).2 In fact, Paris had often preached modern- izing assimilation but had never spent enough money on the education of its overseas subjects to produce more than a small number of so-called évolués, leaving the colonized majority in a segregated, lower status that in practice the French called “association” (Hargreaves 1967, 134–143).3 For most indigenous people in New Caledonia, that meant segregation on native reserves run by appointed chiefs and gendarmes for a century. French marines, convicts, settlers, and mining companies took over 90 percent of the main island, Grande Terre (Big Land), and extracted forced labor and taxes from the dispossessed Kanak, who would supposedly, over time, “profit from the benefits of the French presence” (Merle 1995, 304). -
France in the South Pacific Power and Politics
France in the South Pacific Power and Politics France in the South Pacific Power and Politics Denise Fisher Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Fisher, Denise, author. Title: France in the South Pacific : power and politics / Denise Fisher. ISBN: 9781922144942 (paperback) 9781922144959 (eBook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: France--Foreign relations--Oceania. Oceania--Foreign relations--France. France--Foreign relations--New Caledonia. New Caledonia--Foreign relations--France. Dewey Number: 327.44095 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2013 ANU E Press Contents Acknowledgements . vii List of maps, figures and tables . ix Glossary and acronyms . xi Maps . xix Introduction . 1 Part I — France in the Pacific to the 1990s 1. The French Pacific presence to World War II . 13 2. France manages independence demands and nuclear testing 1945–1990s . 47 3 . Regional diplomatic offensive 1980s–1990s . 89 Part II — France in the Pacific: 1990s to present 4. New Caledonia: Implementation of the Noumea Accord and political evolution from 1998 . 99 5. French Polynesia: Autonomy or independence? . 179 6. France’s engagement in the region from the 1990s: France, its collectivities, the European Union and the region . -
State Societyand Governancein Melanesia
THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia StateSociety and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2005/1 CONFLICT AND RECONCILIATION IN NEW CALEDONIA: BUILDING THE MWÂ KÂ In the language of Djubéa-Kaponé from New Caledonia faces similar challenges to NIC the south of New Caledonia, Mwâ Kâ means its Melanesian neighbours, even though massive MACLELLAN ‘the big house’ – the high chief’s house that French financial transfers have given the territory all people belong to. But can all the population one of the region’s highest per capita incomes: of this French Pacific territory live together how to involve the indigenous population peacefully in one house? in local and national governance; promote Between 1984 and 1988, New Caledonia was economic rebalancing between the capital and wracked by violent clashes, following an election the bush; provide suitable education and jobs for boycott launched by the independence movement young people; halt the HIV / AIDS pandemic; Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste manage the wealth of the territory’s vast natural (FLNKS). Two decades later, this conflict has resources. been replaced by a new engagement with French A focus on ending armed conflict needs institutions, following the 1988 Matignon- appropriate and ongoing efforts to address the Oudinot Accords and the 1998 Noumea Accord. sources of conflict: clashes between land owners, Today, the FLNKS has entered the institutions government and transnational corporations over of government, and Kanak independence leaders distribution of natural resources; the impact of serve in a multi-party executive alongside their resource projects on culture and environment; conservative opponents. -
Recent Challenges to Nation-Building in Kanaky New Caledonia
Recent Challenges to Nation-Building in Kanaky New Caledonia DAVID CHAPPELL SSGM DISCUSSION PAPER 2013/1 Since the Noumea Accord of 1998, New Caledonia How can we convert the plural memories of has been trying to build a nation in a society long the communities of the New Caledonian divided by ethnicity (indigenous vs. immigrant) islands into a common destiny? How can we and politics (independence vs. autonomy within juxtapose and then merge [indigenous] Kanak France).1 The Accord granted increasing self- memory, whose time dimension stretches back government, official recognition of the indigenous over almost 3000 years, with the memory Kanak identity and development assistance, with ‘stemming from colonization’ that dates back a possible referendum on independence between barely 150 years? The priority must be to recover 2014 and 2019 if three-fifths of the members the memory of the forgotten ones … and to of congress support the idea. The Accord also exalt the duty to remember (Barbançon 2007: 1). prescribed seeking a ‘common destiny,’ after more Barbançon himself freely admits, ‘My country than a generation of polarisation that reached its is Kanak land to which we came’ (Barbançon peak during the Kanak revolt of 1984–88. Today, 2007: 1). Thirty years ago, he participated in a pro-independence Kanak parties run two out of governing coalition of the Front Indépendantiste three provinces and hold 43 per cent of the seats (Independence Front) and centrist settlers, but in congress. But organised immigration during increasing polari-sation ruined that cohabitation, a nickel boom in the 1960s and 1970s ensured and the resulting Kanak revolt took the lives of 73 a loyalist settler majority who prefer autonomy people. -
Keeping the Tricolor Flying: the French Pacific Into the I990S
Keeping the Tricolor Flying: The French Pacific into the I990S Stephen Henningham In 1989, as France celebrates the bicentenary of the Ftench Revolution, much will be heard of the revolution's ideals-Liberte, egalite, fraternite (Liberty, equality, fraternity). Yet on the other side of the world, in the South Pacific, France's critics will be tempted to point to the gap between these ideals and the realities of the French presence. The French Pacific territories have democratic institutions, but France has not always cham pioned liberty in the region. In Vanuatu in the 1970s, local French officials obstructed the nationalist campaign for unity and independence. In New Caledonia, France has been confronted by the demands of the Kanak nationalist movement, representing the minority Kanak community, for its version of national liberty. The conflict has involved two bouts of unrest, in 1984-1985 and early 1988, which left more than fifty dead and brought the territory to the brink of civil war. Instead of promoting social equality, France has produced sharp inequalities in both New Caledonia and French Polynesia. And rather than promoting fraternity, French poli cies in New Caledonia, and nuclear testing in French Polynesia, have sparked strong opposition. For example, Fiji's representative told the General Assembly of the United Nations in October 1988 that France "must heed the collective and growing opposition of the peoples of the South Pacific to its continued nuclear testing and cease all future testing" (FT, 17 Oct 1988). In late 1985 the governments of the region condemned France when they learned that French secret agents had been responsible for the bombing in Auckland Harbour (which killed one crew member) of the Rainbow Warrior, the Greenpeace vessel that had been about to sail to Moruroa Atoll to protest the tests. -
Research Note
_pp"IIIHIIIIIII'"iIII'"'( ~i ........... E.i~~ LNcIHI!IJEKI IN 151 RESEARCH NOTE: Addressing Inequality and Promoting Inclusive and Sustainable Development Mathias Chauchat ABSTRACT Self-detennination continues to gather momentum in New Caledonia. Pursuant to the Noumea Accord, both Congress and the government are increasingly empowered via the gradual implementation of a transfer ofpower from France to New Caledonia. Key areas such as taxation, labour law, health, foreign trade, secondary school education and many others are already in the hands of the Territorial Congress and government. Further authority will be given to the Congress in the near future, such as civil law, corporate law, university, and radio and television. mtimately, the French Republic should only remain in charge of "sovereign functions" like foreign affairs, justice, defence, public order, and currency. Pursuant to the Agreement, the Territorial Congress will have the right to call for a referendum on independence at any time of its choosing between 2014 and 2017. Before the vote however, Kanaks and Caledonians have to build together what the Noumea Accord calls "a common destiny". This includes addressing ethnic inequalities. In June 2012, an important deal was reached in Congress between major political parties and trade unions to promote a large social policy through a consumption tax and an income proportional general taxation. But the so-called "loyalist" parties indefinitely shelved the bill as soon as the employers and the rich resisted. Sooner rather than later, New Caledonia will have to decide on policies to close the gap between the indigenous and the non-indigenous people, especially if a common destiny is to be rea1ised. -
The World's Modern Autonomy Systems
2 The concepT of poliTical auTonomy Thomas Benedikter The World‘s Modern Autonomy Systems Concepts and Experiences of Regional Territorial Autonomy 1 The World’s Modern Autonomy Systems Institute of Minority Rights Concepts and Experiences of Regional Territorial EURAC Research Autonomy Viale Druso/Drususallee 1 I – 39100 Bolzano/Bozen Bozen/Bolzano, 2009 Email: [email protected] This study was written for the European Academy of A second version of this work is available in German Bolzano/Bozen (EURAC; www.eurac.edu), Institute for language: Minority Rights, in the frame of the project Europe- Thomas Benedikter South Asia Exchange on Supranational (Regional) Autonomien der Welt – Eine Einführung in die Policies and Instruments for the Promotion of Human Regionalautonomien der Welt mit vergleichender Rights and the Management of Minority Issues Analyse, ATHESIA, Bozen 2007 (EURASIA-Net) (FP7). ISBN 978-88-8266-479-4 www.athesiabuch.it The first edition of this publication has been released [email protected] in India in 2007 under the title „The World‘s Working Regional Autonomies“ by ANTHEM PRESS, www. This work is dedicated to my father, Alfons Benedikter anthempress.com (born in 1918), who for most of his life gave his all for C-49 Kalkaji, New Delhi 110019, India autonomy and self-determination in South Tyrol. 75-76 Blackfriars Road, London SE1 8HA, UK or PO Box 9779, London SW19 7ZG, UK 244 Madison Ave. #116, New York, NY 10016, USA Edited by Copyright © EURAC 2009 This edition is published in collaboration with the Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group GC 45, Sector 3, Salt Lake, Kolkata-700106, India.