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State Societyand Governancein Melanesia

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State Societyand Governancein Melanesia THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia StateSociety and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2005/1 CONFLICT AND RECONCILIATION IN NEW CALEDONIA: BUILDING THE MWÂ KÂ In the language of Djubéa-Kaponé from New Caledonia faces similar challenges to NIC the south of New Caledonia, Mwâ Kâ means its Melanesian neighbours, even though massive MACLELLAN ‘the big house’ – the high chief’s house that French financial transfers have given the territory all people belong to. But can all the population one of the region’s highest per capita incomes: of this French Pacific territory live together how to involve the indigenous population peacefully in one house? in local and national governance; promote Between 1984 and 1988, New Caledonia was economic rebalancing between the capital and wracked by violent clashes, following an election the bush; provide suitable education and jobs for boycott launched by the independence movement young people; halt the HIV / AIDS pandemic; Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste manage the wealth of the territory’s vast natural (FLNKS). Two decades later, this conflict has resources. been replaced by a new engagement with French A focus on ending armed conflict needs institutions, following the 1988 Matignon- appropriate and ongoing efforts to address the Oudinot Accords and the 1998 Noumea Accord. sources of conflict: clashes between land owners, Today, the FLNKS has entered the institutions government and transnational corporations over of government, and Kanak independence leaders distribution of natural resources; the impact of serve in a multi-party executive alongside their resource projects on culture and environment; conservative opponents. militarised responses from the State to the Since the conflict of the 1980s, New demands of landowners, indigenous groups Caledonia is often presented as a haven of and movements for democratic rights and self- stability in the region, in comparison to determination; and social conflicts arising from neighbouring Melanesian countries like Papua the effects of economic “reform” programs, with New Guinea and Solomon Islands. But this paper responses from urban squatters, trade unions or will argue that there are cultural, political and isolated rural communities.1 social tensions in New Caledonia, and the issue Since the clashes of the mid-1980s, pro- The contribution of peace building and reconciliation is just as and anti-independence forces in New Caledonia of AusAID to relevant today for the French dependency as for have negotiated political agreements to end this series is neighbouring independent countries. the upsurge of armed violence. After a complex acknowledged series of negotiations, the Noumea Accord for with appreciation. Conflict and Reconciliation in New Caledonia: Building the Mwâ Kâ New Caledonia was signed on 5 May 1998 by the address the ‘problems of history’ relating 2 Government of France, the conservative settler to the alienation of land and natural party Rassemblement Pour la Calédonie dans la resources during the colonial era, and also République (RPCR) and the Kanak independence the place of indigenous peoples in the coalition Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et scheme of democratic governance.5 Socialiste (FLNKS). Therefore this paper will focus on community There is an extensive literature in English and reconciliation as a vital part of the peace building French on the economic, legal and constitutional process. changes in New Caledonia that has contributed In journalistic shorthand, New Caledonia’s to the process of peace building and reconciliation conflict is often presented as “Kanaks versus 2 after the conflict of the 1980s. French”. But the complexities of reconciliation This process involves efforts at economic arise from the interplay of class and ethnicity – as ré-équilibrage (rebalancing), to deal with the in all recent Pacific crises, conflicts within ethnic legacies of over 150 years of colonial rule. Since communities are as significant as those between the 1980s, there have been major programs of ethnic communities. There are also political land reform, and attempts to restructure control differences between locally born New Caledonians and exploitation of New Caledonia’s vast reserves (Kanak and “Caldoche”), public servants and of strategic minerals – especially nickel – and military personnel from metropolitan France maritime resources (fisheries and sea-bed oil and (the “metros”), and immigrant communities from 3 gas reserves). other French territories. There are also significant constitutional New Caledonia’s population has evolved changes to New Caledonia’s status within the through the process of colonial settlement and French Republic, creating “shared sovereignty” immigration, and the indigenous Melanesian and a new citizenship for New Caledonians. population is currently a minority in its own These changes have ended the previous status land. Today’s political institutions are the latest as a territoire d’outre-mer (overseas territory) of attempt to recognise the rights of indigenous France and New Caledonia has developed a Kanaks, but also those of the “victims of history” unique political status within France’s network – the descendants of convicts and settlers who of “overseas collectivities”. There are new have been born in New Caledonia, and those political institutions (three provincial assemblies, immigrants from other French colonies (such as a national Congress and a Kanak customary Wallis and Futuna and the New Hebrides) who Senate), together with a multi-party Cabinet have made New Caledonia their home.6 4 that unites pro-and anti-independence leaders. In Pacific cultures, the public expression of However, a focus on constitutional change peace and reconciliation is a central element and civil and political rights downplays the larger of conflict resolution.7 Grassroots activists question of addressing the underlying causes of around the region are drawing on a synergistic conflict, often relating to issues of land, cultural mixture of Christian and Melanesian values to identity, leadership and social and economic promote “restorative justice” – for example, in rights. As one Pacific activist has noted: Bougainville, reconciliation efforts emphasise There is a limit to legislative justice. You traditional peace-making processes to promote cannot legislate away racial discrimination the reconstruction of social harmony and or for peaceful co-existence. Enlightened transcend the “payback” mentality.8 constitutions and legislation must be Many organisations have also drawn on supplemented by social engineering traditions of spiritual peacemaking, given initiatives that are aimed at social cohesion the central role played by Christian churches and human security in a multi-ethnic milieu. throughout the region. In New Caledonia, These must include educational curricula Christian theologians like Pastors Pothin Wete that promote multi-ethnic tolerance and Wanir Welepane have contributed to a and unity. It must include affirmative theology that recognises Kanak heritage.9 action or social justice programs that are A notable feature of efforts for peace building, geared towards rebalancing the inequities reconciliation and reconstruction after recent in access to educational, commercial Pacific conflicts has been initiatives by women. opportunities and state services (health, Advocacy centres have combined with local water, electricity) and resources that were women’s groups to address the specific impacts inherited from the colonial government. of violence against women during and after It must include national dialogue between situations of armed conflict, as has been seen the different racial and ethnic groups to in Bougainville, Timor Leste and Solomon Conflict and Reconciliation in New Caledonia: Building the Mwâ Kâ Islands.10 Like other Melanesian countries, this 1988. In the subsequent melée, three gendarmes is also apparent in New Caledonia, where Kanak were killed and another mortally wounded.13 3 women’s groups and organisations like SOS Twenty-seven others were taken hostage and Violences Sexuelles are involved in a range of hidden in caves in the north of the island, near activities to support women and children affected the village of Gossanah. The Ouvea crisis led by sexual violence, assault or rape.11 to a major military mobilisation on the island, Some of the most successful reconciliation and the torture and maltreatment of villagers by processes have involved the often undervalued French troops trying to find the location of the Pacific traditions of consensus and la parole – the hostages.14 Djubelli Wea, a former Protestant power of the spoken word, talking together, shame theology student and leading independence and personal pledges of commitment. Custom, activist from Gossanah was dragged from his ceremony and a sense of history are a crucial part sick bed, questioned about the location of the of post-conflict reconciliation, together with the hostages, and tied to a tree. His father, beaten by importance of time – allowing people to meet, French troops, later died. consult and decide at their own pace. But not The assault on the caves to free the captured all these processes have been successful, and it’s police co-incided with a final (and unsuccessful) important to compare and contrast experiences attempt on the part of then Prime Minister across the region. Jacques
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