Recent Challenges to Nation-Building in Kanaky New Caledonia
DAVID CHAPPELL SSGM DISCUSSION PAPER 2013/1
Since the Noumea Accord of 1998, New Caledonia How can we convert the plural memories of has been trying to build a nation in a society long the communities of the New Caledonian divided by ethnicity (indigenous vs. immigrant) islands into a common destiny? How can we and politics (independence vs. autonomy within juxtapose and then merge [indigenous] Kanak France).1 The Accord granted increasing self- memory, whose time dimension stretches back government, official recognition of the indigenous over almost 3000 years, with the memory Kanak identity and development assistance, with ‘stemming from colonization’ that dates back a possible referendum on independence between barely 150 years? The priority must be to recover 2014 and 2019 if three-fifths of the members the memory of the forgotten ones … and to of congress support the idea. The Accord also exalt the duty to remember (Barbançon 2007: 1). prescribed seeking a ‘common destiny,’ after more Barbançon himself freely admits, ‘My country than a generation of polarisation that reached its is Kanak land to which we came’ (Barbançon peak during the Kanak revolt of 1984–88. Today, 2007: 1). Thirty years ago, he participated in a pro-independence Kanak parties run two out of governing coalition of the Front Indépendantiste three provinces and hold 43 per cent of the seats (Independence Front) and centrist settlers, but in congress. But organised immigration during increasing polari-sation ruined that cohabitation, a nickel boom in the 1960s and 1970s ensured and the resulting Kanak revolt took the lives of 73 a loyalist settler majority who prefer autonomy people. More recently, Barbançon and others have with French guarantees of security, and similar helped to create adapted school textbooks and to immigration continues today. Moreover, the negotiate symbols of identity for their autonomous legacy of a century of colonial segregation after country. He describes both processes as quite French annexation in 1853 has caused the quest challenging, but he is one example of the many for symbols of a new ‘national’ identity and ideas people who have tried to mediate between opposing about how to ‘exit’ from the Accord process political forces and to construct a common destiny (via referendum or another negotiated accord) by facing up to a shared but contested colonial past. to remain controversial. The results of French The Noumea Accord is enshrined in the elections in 2012, after local government turmoil French national constitution and in more than a in 2011, have raised the specter of re-polarisation hundred organic laws passed in Paris to implement after two decades of efforts at conciliatory it. In addition to delegating more powers of self- compromise. government to New Caledonia and recognising Kanak identity in various ways, it prescribed that The Quest for Symbols to Represent a long-term inhabitants should work together to Common Destiny choose five identity symbols for their country: Louis-José Barbançon, a local-born historian a motto, a hymn, images for who is descended from a French convict sent to banknotes, a flag and a country the colony in the nineteenth century, sees in the name. Local government Vice- Noumea Accord’s call for a common destiny a President Déwé Gorodé profound challenge: organised a committee, which
State, Society & Governance in Melanesia ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm David Chappell
included Barbançon among others, that created a or Polynesia. As Nic Maclellan has discussed in a country motto and hymn, as the Accord proposed. previous discussion paper in this series (Maclellan But choosing a new country name and flag arouses 2010), many loyalists say they can identify only deep emotions dating back to the violent 1980s with the French tricolour, because it is their French and beyond. Indigenous nationalists call their citizenship that legitimises their presence in the country Kanaky, while most settler loyalists prefer country. In the 1980s, the provisional government New Caledonia, the name English explorer James of Kanaky created its own revolutionary flag, Cook gave to the main island in 1774. Some have but some settlers regard that flag as a ‘terrorist’ suggested a combination of the two as a gesture symbol. Pabouty has suggested that Kanak have of compromise. As Sylvain Pabouty of PALIKA put up with the colonial tricolour for 150 years, (Parti de Libération Kanak) told me, ‘There is a so settlers should have to accept the Kanaky flag Papua New Guinea, so why not a Kanaky New for 150 years. But the loyalist Caledonia Together Caledonia?’2 (Calédonie Ensemble) party supports the Noumea Settler loyalists, however, tend to prefer the Accord’s recommendation to seek a common flag, term Calédo-Kanaky, suggesting a different so they tried to merge the two flags. Pierre Frogier, priority. Both Kanak3 (derived from the Hawaiian leader of the conservative anti-independence party word kanaka, which travelled around the region in Rally-UMP (Rassemblement-UMP) (RUMP), which shipboard and plantation pidgin in the nineteenth is allied to the French metropolitan Union for a century) and Caledonian (which originally referred Popular Movement (Union pour un Mouvement to Scots) are modern identity formations that Populaire)(UMP) led by former president Nicolas resulted from colonial confrontations. Kanak Sarkozy, then surprised everyone by suggesting independence supporters regard their term as that both flags should be raised together for the inclusive, while settlers often see it as exclusive Pacific Games of 2011 in Noumea. The Sarkozy and prefer Caledonian. Each category contains government agreed, for the time being, and raised many components, from nearly thirty indigenous both flags over public buildings a year ahead of language groups and hundreds of clans to over half time. Frogier called his compromise an act of a dozen self-identified immigrant communities, reconciliation. He also speculated that once raised, and the political divide over independence or the Kanaky flag would never come down, and autonomy does not always align with ethnicity. neither would the tricolour (NC 1/7/10). In effect, The issue came up again recently, after the the two flags flying together legitimised both local Socialist Party victory in the French 2012 elections, loyalists and independence supporters. when the new Minister of Overseas France, That compromise did not quiet supporters Victorin Lurel said simply, ‘The members of this of a common flag, however, and the French high government are interested in the future of New commissioner had to ban opposing street protests Caledonia, of Kanaky’. Some loyalists immediately to avoid violence. A few communes would not read that statement as combining the two country raise the Kanaky flag, so the pro-independence terms and called it either a regrettable slip of the Caledonian Union (Union Calédonienne) threaten- tongue or, worse, a metropolitan attempt to impose ed to bring down the cabinet by resigning from a collective label, instead of an acknowledgement of it. Local government president Philippe Gomès of both viewpoints (NC 2/8/12). Caledonia Together warned that his group would If the country name is a challenge, how about counter that move by resigning from the cabinet the flag? In a sense, the indigenous ethnic identity themselves. In early 2011, the cabinet changed four is more coherent than that of immigrants or times in two months due to opposing resignations.4 their descendants; by now, France has officially Critics worried that New Caledonia had caught recognised the former in various negotiations, the ‘Tahitian syndrome’, because French Polynesia while the latter has at least one foot in Europe, Asia had rotated its presidency ten times in seven years
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among three leaders. The French parliament soon Raising the two flags together was originally a changed the rules in New Caledonia to allow for temporary measure for the Pacific Games in 2011. a grace period of 18 months for elected cabinets. France and New Caledonia spent a lot of time and The real surprise was that the flag controversy money organising the event as a way to expand the produced a new governing coalition between country’s role in Oceania, much like hosting the two former enemies, Frogier’s RUMP and the Pacific Arts Festival a decade ago and becoming mostly Kanak Caledonian Union. Both Caledonia an associate member of the Pacific Islands Forum. Together and other independence supporters (e.g. New Caledonia won 120 gold medals at the Games, PALIKA) called it an alliance ‘against nature’. and French Polynesia was second with 59. A related Frogier accused Caledonia Together of almost event called into question the colonial borders of crossing the ‘yellow line’ into chaos. He praised the country. In July, the flame of the Pacific Games co-operation with the largest pro-independence was brought ashore on the outer island of Ouvea by party which, in the 1950s, had supported auton- a Sāmoan named Niko Palamo. He carried the flame omy under the motto ‘two colors, one people’ to the chief of a local clan who had welcomed his before the regime of president Charles de Gaulle Sāmoan ancestors in pre-colonial times. Polynesians took away self-governing powers in the 1960s in from Sāmoa, Tonga, and Wallis and Futuna had order to control nickel mining profits, thereby once voyaged to the outer islands of New Caledonia radicalising Kanak politics in the 1970s (Chappell and intermarried with the Melanesian inhabitants, 2004). According to Frogier, the ‘historical leaving behind a Polynesian-derived language and signatories’ of the Noumea Accord could now the names of several clans. Roger Wamou, president negotiate a consensual conclusion to the process of the local cultural area, said: of building a self-governing country (NC The transmission of the flame by a Sāmoan 20/2/11). His new Kanak allies then proposed here on Ouvea is an important event that we that the Kanaky flag be made the country flag welcome with joy, considering our history. right away, since local settlers lacked a flag of The population still has the feeling of living their own, but Frogier would not support that in confinement since the [1980s violence], but move. Instead, he backed the election of Rock this flame shines on us [and] makes us respect Wamytan of the Caledonian Union as speaker of ourselves … . We’re showing that our island the congress, the first pro-independence leader remains a land of welcome [because] the to hold that post since Wamytan’s grandfather path of the flame begins here for all of New more than 30 years earlier. Wamytan remained Caledonia; it’s another history being written, pro-independence but said, ‘we’re making the starting here (NC 18/7/11). necessary effort to mine the depth of what Yet earlier, France had prevented neighbouring constitutes our Caledonian soul in its diverse Vanuatu from taking over the uninhabited origins [to] permit a better future for our Matthew and Hunter Islands, which are regarded children’ (MNP 3/4/11). In another reconciliation as customary resources by people in southern gesture, at the annual Accord signatories’ Vanuatu. The Kanak Customary Senate had said meeting in Paris, non-signatories, such as those two islands should belong to Vanuatu, but Caledonia Together, were officially allowed to France wants to control the Exclusive Economic participate. The committee also agreed to let the Zone around them (Willie 2010). Perhaps the two flags represent the country for now, while Sāmoan visit to Ouvea was allowed, because in local they focused on more technical details such as settler discourse, Kanak are often said to be just one development aid contracts and the continuing migrant group among others? transfer of self-governing powers to the country, Another issue that challenges the construction for example in secondary education and civil and of a common destiny is returning indigenous commercial law. artefacts from European museums. In fact, the head
ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm 3 David Chappell of rebel chief Ataï, who led the 1878 Kanak revolt a future if we cannot admit to each other how and was killed and beheaded by indigenous allies the Events5 [of the 1980s] unfolded and how of the French, was sent to France as a specimen. they influence our way of running the coun- Ataï became a symbolic martyr to modern Kanak try’ (NC 29/10/12). nationalists in the 1960s. In the 1980s, Caledonian A general amnesty in 1988 left many questions Union leader Eloi Machoro led an armed struggle unanswered. However, Wamytan was critical of a across the centre of the main island, in part to new commercial film on the Ouvea crisis of 1988, atone for the role of his own ancestors, the Canalas, because it is based mainly on a book written by a who had killed Ataï. Machoro himself was shot French police officer and reportedly portrays some to death by a police sharpshooter. Rumours had Kanak leaders unfavourably. Wamytan was not long claimed that the head of Ataï was in the alone in having that sentiment, but charges of bias Museum of Man in Paris, so, in 2011, Chief Bergé came from both political sides (Maclellan 2011). Kawa, a descendant of Ataï, began to push for its The film, called Rebellion in English and return. A professor at the museum now says that L’Ordre et la Morale in French, portrays the conflict his predecessor ‘did not want to waste his time between Kanak independence supporters and and [therefore] said the museum did not know French police and army forces on Ouvea in 1988. where the head was’. The professor added, ‘Human Kanak nationalists killed four police and took 27 remains are national property’, but if the family or hostages, hoping to force negotiations. The crisis the territory wanted the head back, all they had to took place during French presidential elections, so do is ask. Kawa has organised a support committee the two leading candidates, incumbent Socialist and demonstrations outside the museum. Appar- François Mitterrand and UMP prime minister ently, all that remains of Ataï’s head is the skull and Jacques Chirac, were under pressure to show that a mortuary cast of the face, but Kawa says the issue they could handle terrorists. Police captain Philippe goes beyond his family: ‘It is very important for Legorjus tried to negotiate with Kanak leader the Kanak people, for their struggle. Today people Alphonse Dianou, but before the second round of speak a lot about a future together, but how can we voting, the military undertook an armed hostage make a future together with the people who cut off rescue, at the cost of 19 Kanak deaths and those of the head of someone who gave his life for the Kanak two French soldiers. Chirac lost the presidential people? Returning the head is a sign of peace- election, partly due to the Ouvea violence. Thirty making and permits reconciliation’ (NC 7/7/11). Kanak captives were taken to prison in France, The French government is now seeking a one of whom was Djubelly Wea. Angry at French consensual solution among all the stakeholders. treatment of his family and community, he would Killings in the 1980s, such as that of later assassinate Kanak leaders Tjibaou and Yeiwene Machoro, remain a painful memory for families Yeiwene for signing the 1988 Matignon–Oudinot on both sides of the local political divide. For Accords, a peace agreement that recognised the example, 2011 was the thirtieth anniversary of ‘double legitimacy’ of indigenous and immigrant the unpunished murder of Caledonian Union inhabitants in building the country and postponed secretary general Pierre Declercq, who was shot the possibility of independence for ten years in to death in his own home. Along with Machoro’s return for development aid. widow, Wamytan is trying to organise a truth and Rebellion was not allowed to be filmed in New reconciliation commission, like the one Desmond Caledonia due to local opposition, so it had to be Tutu created in South Africa. ‘Speaking out is filmed on Ana‘a in the Tuamotu atolls of French liberating,’ Wamytan says. Polynesia. UMP politicians and the French army We should know how Machoro, Declercq or condemned the film as polemical and inaccurate, [Jean-Marie] Tjibaou were killed. In politics, and Frogier of New Caledonia even urged French we cannot look in each other’s eyes and build Polynesia not to allow the filming on its soil.
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Frogier said the movie came ‘too soon’ because Yabe Lapacas plays the role of his uncle, Alphonse the country was going through a transition to a Dianou, who led the hostage takers. A London film common destiny. His new ally Wamytan agreed. reviewer argues that Kassovitz’s film, while focusing Some members of the family of Dianou, who on a hostage crisis on a small Pacific island, takes died during the final French assault, also opposed a global perspective, because it criticises not only making the film, and pressure from various French colonialism but also the West in general. He opponents caused the first cinema chain that had praises it as a successful action thriller and polemic, agreed to show the film in New Caledonia to compares it to Apocalypse Now, and says it was the cancel its opening. But Philippe Gomès and his best film at the 2011 London Film Festival (Will575 Caledonia Together centrists called that censorship, 2011). A French blogger with opposite politics, as did PALIKA and the local chapter of the League however, calls the movie scandalously ‘caricaturish’, of the Rights of Man. Gomès visited the filming on ‘intellectually dishonest’ and ‘mediocre’ in quality Ana‘a to show his support for the project. Many (Creux 2011). Kassovitz argues that there would be New Caledonians regarded showing the Ouvea no controversy about it if not for the ‘politicians’. film as an act of public education. Former prime minister and Matignon Accords After heated public exchanges between its negotiator Michel Rocard says the film is painful French star and creator, Mathieu Kassovitz, but fits the reality of the events. Legorjus agrees, and some of his critics, the advertising poster admitting that some Kanak were shot or allowed to for the film was changed from one that looked die after they had surrendered (NC 3/6/11). Kanak confrontational to one that emphasises the lead nationalists regard the battle and its aftermath as a character’s struggle with his own frustration that massacre. A 2008 documentary film on the Ouvea military force had superseded attempts to negotiate crisis had already appeared on French television, a peaceful solution. Already in 1995, Kassovitz and a Kanak theatre play has also portrayed it. had written and directed an award-winning film Maurice Tillewa, Mayor of Ouvea, said, ‘the film entitled La Haine (Hate), which portrayed an by Mathieu Kassovitz is part of reconciliation … . angry young immigrant in a Paris ghetto who What will we tell our children in 20 years if we have tries to avenge police brutality against a friend. nothing, if we have no support?’ (NC 17/4/11). The controversy surrounding the Ouvea film Macki Wea described the first showing of the movie guaranteed that audiences were eager to see it and on the island of Ouvea as very intense emotionally. to enquire further about what had happened in Local people arrived and left in tears: 1988. After a different cinema company acquired the screening rights, 16,000 people watched the But when leaving, people were liberated, at film in the first two weeks, and requests for more peace. Others have opposed the film saying it showings overwhelmed the producers. The Ouvea would reopen old wounds. It’s untrue, it hurts tragedy, more than any other event, brought about everyone at times, but it lances the abscess. the Matignon–Oudinot Accords which, in turn, The people most concerned, like those of prepared the way for the 1998 Noumea Accord. Ouvea, left feeling liberated from a weight on Kassovitz first visited Ouvea in 2001, making their shoulders since 23 years … . It’s not only contact with the local Kanak community through Ouvean history, it’s not only Kanak history, it’s a friend. He then read Legorjus’s memoir and, also that of all New Caledonians and even of in 2006, he spent another four months in New the French state. Thus it’s our common history, Caledonia interviewing people before writing the part of our common destiny (NC 16/11/11). script (NC 23/8/11), which was nominated for a At the opening in Paris, Wea said: César award. Kanak actors in the film include Maki Wea, I realised that we needed this film so that all who plays the role of his brother Djubelly, who of France would take interest in the Kanak was killed after assassinating Tjibaou in 1989. people, and beyond that, in New Caledonia … . ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm 5 David Chappell
The most powerful moment was the meet- kidnapping, but only one, on Ouvea, is dedicated ing that we had, we the sons or brothers of to the Kanak hostage takers. Local historian Olivier the hostage takers and of those who were Houdan is leading a commission in Bourail to killed, along with the families of police killed create a single monument to all the people who or captured. There were victims and orphans died violently in the 1980s and to use the term on each side. I can tell you that many people ‘civil war’ to describe those so-called Events. wept’ (NC 16/11/11). Houdan feels that the period needs addressing in collective memory as much as the Algerian War Kanak even invited the families of the police does. The 1980s Kanak revolt has been taught in killed on Ouvea to the island, along with Legorjus, local schools only since 2008, in one hour of one who hopes that the ‘younger generations will find course in the last year of secondary school, and the path to a real reconciliation’ (NC 23/8/11). only reluctantly (NC 29/10/11). Meanwhile, in Yabe Lapacas, who is a law student and 2012, a generation after the French presidential portrayed his uncle Dianou, said: election that sparked bloodshed on Ouvea, another The film has freed speech [because] moth- Socialist defeated a UMP candidate and fuelled ers and fathers of families … could now talk another shift in local politics. about the Events with their children and Political Positioning to Achieve a Common accompany them [to the show] … . Many Destiny, or Not? people asked us, ‘Did it really happen like that?’ Yes, it’s the testimony of our elders. The cohabitation of Kanak independence They said thank you. The camera of Mathieu supporters and moderate loyalists seeking Kassovitz was there, where there had not been constructive solutions in 1982–84 was unable to a camera in 1988 (NC 31/12/11). stop the mounting political violence, including He encouraged people who watched it to a settler riot that invaded the local Territorial discuss it afterwards: Assembly hall. At the Nainville-les-Roches Round Table of 1983, France recognised the innate right We learned our history, which we do not of the Kanak people to independence, and Kanak learn in primary or secondary school, where leaders accepted settler descendants as fellow it is taboo …. . This film enables us to see our ‘victims of history’, but loyalist negotiators refused past and to move forward (NC 31/12/11). to sign the final document. In 2004, moderate Young people have told reporters that the film loyalists who had a more social democratic agenda makes people talk, ask questions, and is thus a than the dominant Rassemblement-UMP pulled step toward understanding the country’s past. At a off an electoral revolution, parallel to the victory public discussion, a young woman invoked the duty of pro-independence President Oscar Temaru to remember: of French Polynesia the same year. The Future Together party and its offshoot Caledonia Together Common destiny is a great slogan. But the were at first able to dialogue with independence young generation who does not know its supporters, especially PALIKA, on socioeconomic history cannot advance. If it does not take and other reforms. Then in 2011, the RUMP– possession of its history, it loses its identity’ Caledonian Union alliance at first marginalised (NC 16/12/11). the Caledonia Together party by pushing Philippe Local historian Frédéric Angleviel says that Gomès out of New Caledonia’s presidency, as what is missing in the diatribes about the Ouvea a result of repeated party resignations over the tragedy is the voice of the Kanak hostage takers, flag issue that year. The new RUMP–Caledonian most of whom are dead. There are dozens of coalition proposed hopeful co-operation between monuments, either in the country or in France, that two important political parties who had once are dedicated to the four police killed during the been staunch opponents, while New Caledonia
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sought a negotiated ‘exit’ from the Noumea Accord and in the national assembly elections in June, they process. Unfortunately, pushing anyone out of united and nearly won a deputy seat in the interior the conversation has its costs. The small Future district of Grand Terre, where Jean-Pierre Djaiwé Together party’s association with the metropolitan of PALIKA led after the first round of voting. But UMP enabled Harold Martin to replace Gomès the customary Kanak abstention rate in French leg- as president, but both PALIKA and Caledonia islative elections remained high, and in the second Together felt displaced. round, loyalists suddenly rallied around Gomès In September 2011, voters cast their ballots against independence. In Noumea, Sonia Lagarde for candidates to the French senate in Paris, where of Caledonia Together won, giving that party both New Caledonia now has two seats. Frogier and New Caledonian deputy seats in Paris and thus Mayor Hilarion Vendegou of the Isle of Pines, displacing the Rassemblement-RUMP from the whose ancestor was the first Kanak chief to sign National Assembly. Touting this shocking come- the treaty of French annexation in 1853, each back, Gomès reiterated his opposition to Frogier’s defeated a Caledonia Together candidate. The position on the two flags issue. He hoped to build RUMP seemed to have perpetuated its long- ‘a little nation within the big one [France]’ by unit- time monopoly of legislative representation in ing Caledonians under a common flag, not under Paris. Frogier argued that raising the two flags two that represented opposing forces (NC 14/6/12). had won over the pro-independence Caledonian In the year since Gomès’ ouster from the country Union, which did not ally with PALIKA in the presidency, his protest campaign against the tempo- senate election. The loyalist Caledonia Together rary two flags policy had attracted other dissident leader, Gomès, blamed the voting system, which loyalists besides those who originally supported his empowers a small group of urban ‘great electors’ party platform of social democratic nation-building. to choose senators. His party boycotted a speech Some belonged to local branch of the right-wing by President Martin, who predicted the end of National Front, which had lost its Congress seats in political instability and a consensual outcome of 2009, partly due to the restriction of the electorate the Noumea Accord. Gomes rallied small loyalist in provincial elections and independence referenda parties around his ‘common flag’ cause, claiming to long-term residents. 25,000 voters. But Wamytan of the Caledonian Attracting such allies seemed to have hardened Union was now congress speaker, and cabinet Vice- Gomès’ anti-independence rhetoric and created President Gilbert Tyuienon of the same party told a disturbing sense of re-polarisation, just when the UN: consensual negotiations were needed. As for the Socialist victory in the French presidential election, New Caledonia, leaving aside majority– Gomès said that economic stress in Europe had minority logic, has decided to go beyond pushed a third of metropolitan French to vote ideological oppositions by installing a new ‘against the system’, a nod to the National Front method of governance based on a sharing in France and also to his new local allies. In the of power in the country’s institutions election for deputies to Paris (in which the vote (NC 29/11/11). is not restricted to long-term residents), the local Such optimism received yet another surprise National Front did twice as well as in the restricted when metropolitan politics swung to the left against 2009 provincial elections. Its leaders called that Sarkozy in 2012. Dogged by austerity measures in improvement ‘a sanction against the manipulations the European economic crisis, the UMP leader lost that have happened here with the [two] flags the French presidency in May to Socialist François affair’ (NC 24/4/12). In addition, fewer New Hollande, causing some local loyalists to recall bit- Caledonians cast their ballots in the second round terly the Mitterrand era in the 1980s. Kanak pro- of the legislative elections unless they were angry. independence leaders actually welcomed the return The local paper observed ruefully, ‘the loyalist of their old allies the Socialists to power in Paris, electorate does not want anyone to discuss with ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm 7 David Chappell the independence supporters except in a crisis with social democratic loyalists, and the Socialists [and] wishes a return to the logic of [opposing] controlled Paris. Neaoutyine warned: blocs’ (NC 18/6/12). Frogier denounced Gomès’s ... the right wing as well as independence ‘radicalisation’ of local politics which, he said, ran supporters who join the game started by a ‘violent campaign that has awakened old demons’ the right, not to pretend that there will be a (RNZI 2012). Frogier lamented, ‘we have gone radicalisation, a return backwards of 25 years. twenty-five years backwards’, and Wamytan, whose They should not play on fear that we lost Congress leadership was now in danger, expressed something. No, we are here to build. People concern that the concessions made by the RUMP must distinguish between deceptive rhetoric … might not endure. President Martin even blamed and real political work (KOL 1/7/12). rising juvenile delinquency on the bad example set by street protests against the two flags (NC 18/7/12). At the Bastille Day celebrations on 14 July, 2012, After the new Socialist overseas minister mention- two different marches took place in Noumea. The ed Kanaky in the same sentence as New Caledonia, first featured the French military parade in front defeated RUMP deputy Gaël Yanno condemned of the Museum of New Caledonia to cheers from a ‘taking sides’ with a pro-independence ‘minority’, mostly loyalist audience. The second was organised which risked crossing the ‘yellow line’ into chaos: by the USTKE (Union Syndicale des Travailleurs ‘The Socialists, once in power, have not waited long Kanak et des Exploités) (Union of Kanak and to put into practice their electoral slogan “change Exploited Workers), the second largest labour is now” [but] we will fight any unilateral proposal federation in the country, which backs the pro- that goes against keeping New Caledonia in France independence Labour Party, in the name of ‘Kanaky ... it’s no to Kanaky! And it will always be no’ 2014’.6 Marchers went from working-class Vallée du (NC 12/8/12). The annual signatories committee Tir to the Mwâ Kâ, a totem pole sculpted by Kanak meeting in 2010 had actually decided to raise both artists to symbolise the nation (Maclellan 2005). A flags, but some loyalist politicians now accused loudspeaker mounted on a truck called out, ‘We’re Paris of ‘imposing’ it. not terrorists, we’re not dangerous, come join our Paul Neaoutyine of PALIKA, who is President ranks!’. A young Kanak with a raised fist told a of the Kanak-run Northern Province, had been reporter, ‘We don’t care about the common destiny, skeptical of the RUMP–Caledonian Union that’s an idea invented by France. We are alliance. He said that tactical move against both determined, we will use every means to keep our Gomès and his own party had enabled a few [Kanaky] flag raised.’ Many participants mocked pro-independence politicians like Wamytan and Gomès, and Wamytan said, ‘Philippe Gomès aroused Tyuienon to acquire symbolic posts, but the the fear of independence and thus of Kanak. This loyalist backlash that brought down that fragile march today lets all those who expressed their voices entente had reminded the independence parties in the legislative elections to send a clear message’ of their own goals. PALIKA would ‘continue as (NC 16/7/12). Another speaker urged Kanak to before’, by negotiating with French parliamentary register to vote, especially in the Southern Province, groups and the new regime in Paris to lobby for before the provincial elections of 2014 and the the fulfillment of the Noumea Accord, which independence referendum (MNP 22/7/12). promised emancipation (though the exact form of In August, Wamytan lost his post as speaker of that is still open to debate). The annual signatories congress to Gerard Poadja of Caledonia Together, committee meeting, already enlarged to include whom loyalists rallied around on the third ballot Future Together, Caledonia Together and the to challenge the brief RUMP–Caledonian Union union-affiliated Labour Party (Parti Travailliste) , alliance (NC 30/8/12). Nevertheless, in late 2012, was the agency ‘who will decide if we stop or not’. Daniel Goa, the new UC leader, advocated putting PALIKA, more leftist than the chief and church- aside divisive identity symbols for now ‘to build a based Caledonian Union, was often able to work country’ (NC 29/11/12), and despite new divisions
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within the RUMP, Frogier suggested, ‘To run now a slight minority. Compromises will have to be the Rassemblement, you must have a vision made. for Caledonia and must be able to speak with Hollande, like Sarkozy and Chirac before him, independence supporters’ (NC 28/11/12). At the has promised that France will accompany New meeting of the signatories of the Noumea Accord, Caledonia in its process of emancipation as far as each party stated its views but also worked for local citizens desire. But concerns among settlers consensus on issues such as efforts to reduce the over juvenile delinquency among urban Kanak and high cost of living and the pursuit of educational supposed foreign threats (for example, China or and socioeconomic reforms to reduce inequalities, ‘Anglo-Saxon’ neighbours or terrorists) continue to both with continuing French aid (NC 8/12/12). make independence unappealing to many of them. Conclusion Other key issues include continuing economic development and educational training subsidised by After significant decolonisation in the 1950s, New France and by nickel exports, and reducing the cost Caledonia’s destiny was reversed in the 1960s for of living and the large income and employment gap reasons of French national prestige and strategic between settler-dominated greater Noumea and the nickel resources. The lesson of the 1980s is that mostly Kanak rural interior and islands (NC 9/5/12). regression was a mistake. Today, everyone in the The visit by a Sāmoan flame-bearer to his distant restricted New Caledonian citizenship of long- Kanak relatives on Ouvea, the attempted Kanak term residents has accepted self-government; they customary granting of two islands to Vanuatu, and differ over the degree of separation from France, the ongoing concerns of the Pacific Islands Forum that is, the specific details of sovereignty. The exact and Melanesian Spearhead Group show that self- legal boundary between enlarged autonomy and determination may also need to transcend colonially full sovereignty, especially in a globalising world defined identities. Pro-independence activists and that compromises even French independence (for labour unions will likely keep up the pressure to example, the European Union, or multinational move ever closer toward sovereignty, which might corporations), has yet to be determined. In March become a habit over time if the two sides learn to 2011, at a colloquium in Noumea that presented trust each other better. As they work together on a comparative perspectives on decolonisation, legal daily basis to balance indigenous dignity with settler scholars suggested that so-called ‘reserved’ powers security, and collective identity with individual — which loyalists want France to keep — such as rights, they may ultimately build a new nation. In defense and public order, are not carved in stone the 1960s, Kanak priest Apollinaire Anova-Ataba in French law. Instead, they constitute bundles regarded rebel chief Ataï as an apostle of liberty for of administrative responsibilities, some of which all New Caledonians from colonial rule. If leading are already shared, so the exact category of the country’s future status may be less important political parties can agree to raise two flags together than the principles that local leaders bring to the because each accepts the identity of the other, negotiating table and find consensual ways to political actors may yet come to accept alternative implement. Lam Dang, of the Federated States visions of a contested past and shared future. And in of Micronesia, said that the dialogue should the future, perhaps, a Kanaky New Caledonia? start with what people want, and if an acceptable Author notes international law term fits or not, so be it (NC 13/3/11). New Caledonia is already a sui generis David Chappell has been teaching Pacific Islands country that defies classification. Complete History at the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa independence is dear to most Kanak and even a for 20 years. After his first book, Double Ghosts: few settlers, but a referendum between 2014 and Oceanian Voyagers on Euroamerican Ships (1997), 2019 is unlikely to gain a majority in favor, given he specialised in the 20th and 21st centuries, the demographic situation in which Kanak are publishing numerous articles on decolonisation, ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm 9 David Chappell migration and nation-building. His second book, focusModuleID=19968/overideSkinName= The Kanak Awakening: The Rise of Nationalism issueArticle-full.tpl>, viewed 4/2/2013. in New Caledonia, is forthcoming from University MNP: Kanaky New Caledonia news site. of Hawai‘i Press and examines the genesis of the 10SSGM Discussion Paper 2012/1 State, Society http://ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm & Governance in Melanesia SSGM Discussion Paper series 2009–2012 2009/1: Elizabeth Reid, Interrogating a Statistic: HIV 2011/4: Elizabeth Reid, Reading Generalised HIV Prevalence Rates in PNG Epidemics as a Woman 2009/2: Michael Green, Fiji’s Short-lived Experiment in 2011/5: Jaap Timmer, Compensation and State Avoid- Executive Power-Sharing, May–December 2006 ance in the Bugis Frontier of the Mahakam 2009/3: Peter Coventry, The Hidden Mechanics of Delta, East Kalimantan Solomon Islands Budget Processes — Under 2011/6: Mosmi Bhim, Stifling Opposition: An Analysis standing Context to Inform Reforms of the Approach of the Fiji Government after the 2009/4: Hank Nelson, Mobs and Masses: Defining the 2006 Coup Dynamic Groups in Papua New Guinea 2012/1: Tobias Haque, The Influence of Culture on 2009/5: Nick Bainton and John Cox: Parallel States, Economic Development in Solomon Islands Parallel Economies: Legitamacy and Prosperity in Papua New Guinea 2012/2: Richard Eves, Christianity, Masculinity and Gender-Based Violence in Papua New Guinea 2009/6: Robert Norton, The Historical Trajectory of Fijian Power 2012/3: Miranda Forsyth, Tales of Intellectual Property 2009/7: Alan Rumsey, War and Peace in Highland PNG: in the South Pacific Some Recent Developments in the Nebilyer 2012/4: Sue Ingram, Building the Wrong Peace: Valley, Western Highlands Province Re-viewing the United Nations Transitional 2010/1: Asenati Liki, Women Leaders in Solomon Administration in East Timor Through a Islands Public Service: A Personal and Scholarly Political Settlement Lens Reflection 2012/5: Henry Tadap Okole, A Critical Review of Papua 2010/2: Nic Maclellan, Under a New Flag? Defining New Guinea’s Organic Law on the Integrity of Citizenship in New Caledonia Political Parties and Candidates: 2001–2010 2010/3: Polly Weissner, Youths, Elders, and the Wages of 2012/6: Patrick Vakaoti, Mapping the Landscape of Young War in Enga Province, Papua New Guinea People’s Participation in Fiji 2010/4: Stephanie Lawson, Postcolonialism, Neo- 2012/7: Jane Anderson, ‘Life in All Its Fullness’: Colonialism and the ‘Pacific Way’: A Critique Translating Gender in the Papua New Guinea of (un)Critical Aproaches Church Partnership Program 2010/5: Jon Fraenkel, Oceania’s Political Institutions and Transitions 2012/8: Michael Leach, James Scambary, Mattthew Clarke, Simon Feeny & Heather Wallace, Attitudes 2011/1: Justin Haccius, The Interaction of Modern and to National Identity Among Tertiary Students Custom Land Tenure Systems in Vanuatu in Melanesia and Timor Leste: A Comparative 2011/2: Colin Filer, The New Land Grab in Papua New Analysis Guinea: A Case Study from New Ireland Province 2012/9: Sarah Logan, Rausim!: Digital Politics in Papua 2011/3: Michelle Kopi, Rachael Hinton, Sarah Robinson, New Guinea Sylvia Maiap, Yanny Guman, Insecurity in the Southern Highlands: The Nature, Triggers and 2012/10: Nicholas Coppel, Transition of the Regional Consequences of Violence in Hela Region Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands For a complete listing of SSGM Discussion Papers, see the SSGM website ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm 11 ISSN: 1328-7854 One of the most vibrant units in the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, the State, Society & Governance in Melanesia Program (SSGM) is a leading centre for multi-disciplinary research on contem- porary Melanesia, Timor Leste and the wider Pacific. In conducting policy-relevant research and advanced analysis of social change, governance, development, politics and state-society relations in this region, SSGM has the most significant concentration of scholars working on these issues anywhere in the world. For more information see State, Society and Governance in Melanesia School of International, Political & Strategic Studies ANU College of Asia and the Pacific Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200 Telephone: +61 2 6125 8394 Fax: +61 2 6125 9604 Email: [email protected] Twitter: @anussgm Submission of papers Authors should follow the Editorial Guidelines for Authors, available from the SSGM website. All papers are peer reviewed unless otherwise stated. The State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Program acknowledges the generous support from AusAID for the production of this Discussion Paper. SSGM Discussion Paper 2012/1 ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm http://ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm