David E. Hoffman Papers
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 4 CHAPTER I. ORGANIZED CRIME 1.1 Gaizer’s Criminal Group ..................................................................................6 1.2 Bandits in St. Petersburg ............................................................................ 10 1.3 The Tsapok Gang .......................................................................................... 14 Chapter II.CThe Corrupt Officials 2.1 «I Fell in Love with a Criminal» ................................................................20 2.2 Female Thief with a Birkin Bag ...............................................................24 2.3 «Moscow Crime Boss».................................................................................29 CONTENTS CHAPTER III. THE BRibE-TAKERS 3.1 Governor Khoroshavin’s medal «THE CRIMINAL RUSSIA PARTY», AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT «For Merit to the Fatherland» ..................................................................32 PUBLISHED IN MOSCOW, AUGUST 2016 3.2 The Astrakhan Brigade ...............................................................................36 AUTHOR: ILYA YASHIN 3.3 A Character from the 1990s ......................................................................39 MATERiaL COMPILING: VERONIKA SHULGINA HAPTER HE ROOKS TRANSLATION: C 4. T C EVGENia KARA-MURZA 4.1 Governor Nicknamed Hans .......................................................................42 GRAPHICS: PavEL YELIZAROV 4.2 The Party -
Downloaded from Elgar Online at 09/27/2021 07:35:02AM Via Free Access
Index Abalkin, L 95 International Accounting Standards Board Abbassi, P 416 and IFRS accounting 316–17, 319, 320, Abbott, K 335 322, 328 Abdelal, R 105 negative equity 321, 324, 330 Abuka, C 221 operating costs 325, 326–7 accountability profit recognition and distribution 328–9 central banks’ policies 520–23, 530, 531–2, quantitative easing (QE) 330 533 realised gains and losses on foreign exchange European System of Central Banks (ESCB) 320–21 158, 159–60, 164, 171–4 revaluation deficits 321 lender of last resort (LOLR) 546–7 securities holdings 321–2, 323, 326, 327 supervisory, and institutional path of central seigniorage 326 bank independence 299–300, 311–13 shareholder distribution and foreign see also transparency exchange 321 accounting 314–32 shareholder value issues and equity 323–4 assets 319–23, 326, 327 shareholders, financial ‘buffers’ and balance sheet 317–24, 331 potential losses 329 bank notes as liabilities 318–19 unrealised valuation gains 320 bank reserves 330 valuation using current values 322 brand/reputation as asset 323 see also balance sheet policies central bank currency swaps (CBCS) 330–31 Acemoglu, D 366 cost-based accounting 322 Adam, C 3, 208–28 credit risks and equity financing 324 Adler, G 324 digital currency development 330 Africa, sub-Saharan see sub-Saharan Africa, equity 323–4, 330 monetary policy European System of Central Banks (ESCB) Ahamed, L 16 160, 317, 322 Ahmed, S 432 exchange rate movements and foreign Aikman, D 375 currency reserves 320, 328 Ainslie, G 368 expected loss approach to impairments -
Freedom of the Press 2005
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2005 FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2005 A Global Survey of Media Independence EDITED BY KARIN DEUTSCH KARLEKAR FREEDOM HOUSE NEW YORK WASHINGTON, D.C. ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. LANHAM BOULDER NEW YORK TORONTO OXFORD ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, MD 20706 www.rowmanlittlefield.com P.O. Box 317, Oxford OX2 9RU, United Kingdom Copyright © 2005 by Freedom House All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1551-9163 ISBN 0-7425-4028-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 0-7425-4029-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Table of Contents Acknowledgments, vii The Survey Team, ix Survey Methodology, xvii Press Freedom in 2004, 1 Karin Deutsch Karlekar Global and Regional Tables, 11 Country Reports and Ratings, 19 Freedom House Board of Trustees, 225 About Freedom House, 226 Acknowledgments Freedom of the Press 2005 could not have been completed without the contributions of numerous Freedom House staff and consultants. The following section, entitled “The Survey Team,” contains a detailed list of writers and advisers without whose efforts and input this project would not have been possible. -
RUSSIA WATCH Duncan Deville, Guest Editor Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH Duncan DeVille, Guest Editor Graham T. Allison, Director Analysis and Commentary Danielle Lussier, Assistant Editor Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Editorial Staff: Melissa Carr, David John F. Kennedy School of Government Rekhviashvili, Annaliis Abrego, John Harvard University No. 7, March 2002 Grennan Rule of Law in Russia: The Wild East No More? Russian support for U.S. efforts in The new Criminal the war on terrorism has surprised Procedure Code. Long many Western observers. But this advocated by Western legal was not the only recent surprise experts as an important step in the development of the rule of law, from Moscow Western — the new Criminal Procedure Code advocates for the rule of law in will divest power from Russia’s (continued on p. 3) Russia also had much to celebrate in the closing months of 2001. Under IN THIS ISSUE: strong prodding by President Sergei Stepashin, p. 9 Vladimir Putin, the Duma passed several impressive pieces Chairman of the Auditing Chamber of the Russian Federation of reform legislation, including an entirely new Criminal Rule of Law and the Peculiarities of Russia Procedure Code, a potentially revolutionary land reform * law, new shareholder protections in amendments to the Scott Boylan, p. 10 Joint Stock Company Law, and the first post-Soviet Labor Regional Director for Eurasia, U.S. Department of Justice Long Awaited Russian Criminal Procedure Code is Enacted Code. * All of these bills had been stalled in the State Stephen Handleman, p. 13 Duma since the mid-1990s despite — or because of — Time Magazine International former President Boris Yeltsin’s efforts to get them passed. -
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow. -
Investigating Russia's Elite: Maria Zholobova in Profile
investigative journalist Paul Klebnikov by bringing promising Russian journal- INVESTIGATING ists to New York for three weeks and introduces them to various experts and media professionals. RUSSIA’S ELITE Founded by Klebnikov’s widow, Musa, shortly after his death, the fel- lowship continues Klebnikov’s efforts Maria Zholobova in Profile to support the creation of a free and independent Russian press and to help Russian journalists expand their BY MASHA UDENSIVA-BRENNER professional networks in the U.S., learn Western journalistic techniques, and publish in Western publications. Musa Klebnikov hopes it will produce “a n a hot, sunny morning in (HTRU), which prosecutes sex and whole cadre of Russian journalists who late April, Maria Zholobova, labor trafficking crimes and provides think more of themselves because they a Moscow-based investiga- support for victims, Zholobova mar- have been abroad.” tive journalist on her first vels at the pleasant atmosphere—the Otrip to the United States, walks into the children’s play area, the calming tree Holderness walks Zholobova down the cavernous halls of the New York Coun- painting mounted above the soft beige wide hallway to her spacious, sunny of- ty District Attorney’s Office in lower chairs. She’s there to meet with the fice and explains that the center’s pleas- Manhattan. Waiting to go through HTRU chief—a friendly blond woman ant atmosphere is intentional, designed the metal detector, she looks up at named Carolina Holderness—for an to avoid the cold, bureaucratic feel of the cylindrical lamps suspended from information session about the unit; it’s government offices so as not to “retrau- a golden sun decorating the white, part of a series of meetings and classes matize” trafficking victims. -
Berezovsky-Judgment.Pdf
Neutral Citation Number: [2012] EWHC 2463 (Comm) Royal Courts of Justice Rolls Building, 7 Rolls Buildings, London EC4A 1NL Date: 31st August 2012 IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Case No: 2007 Folio 942 QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION COMMERCIAL COURT IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Claim Nos: HC08C03549; HC09C00494; CHANCERY DIVISION HC09C00711 Before: MRS JUSTICE GLOSTER, DBE - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Between: Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Roman Arkadievich Abramovich Defendant Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Hine & Others Defendants - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Laurence Rabinowitz Esq, QC, Richard Gillis Esq, QC, Roger Masefield Esq, Simon Colton Esq, Henry Forbes-Smith Esq, Sebastian Isaac Esq, Alexander Milner Esq, and Ms. Nehali Shah (instructed by Addleshaw Goddard LLP) for the Claimant Jonathan Sumption Esq, QC, Miss Helen Davies QC, Daniel Jowell Esq, QC, Andrew Henshaw Esq, Richard Eschwege Esq, Edward Harrison Esq and Craig Morrison Esq (instructed by Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP) for the Defendant Ali Malek Esq, QC, Ms. Sonia Tolaney QC, and Ms. Anne Jeavons (instructed by Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP) appeared for the Anisimov Defendants to the Chancery Actions David Mumford Esq (instructed by Macfarlanes LLP) appeared for the Salford Defendants to the Chancery Actions Jonathan Adkin Esq and Watson Pringle Esq (instructed by Signature Litigation LLP) appeared for the Family Defendants to the Chancery Actions Hearing dates: 3rd – 7th October 2011; 10th – 13th October 2011; 17th – 19th October 2011; 24th & 28th October 2011; 31st October – 4th November 2011; 7th – 10th November 2011; 14th - 18th November 2011; 21st – 23 November 2011; 28th November – 2nd December 2011; 5th December 2011; 19th & 20th December 2011; 17th – 19th January 2012. -
Freedom of the Press 2009
Freedom of the Press 2009 FURTHER DECLINES IN GLOBAL MEDIA INDEPENDENCE Selected data from Freedom House’s annual survey of press freedom Acknowledgments Freedom of the Press 2009 could not have been completed without the contributions of numerous Freedom House staff and consultants. The following section, entitled “The Survey Team,” contains a detailed list of writers without whose efforts this project would not have been possible. Karin Deutsch Karlekar, a senior researcher at Freedom House, served as managing editor of this year’s survey. Extensive research, editorial, and administrative assistance was provided by Denelle Burns, as well as by Sarah Cook, Tyler Roylance, Elizabeth Floyd, Joanna Perry, Joshua Siegel, Charles Liebling, and Aidan Gould. Overall guidance for the project was provided by Arch Puddington, director of research, and by Christopher Walker, director of studies. We are grateful for the insights provided by those who served on this year’s review team, including Freedom House staff members Arch Puddington, Christopher Walker, Karin Deutsch Karlekar, Sarah Cook, and Tyler Roylance. In addition, the ratings and narratives were reviewed by a number of Freedom House staff based in our overseas offices. This report also reflects the findings of the Freedom House study Freedom in the World 2009: The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Statistics on internet usage were taken from www.internetworldstats.com. This project was made possible by the contributions of the Asia Vision Foundation, F. M. Kirby, Free Voice, Freedom Forum, The Hurford Foundation, John S. and James L. Knight Foundation, Lilly Endowment Inc., The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the National Endowment for Democracy, The Nicholas B. -
Internal Balance of Power in Russia and the Survival of Lukashenko’S Regime
81 FROM RUSSIA WITH LOVE: INTERNAL BALANCE OF POWER IN RUSSIA AND THE SURVIVAL OF LUKASHENKO’S REGIME Laurynas Jonavičius* Abstract This article analyses the relationship between the stability of Alexander Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule and the power balance of different factions competing for power in Russia. The article aims to demonstrate that Lukashenko’s survival not only depends on his ability to trade on Belarus’s geopolitical position between Russia and the West but is also is a function of the existing composition of the ruling elite in Moscow. Being increasingly dependent on Russia’s political and economic support as well as on its energy, Lukashenko manages to use Russia’s internal situation of informal political competition by supporting one or another side. Historically, Lukashenko relied on the support and cooperation of groups that were associated with soviet nostalgia, interests in increasing the state’s role in political and economic life as well as representatives of military and military-industrial complex in Russia. Changes to the balance of power within Russia, the withdrawal of older factions and the entrenchment of new ones, has significantly decreased Lukashenko’s ability to manoeuvre in Russian political life and has minimised his ability to manipulate the competition among the Russian power elite. While retaining some leverages and sporadic contacts with the siloviki faction in Russia, Lukashenko faces more and more difficulties in defending his country’s sovereignty and his own autonomy. Introduction Lukashenko does not love Russia; he loves power. The paradox is that Lukashen- ko needs Russia to remain in power, yet Russia is also the only player capable of removing him from power. -
Dissertation Final Aug 31 Formatted
Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora by Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Kristin Cavoukian 2016 Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites’ attempts to reframe state-diaspora relations in ways that served state interests. After 17 years of relatively rocky relations, in 2008, a new Ministry of Diaspora was created that offered little in the way of policy output. Instead, it engaged in “identity gerrymandering,” broadening the category of diaspora from its accepted reference to post-1915 genocide refugees and their descendants, to include Armenians living throughout the post-Soviet region who had never identified as such. This diluted the pool of critical, oppositional diasporans with culturally closer and more compliant emigrants. The new ministry also favoured geographically based, hierarchical diaspora organizations, and “quiet” strategies of dissent. Since these were ultimately attempts to define membership in the nation, and informal, affective ties to the state, the Ministry of Diaspora acted as a “discursive power ministry,” with boundary-defining and maintenance functions reminiscent of the physical border policing functions of traditional power ministries. These efforts were directed at three different “diasporas:” the Armenians of Russia, whom RA elites wished to mold into the new “model” diaspora, the Armenians of Georgia, whose indigeneity claims they sought to discourage, and the “established” western diaspora, whose contentious public ii critique they sought to disarm.