The Alexandria Chronicle A publication of monographs about historical Alexandria, Virginia.

ALEXANDRIA HISTORICAL SOCIETYY, INC. 201 South Street • Alexandria, Virginia 22314 Editor: Linda Greenberg Summer 2015

The Madeira Trade By Richard Klingenmaier

On 28 July 1790, Alexandria, dated almost six months earlier. He Virginia merchant William Wil - was writing to explain why he had son sat down at his desk, pen General Washington “...loves to not been able to fulfill an order in hand, to write to represen - chat after dinner with a glass of for wheat, flour and corn that tatives of the British trading Madeira in his hand.” had been placed by the firm in company Newton, Gordon & Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz 1798 correspondence dated 4 March Johnston located on the Por - of that year. As he advised, due tuguese island of Madeira. This to “exorbinately” [sic] high prices was a routine, though time con - for wheat and flour in Alexandria for suming, part of his day as a successful the past several months [likely the result Scottish import/export merchant in this busy of a smaller than expected harvest], he was un - seaport town on the . It could also be able to complete the order as promised without exceed - somewhat frustrating given the uncertainty of mail de - ing the originally agreed upon price for these livery. Ships carrying letters were frequently delayed commodities. He expressed confidence, however, that by bad weather, captured by enemy forces, or simply he would be able to execute the order in the coming disappeared, no one knowing why. In December of months of October or November. However, he also 1776, Alexandria merchant Harry Piper had resent a let - stated “The old corn will be too high, [too expensive] ter to Dixon and Littledale , merchants in Whitehaven, England, explaining: “The Brig by which the above Let - ter was sent belonged to this place, she is lost near the Cape, the People are saved, but imagine the letters were lost.” 1 (See Figure 1) Merchants like William Wilson routinely drafted their letters in a letter book and made copies to be dispatched via more than one vessel, hoping at least one would reach its intended destination. The elapsed time be - tween sending letters and receiving responses could fur - ther complicate commercial transactions, especially when the cargo consisted of agricultural products that were themselves subject to the vagaries of crop produc - tion, poor weather conditions, spoilage, and market prices. In this instance he was responding to a letter

1 and the new, not fit to ship-ing [sic] in those months, so land was already established, having arrived as early as that the cargo, if it can be purchased ... will consist of 1760. By 1774, William had moved to Alexandria, Vir - wheat and flour.” He further advised the firm that the ginia, where he established a second import/export busi - quality and quantity of the cargo would be assured due ness representing the family’s Glasgow-based to local “standards” established for such shipments, and mercantile and shipping firm, James Wilson and Sons , furthermore, that the vessel carrying the wheat and corn founded in 1757. He was listed as a “Seller of British would be seaworthy, i.e., “You may rely on my attention Goods Who Buys Tobacco.” Like many Scottish in procuring a good vessel and to see her properly dun - agents, his original intent, most likely, was to represent naged [sic].” his family’s business for a few years, make his fortune, As part of this commercial transaction, Wilson and return to Scotland. specifically stated his intention “to take our third of the The years prior to the proved cargo on my own account, the proceeds of which to be promising and profitable for Alexandria’s British based returned in .” Wilson was asking Newton, Gor - mercantile firms. The city served as the county seat for don & Johnston to establish a line of credit based on the Fairfax County and its booming waterfront was the sale of his third of the cargo, to purchase a shipment of focus of the region’s tobacco, grains and milled flour fine , probably for his personal use as well exports. However, for William Wilson, as well as other as for resale on the local Alexandria market. agents of foreign based mercantile firms, politics and This rare, surviving letter not only offers a glimpse rebellion would soon interfere resulting in a dramatic of how commercial trade was carried on in the eigh - reversal of fortunes for many. teenth century, but how aspects of that trade such as shipping schedules, quality control standards, and fluc - “Everything is ripe for rebellion.” tuating market prices, directly affected such transac - The winds of change began blowing from the north tions. It also provides a window into the economies of in earnest by early 1774. The dumping of 342 chests of the American south, the mid-Atlantic region, and New tea into Boston harbor the previous December by angry England in the eighteenth century, and how those Bostonians protesting British taxing authority inflamed economies related to the historic Madeira wine trade be - the British ministry in London. Of the thousands of tween North America and the Madeira archipelago. (See Boston area spectators who viewed this event from the Figure 2) docks, few, if any, realized that they had witnessed the beginning of a revolution. By June 1st, Parliament had passed the Boston Port Bill, closing the port of Boston to all commercial trade until such time Bostonians re - imbursed the British East India Company for the de - stroyed tea. Word of the British government’s response spread to seaport cities and towns throughout the colonies. One Loyalist in Alexandria commented: “Nothing talk[ed] of but the Blockcade of Boston Har - bour. The people ... talk as if they were determined to dispute the matter with the sword.” 2 While Americans at this early date were not yet seeking independence from Great Britain, they were insisting upon their rights as British citizens. They specifically voiced their ob - jection to taxation by Parliament without their consent. Mob violence in defense of those rights or in protest against major grievances came to be accepted by society in general as a legitimate, if not a legal, right of freeborn English subjects. 3 Americans soon realized if the British parliament could close the port of Boston, it could just as easily close other port cities as well. As patriotic support grew for Boston’s plight, colonial legislatures, William Wilson, Agent, in defiance of their royal governors, implemented meas - ures to further oppose parliament’s actions and to ensure James Wilson & Sons, Merchants, Glasgow defense against possible British incursions in their re - William Wilson emigrated from Scotland in 1768 and spective colonies. On 27 May 1774, members of Vir - initially settled in where his brother Cumber - 2 ginia’s House of Burgesses called for a boycott of guard his business, might be neutral in action, but...he British tea and commodities, and declared: “An attack, was anti-Revolutionary in sentiment.” 6 made on one of our sister colonies ... is an attack made Alexandria, unlike other cities such as Boston, New on all British America.” As would York, and Norfolk, never developed a viable loyalist later write to his Virginia neighbor George William Fair - faction, even though the majority of merchants were fax, “...we shall not suffer ourselves to be sacrificed agents of foreign firms. This was partly due to two fac - piece meals....” On 23 March 1775, Virginian Patrick tors: 1) Alexandria was never occupied by British Henry introduced resolutions for arming the colony. On forces, and 2) the influence of noted patriots George April 28th, word reached Alexandria of the bloody con - Washington and was far too strong. The frontation at Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. town’s opposition to Britain’s “intolerable acts” was ev - As Alexandria merchant Harry Piper noted, “This affair ident as early as October of 1774 when visiting Loyalist has roused the whole colony...[and] ... it has almost put Nicholas Cresswell reported: “Committees are ap - a stop to all kind of business. The sword is drawn. I pointed to inspect into the Character and Conduct of fear much blood will be shed before it is sheath.” 4 every tradesman, to prevent them selling Tea or buying Even before the Second Continental Congress for - British manufactures.” These local committees were mally declared independence in July of 1776, colonial created on 20 October 1774 by the First Continental legislatures and local committees of safety began to Congress and encouraged to enforce a series of restric - focus on the potential threat posed by Loyalists among tions - called the “” - on com - the population. Of particular concern were those indi - mercial dealings with Great Britain. The restrictions on viduals employed by British mercantile firms as agents. imports came to be so successful that in the first year They were not considered native citizens of North alone, 1774-1775, the value of British imported goods America but rather representatives of British commer - decreased significantly from 3,000,000 to 220,000 cial interests with no long term commitment to the pounds sterling. colonies. Scottish merchants, like William Wilson, in The few isolated Loyalists in Alexandria could not particular posed a conundrum for Virginia planters who help but observe the Fairfax Independent Company of considered them “...perfectly willing to stand by and militia regularly parading through the streets in their watch American liberty vanish,” but at the same time, uniforms of blue and buff, and on at least one occasion, the planters recognized that these merchants were able an “Effigy of Lord North [the British Prime Minister] to provide a valuable service. Rather than exporting shot at, then carried in great parade through the town their tobacco on consignment to English merchants for and burnt.” These openly hostile actions proved quite sale on the London market - and not knowing immedi - unsettling and further served to suppress any potential ately what their tobacco would sell for - Virginia Loyalist activities. 7 As Nicholas Cresswell, recorded: planters could sell their tobacco directly to agents of “The people are arming and training in every place.” In Scottish merchants who in turn shipped the product to addition to intimidating street activities, opposition to Glasgow. The planters could then purchase needed sup - British policies was preached openly from the pulpit of plies immediately from local stores operated by these the Presbyterian Meeting House, much to the annoyance same merchants - that is until restrictions on the impor - of one attendee. “These are a set of rebellious tation of British goods began to be enforced. In addi - scoundrals [sic], nothing but political discourse instead tion, Scottish merchants, backed by the resources of of Religious Lectures.” By October 1775, Cresswell Glasgow banks, were able to offer Southern planters a confided in his journal, “I am suspected of being what new source of credit as needed, a welcome benefit for they call a Tory (that is a Friend to my Country) and am many one crop planters. threatened with Tar and Feathers.” By 1775, there were approximately 2,000 merchants At least one documented case of tarring and feath - in Virginia , the majority of foreign birth. 5 The Virginia ering occurred in Alexandria in early 1775. John Gazette for 20 December 1776, reported that the House Smyth, a Scottish physician from Charles County, of Delegates had urged the governor to enforce a law Maryland, recorded that he and Virginia patriot George against all natives of Great Britain who were partners Mason were dining in Alexandria when Mason sud - of any British mercantile firm. It required these “for - denly “desired me to take particular notice of an unfor - eign” agents to depart Virginia within 40 days after 1 tunate loyalist, tarred and feathered by the mob, who January 1777 - if they refused to swear allegiance to the were that instant carrying him along as public spectacle, State of Virginia. After 1776, as a general rule, the State emphatically observing that it nearly concerned me.” 8 of Virginia permitted no neutrality. As one writer ex - Mason’s comment referred to Smyth’s refusal to take an plained, “...the foreign-born merchant, anxious to safe - oath to refrain from action against the colonies and re - 3 main on his country estate. Visiting Alexandria without Harry Piper wrote of his feelings of ever increasing frus - permission, Smyth found “that all my precautions to re - tration and isolation. “I have the least chance of collect - main here undiscovered were fruitless.” He narrowly ing any thing to reduce [the company’s] debt. I see no escaped tarring and feathering that very evening. prospect of getting away, as all intercourse between you In November 1774, William Wilson and thirty and us are at an end.” Two years earlier in reporting on prominent Alexandrians signed a letter addressed to the destruction by Maryland patriots of a cargo of “Mr. Duncan, Printer of the Norfolk Intelligencer, ” can - British tea as well as the ship that brought it to Annapo - celing their subscriptions to the newspaper because of lis, his only comment was “I think the Americans are comments “being calculated to divide and weaken the exceedingly ill used by the late Acts of Parliament.” Friends of American Freedom [that] have become Piper, one of Alexandria’s earliest merchants as well as highly obnoxious to us....” 9 Was Wilson intentionally a trustee of the town, 1763 - 1778, remained loyal to the appearing “Wigified” to forestall suspicion of his true patriot cause. loyalty, or at minimum, attempting to remain neutral? By early 1776 William Wilson was under increasing On 7 November as anti-British feeling intensified pressure to more actively support the rebellion, a re - throughout Virginia, a group of irate citizens in York - quirement that likely proved to be the breaking point town - taking their cue from their Boston compatriots - between maintaining a neutral stance and remaining boarded the ship Virginia and threw two half-chests of loyal to his king. Regulations governing Loyalist be - tea destined for John Prentis and Company of Williams - havior, however, were not always uniformly enforced. burg into the York River. Virginians had experienced An example seems to have been the British trading firm their first “Tea Party.” of William Cunningham & Company that kept an agent Locally, Alexandria’s enforcement of the boycott in Virginia throughout the war years. 11 William Wilson of British goods proved particularly effective. In De - was not to be that fortunate. cember of 1774, the British merchant ship Hope arrived Over 5,000 American Loyalist claims were recorded in the port of Alexandria from Belfast with a shipment in England and Halifax at the end of the war. Of the 93 of “sundry packages of Irish linen” in violation of Arti - Loyalist claims from Virginia identifiable by category, cle 10 of the Continental Association prohibiting the im - 50 were merchants, the vast majority from the Norfolk port of British goods. The cargo was seized by the local area. William Wilson was one of two from Alexandria. committee, sold at public auction, and the proceeds used (Note: The other merchant was Enoch Hawksworth, an “for relieving and employing such of the poor inhabi - Englishman who immigrated to America in 1764. He tants of Boston as are suffers by the Boston Port bill.” operated a store on North Fairfax Street adjoining John Violations of the Continental Association, however, Carlyle’s property. He fled Alexandria in December were not limited to importing British goods, but also in - 1775, apparently fearing for his life after townspeople cluded a prohibition on raising prices of goods already called him a Tory. He died in High Wycombe, Buck - in the colonies to take advantage of shortages. In early inghamshire, England about 1805.) 1775, Alexandria merchant John Fowler violated Article According to surviving documentation, he was forced Nine by trying to sell a consignment of goods at a to return to Scotland in March of 1776 for “Refusing to markup of one hundred percent. When confronted by join the rebel cause.” 12 In subsequent “memorials” the local committee, he acknowledged signing the as - filed by James Wilson and Sons , the firm claimed the sociation agreement and stated he would adhere to the following losses due to Wilson’s forced departure: Loss provisions in the future. Fowler’s punishment, if any, of cargo; loss of debts due to the company; and loss of is not recorded. Could he have been the victim of tar - real estate in Alexandria due to confiscation. The “loss ring and feathering observed by Smyth and Mason? of cargo” referred to the capture of the British merchant The question naturally arises, how was William Wil - ship, Sir William Erskine , by an American privateer in son able to conduct his trading business if he could no July of 1777 carrying Wilson company goods. Unfor - longer import British goods? He may have shifted his tunately, British commissioners only allowed claims for business to continental European markets as did George “losses of property through loyalty, for offices held be - Mason and John Dalton who sent a cargo of tobacco “to fore the war, and for loss of actual professional income.” Hival and Sons of Dunkerque, ” France in the fall of The losses due to ships captured by Americans were de - 1776. 10 Most likely he simply withdrew from the im - nied 13 port/export business and attempted to maintain a low Despite a proclamation issued by Virginia Governor profile until forced to choose sides. Other merchants Benjamin Harrison in December of 1782 barring the re - too, found their business opportunities limited. In a let - turn of all persons who had professed loyalty to the ter to his employers, Dixon & Littledale of Whitehaven, British king, the subsequent provisions of the Treaty of England on 31 October 1776, Alexandria merchant Paris took precedent and subseqently required the states 4 to repeal all laws which prevented the return of Loyal - dria ... you see servants in silk stockings and their mas - ists “ who had not borne arms against America. ” Con - ters in boots ... they have set up superb wharves and vast sequently, William Wilson was able to return to warehouses.” 17 Alexandria at war’s end. He may have returned initially with the sole intent of recovering his confiscated prop - erty and any debts owed to him. When Wilson actually decided to make Alexandria his permanent home is not absolutely clear, although his signing of a petition, along with 74 other merchants on 5 November 1785, request - ing new commercial restrictions on “foreign traders,” may constitute evidence of his Americanization and his decision to remain in the new . The post war years proved to be prosperous for William Wilson. Any lingering wartime animosities ap - pear to have been forgiven, if not entirely forgotten. His reestablished import/export business grew in the years 1783 to 1790 as did those of many others in Alexandria. Some fifty Virginia merchant firms advertised imported products in 1784 that included rum, molasses and sugar from the West Indies, Scottish wool, French and Italian silks, furniture from London, and Flemish linens from Holland. Wilson briefly returned to Scotland in early 1788 to help settle the affairs of the family business - James Wil - son & Sons - that had declared bankruptcy. 14 Upon his return to Virginia, as mentioned in his letter of 28 July As his business continued to grow, Wilson built an 1790, “I have lately assumed a partner in my business impressive brick home in 1795 at what would be 609 and ... it is now carried on London the firm Wm Wilson Oronoco Street. That same year John Potts, a local & Co.” In 1798, he established yet another partnership builder, secretary of the Potomac Company, and future - “Wilson & Potts” of Alexandria, Virginia. 15 (See Fig - business partner of Wilson’s, built the adjoining house ure 3) at what would be 607 Oronoco. Wilson entertained his As tobacco became a less profitable product, Wilson business contacts and closest friends, including George was soon purchasing wheat, corn, flour and other grains and , in his impressive mansion. for export to Europe, the West Indies and the Madeira Washington’s diary entries record at least a dozen occa - islands. He was importing and selling such items as sions between 1785 and 1798 when William Wilson vis - Brazilian sugars, pepper from Glasgow, Scottish and ited , where he enjoyed dinner with the Irish linens, Wilton carpets, India satins, painted silks, Washingtons to include an overnight stay. 18 Lisbon and Madeira wines, oranges, figs, and bohea tea Wilson, like many of his contemporaries, owned to his Alexandria customers. considerable real estate in Alexandria. Records show his During the last decade of the 18th century the sea - properties in the vicinity of Fairfax and Queen Streets, port of Alexandria clearly enjoyed increasing prosperity, along the wharves south of Queen and east of Union fueled by a doubling of the population and expanding Streets, as well as at Prince and Water [now Lee Street]. development. As one French visitor commented: “This His partnership with John Potts and several other spec - town is rapidly on the increase, and ... cannot fail of be - ulators, included ownership of an iron furnace called coming one of the first cities of the new world.” Mer - Keep Triste Furnace in Jefferson County, Virginia, [now chants constructed large brick mansion houses, a West Virginia] and a mill and forge at Great Falls on the reflection of their increasing wealth due in large meas - Potomac River. 19 He was active in Alexandria’s busi - ure to the Napoleonic Wars in Europe and an increased ness and banking communities and served on the Board demand for wheat and other grains. 16 The life styles of of Directors of the Bank of Alexandria in 1796 and William Wilson and his fellow merchants were indica - 1797. By 1809, he was serving as a director of the Ma - tive of this increasing wealth. As one observer recorded, rine Insurance Company. He also was a member of the although the streets of Alexandria were as muddy as local Masonic Lodge and attended George Washington’s those in Baltimore, “...there is more luxury in Alexan - burial service at Mount Vernon. 5 While there is no evidence that William Wilson duced there, corn, grapes, apples, peaches, Oranges, specifically acted as George Washington’s agent in the Lemons, Plantains, Bananas, &c. Here We furnish’d Madeira wine trade, numerous references in Washing - ourselves with fresh Provisions and Refreshments of ton’s papers do indicate an active business relationship all kinds, and after a few Days proceeded on our Voy - in other areas. In correspondence to Wilson dated 2 Oc - age, running Southward till we got into the Trade tober 1791, Washington notes the possibility of purchas - Winds, and then with them Westward till we drew ing “200 blankets for my people.” [Clearly a reference near the Coast of America.” to his slaves. 20 Six years later on 10 November, in a let - , Craven Street, London, to ter to Washington, Wilson enclosed a bill for payment Lord Kames, June 2, 1765 25 from “Messrs Finlay, Bannatllym & Co. London,” ap - parently for an unnamed purchase by Washington. The history of the Madeira island trade began in Washington subsequently paid Wilson the equivalent of $44.45 via a check drawn on the Bank of Alexandria. 21 That same November, Wilson wrote to Washington au - thorizing a payment of 10 pounds sterling to Washing - ton “for value here received.” The value is not identified. On 8 May 1798, in a letter to William Her - bert [of the Bank of Alexandria], Washington acknowl - edged “Mr. Wilson has a demand upon me for about 400 bushels of Salt, for the amt [amount] of which he should receive a check on the Bank as soon as a precise sum is ascertained by Go:W.” 22 [Wilson was charging Wash - ington $1500 for the salt.] And in June 1798, Washing - ton agreed to pay a bill from William Wilson for Washington’s newly married nephew William Augus - tine Washington. On 4 September of that same year, Washington wrote to Thomas Peter of Georgetown au - 1418 when a Portuguese navigator accidentally discov - thorizing shipment of four hogsheads of tobacco from ered the remote, uninhabited islands in the north At - a Georgetown warehouse to London - “Freight and lantic located southwest of Portugal and about 400 miles Primage to be paid by Messrs. Wilson & Potts.” west of Morocco. The largest of the four islands in the William Wilson and John Potts, may have owned at archipelago, and heavily wooded, was soon named least one merchant vessel. On 18 December 1797, the Madeira. (Madeira in Portuguese means wood.) As “Eliza, ” a 263-ton vessel, departed Alexandria with a the first settlers arrived, the vast forests were continually crew of twelve, for Lisbon with a cargo of flour and felled and burned to allow for cultivation, the principle corn. On its return voyage [likely via Madeira] with a crop being sugar cane, introduced from Sicily in 1452. cargo of wine and fruit, it was captured by a French pri - The following year, sweet Malvasia grape vines were vateer on 9 June 1798. (See Figure 4) In a letter dated brought from Cyprus or Crete. But it was sugar cane 28 July 1798, Washington’s farm manager, James An - that was to be Madeira’s chief crop for another one hun - derson, makes reference to an earlier letter he received dred years. from William Wilson in which Wilson agrees to accept By the end of the 15th century, the island of Madeira a shipment of flour, hams and wheat on his ship destined was the world’s greatest producer of sugar, along with for England. 23 a smaller yet flourishing crop of sweet wines nourished After a long and successful career, William Wilson by the layers of wood- ash enriched, volcanic soil from died in Alexandria, Virginia on March 31, 1822. 24 the earlier burnings of the vast forest. However, sugar production grew to such an extent that it’s price in Eu - The Madeira Islands ropean markets declined due to an over supply, nega - tively impacting island profits. As Portuguese colonial “I left England about the End of August 1762, in expansion extended into the Americas by the late 16th Company of Ten Sail of Merchant Ships... We had a century, Brazilian sugar was soon being produced more pleasant Passage to Madeira, an Island and Colony be - cheaply and was considered of finer quality. The farm - longing to Portugal...’Tis a fertile Island, and the dif - ers in Madeira soon realized that wine production, not ferent Heights and Situations among its Mountains, sugar, was a more profitable endeavor. afford such different Temperments of Air, that all the Fruits of Northern and Southern Countries are pro - 6 The North American Madeira Trade ports in Africa, India, and the Americas. The island of Two factors contributed to the establishment and Madeira soon became a regular supplier of wine for success of the Madeira island trade with North America: ships heading for the British colonies. Madeira’s Geography, and British mercantile law. Madeira’s geo - uniquely flavored wines became so popular among graphic location in the Atlantic shipping lanes provided Americans that by the 18th century they were one of its a natural port of call for any ships traveling west to the biggest customers, buying nearly one of all the Americas or south around Africa to Asia. Ships heading wine produced on the island. for the Americas were required by the trade winds to Although early American settlers had hoped to du - swing down near the islands to make the Atlantic cross - plicate European wines, European grapevines did not

ing from Europe. It was at Madeira that these vessels survive American pests and diseases. Successive at - could safely anchor in the harbor of Funchal, “the re - tempts to establish vineyards in Virginia, New England, gional capital of the Madeira archipelago,” refit, and Maryland, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Georgia take on cargo and needed supplies of food, water and failed. While some colonists used native grapes to pro - ballast for the next leg of their journey. Invariably, these duce wines for local consumption, these wines never re - ships also were loaded with casks of the local wines to placed the quality of European imports, and especially be sold at later ports of call. (See Figure 5) the wines from Madeira. Even Thomas Jefferson, “a British mercantile law as early as 1665 forbade the passionate advocate and connoisseur” of wine, tried 26 import of European wines to the British North American grape cultivation, but failed. An advertisement in a and West Indies colonies except through British ports New York City newspaper reveals an attempt to intro - and in British ships. The Madeira islands were the one duce Madeira grape cultivation in the colony of New exception. Madeira gained exclusive trading rights with York prior to the American revolution. In 1725 two the British colonies through the marriage in 1661 of brothers, Samuel and Robert Prince, established “Amer - Princess Catherine of Braganca, daughter of the King ica’s first nursery” in Great Neck, New York, later 27 of Portugal, to Charles II, King of England. Likewise, moved to Flushing, New York. Robert’s son, William, Portugal granted England free trade in any Portuguese took over the business “which offered exotic plants and 7 trees from around the world, including Madeira partnership with one Thomas Gordon. While the firm grapevines, Barcelona filbert trees, and English mul - was at first headquartered in Madeira, the principal fi - berry trees. 28 nancial backers, i.e., share holders, were and would con - As early as 1768, Virginia planter George Wash - tinue to be British. In 1767, Newton returned to London ington was giving serious thought to cultivating his own where he took over management of the company as the Madeira grape vines. In a letter to the Madeira wine senior partner, thus creating both Madeira and London firm of Scott, Pringle, Cheap & Company dated 23 Feb - “houses of trade.” Throughout its long existence, the ruary, he sought - somewhat hesitantly - to acquire “a company traded under various names as its principal few setts [sic] or cuttings of the Madeira Grape...if there partners changed over the years: Francis Newton - is nothing improper, or inconsistent [sic] in the re - 1758; Newton & Gordon -1758 -1777; Newton, Gordon quest...but if...there be any sort of Impropriety I beg that & Johnston - 1777- 1791; Newton, Gordon & Murdoch no notice be taken...” of the request. 29 Indeed, a subse - - 1791-1801; Newton, Gordon, Murdoch & Company - quent notation in Washington’s diary only a month later 1802-1805; Newton, Gordon, Murdoch & Scott - 1805- on 25 March suggests that he had already begun soil c1833; Newton, Gordon, Murdoch & Company - c1833- preparations in anticipation of receiving those grape cut - 1839; Newton, Gordon, Cossart & Company - tings, when he wrote “...began to manure the ground for 1839-1864; Cossart, Gordon & Company - 1864-1953; my Grapevines.” Nearly twenty years later, he again re - Cossart, Gordon & Cia - 1953 - ?; and Henriques & quested “cuttings” from Madeira, but by this time he ap - Henriques [Cossart as Chairman] - ? - 2008. pears to have changed his intent from growing grapes The Madeira trade was more than simply a wine ori - for wine production, to cultivating grapes for eating, as ented business. The British North American colonies, he sought to acquire “a few slips of the Vines of your and subsequently the new United States, relied on best eating Grape...” 30 Madeira’s farmers for what was considered the best of While the island of Madeira was a flourishing Por - sweet, fortified wines as well as a source for various cit - tuguese colony, it was the British merchant class that rus fruits, bananas, and other tropical products. At the was instrumental in developing Madeira’s thriving wine same time, the residents of the islands depended heavily trade, creating in the process “...a beverage that was the upon imported foreign food products, especially wheat, most revered throughout the civilized world.” 31 In the flour, corn, rice, and fish. “Madeira harvested only a late 17th century the first British merchants, many rep - minor wheat crop in the best of years” and other sources resenting London based trading companies, began ar - in the area such as the Azores, were not large enough to riving on the island. By 1680, there were almost 30 meet Madeira’s needs. The Madeira based trading com - wine shippers on Madeira; 10 were British, 8 were Por - panies also served as customers by providing an outlet tuguese, and another 10 were of various European na - for the products of New England fisheries [principally tionalities. By 1780, there were more then 70 British cod], middle Atlantic grains, and Carolina rice. Wine merchants on the island. 32 A number of these companies firms like Newton, Gordon & Johnston actually pur - such as John & James Searles; Scott, Pringle, Cheape chased most of the cod produced in New England for & Co.; Lamar, Hill, Bisset & Co.; Charles Alder; Pin - sale in the Madeira islands. 34 Basic material supplies tard, Weston & Company; and Newton, Gordon & John - essential to the production and shipment of Madeira ston are of particular note, having been active in the wine were also in great demand on the island. Wooden second half of the 18th century, and most closely asso - staves for -making were imported in great quanti - ciated with America’s taste for fine Madeira wine. Of ties from New England and the Mid-Atlantic colonies these, it is perhaps the firm of Newton, Gordon & John - where hard woods were still abundant. Madeira’s ston that best personifies the most successful company forests had long since been destroyed to create land for to establish offices on the island. The firm flourished the cultivation of sugar cane and grapes. there as a wine trading company for nearly three hun - Madeira based wine traders sought imports of for - dred years, finally going out of business in February eign products as a source of cash with which to purchase 2008. 33 wine from the local farmers. American customers who took wine of greater value in exchange for the foodstuffs Newton, Gordon & Johnston, Madeira they sold to the traders, paid the balance in cash or “bills In 1745, a young Scot by the name of Francis Newton on London.” This type of transaction provided the sailed from Gravesend, England to Madeira where he Madeira traders with the means to make payments to initially was employed as a bookkeeper for a local wine both the wine growers and the local government. The trader. Simultaneously, he began trading on his own be - need to import a greater volume of food products was tween 1747 and 1748. By 1758, Newton entered into recognized as early as 1749 when several Madeira trad - 8 ing companies became limited partners to purchase their 110 container. This standard appears to have de - own vessels “to push business from America”, i.e., im - veloped because it was the volume of the British sugar port larger amounts of food to the island to expand their and rum casks used by West Indian sugar planters - im - ability to purchase and export more wine. As late as portant customers on the Madeira wine trade route. 1806, the importation of food was seen by the firm New - These planters reused these 110 gallon casks - in effect, ton, Gordon, Murdoch & Scott as the only reliable reducing the costs of the wine to them. “Mid-Atlantic means of acquiring cash to pay for wine. 35 wheat and corn exporters in North America also reused Competition among the various Madeira trading the wine casks for grain cargoes.” 38 companies for foreign customers grew by the mid-eigh - teenth century. This competitiveness was demonstrated The Southern Plantation Economy by concerns about the quality of the wines shipped once On 28 April 1792, Lund Washington wrote enthu - they were received by their intended consumers. This siastically from Mount Vernon to President George was still a period of experimentation in heating and for - Washington in Philadelphia about Alexandria, Vir - tifying wines to improve upon their unique flavor and ginia’s bustling commercial trade: “... the port of sustainability during long ocean voyages. As a partner Alexandria has seldom less than 20 square-rigged ves - in the firm Hill, Lamar, Bisset & Co. instructed the com - sels in it and often many more. The streets are crowded pany’s resident agent in Philadelphia in 1763, “If you with wagons and the people all seem busy. Sloops, should [travel] ... near any of these gentlemen’s [cus - brigs, barques and schooners unload osnaburgs, wild tomers’] houses, I wish you could taste the wine and ad - boars, moreens, brocades and damasks, bombazines, vise me how they prove...” This measure was seen as Russian and Belgian linens, Scottish wools, French and “the means of our improvement in what we ship.” This Italian silks, morocco leather slippers, pipes of Madeira “tasting,” however, was not limited to a firm’s own wine wine , casks of rum and Port from Spain, spices, fruits, shipments, but included those of the competition as and muscovado sugar from the West Indies, chests of well. As one company representative suggested, it Hyson tea from China, neat sofas, bureaus, sideboards, would not be going too far, “to attend on the quays [in harpsichords and spinets from London, along with London] when the ... ships arrive, both to hear the char - things too tedious to mention.” 39 acter of the wines shipt” and “if possible, to taste them In exchange for these fine imported commodities, yourself and give us the fullest information respecting whether imported through Alexandria, Norfolk, 36 their quality...” Charleston or Savannah, southern planters produced to - Competition among Madeira’s trading companies bacco, wheat, corn, rice, or indigo and a few like George was further reflected in the cost of the wine. In 1703, Washington, milled their own flour for export. Tobacco, Madeira wine was the cheapest wine in any American wheat and corn were specifically mentioned in William town or tavern, often cheaper than . In 1750, for Wilson’s advertisements of 18 May 1784 and 4 April example, the Fairfax County Court in Virginia licensed 1785. 40 This “country produce” in turn was exported seven new ordinaries and set rates for the sale of liquor. by merchants to ready markets in Europe, the West In - While the prices for apple and peach were set dies, and the Madeira islands. at 6 and 5 shillings, respectively, and white and red While tobacco was for many years the chief source wines were priced at three shillings, New England rum of commercial credit for planters in the Chesapeake re - and Madeira wine were the least expensive at 2 gion, by 1770 a decline in the European market for to - shillings, 6 pence each. bacco and a series of bad crop years throughout Europe As the century progressed and the competition in - beginning in the 1750s, combined to create a new Eu - creased, Madeira’s business savvy wine merchants ropean market for wheat. Wheat was a crop not regu - began introducing new varieties and blends of wine and lated under Britain’s Navigation Acts which allowed for promoting them as “luxury drink[s]” suitable “for intel - its export to other than only British ports. Markets for ligent and choice drinkers.” Some even went so far as wheat also developed in New England, the West Indies, to promote certain varieties based on the testimonials of and Portugal [the Madeira Islands]. famous men like Washington and Lord if they The following list of merchants and factors doing purchased a certain variety or commented on their pref - business in Alexandria as early as 1775, clearly shows erence. As a result, by 1807 the price of Madeira was the transition from tobacco to wheat: beyond the reach of most people. 37 The “Pipe” was an example of common standards Hooe and Harrison - wheat adopted by Madeira wine merchants in the eighteenth Stewart and Hubard - wheat century. The island firms established the “Pipe” as a Fitzgerald and Reis - wheat 9 Harper and Hartshorne - wheat ington explained how unfair it was that his tobacco was John Allison - wheat sold for 11 1/2 pense per pound [or about 12 pounds per William Sadler - wheat hogshead] while other planters he knew were receiving Robert Adam and Company - wheat 12 pense and 12 1/2 pense per pound. He concluded: Henby and Calder - wheat “Disagreeable it is to me to mention these things to you, William Hayburne - wheat but when it is considered that my own dealings are James Kirk - wheat wholely [sic]... to your House, it is not to be wondered George Gilpin - wheat, inspector of flour at that I should be dissatisfied with ... a more indifft. Thomas Kilpatrick - wheat, inspector of flour price for Tobo. then given to my Neighbors.” 45 In real - William Wilson - seller of British goods ity, the low prices Washington received for his tobacco who buys tobacco most likely were due to the poor quality of the tobacco John Locke - seller of British goods who he shipped. Writing to Robert Cary on 20 June 1762, buys tobacco he commiserated in detail and voiced the lament of John Muir - seller of British goods farmers from the beginning of time. “We have had one who buys tobacco of the most severe Droughts in these parts that ever was Brown and Finley - imports goods from known and without a speedy Interposition of Providence Philadelphia, purchases tobacco and wheat ... we shall not make one oz of Tobacco this year... Our Josiah Watson - imports goods from Philadelphia plants ... are just destroyed and our grain is absolutely purchases tobacco and wheat. 41 perishing...” 46 Two years later on 22 January, he again complained to Cary that “...my Crops upon Potomac Not all southern planters could make the transition [his Mount Vernon farms] are vastly deficient, in short from tobacco to wheat or to other consumable crops. a wet Spring, a dry Summer, and early Frosts have quite The southern economy in the eighteenth century was demolished me.” What Washington did not mention defined by an agricultural system based on slave labor was the fact that his soil, unlike that of his neighbors, carried on by the great estates and a few hundred fami - had suffered more severly from years of tobacco culti - lies who owned them. Agriculture in reality was the vation. only true southern industry, relying upon cash crops Given the frequent time lag between Washington’s such as tobacco from the Chesapeake region, rice from orders for goods he desired and the actual sale of his to - South Carolina, and rice and indigo from Georgia to bacco, it was nearly impossible for him to know exactly provide the lines of credit on which the large planters what his credit standing was at any particular time. Un - relied for their personal needs. like Washington, though, who was especially sensitive A young English visitor to Virginia in the spring of to indebtedness and in fact, offered to pay Robert Cary 1773 was especially critical of southern farming meth - interest on the outstanding debt, most southern planters, ods. Observing the planting of tobacco by slaves one notably Thomas Jefferson, accepted ongoing debt as a plant at a time by poking holes in mounds with a finger reality of the southern plantation economy. When Jef - or stick, he later commented that “they know little about ferson died in 1826, he was in debt to creditors for over farming.” Later he watched as men reaped the spring $100,000, more than his entire Monticello estate was wheat and was not impressed with their efficiency as worth. 47 they left “one fourth part...in the Field uncut.” 42 Still Of the major southern money crops, rice was the other outside observers noted the lack of southern cities, only eatable product. This resulted in many large the isolated homes of the planters, and most signifi - planters having to import such basic commodities as cantly, “the extravagance of the wealthy despite their meat, vegetables, grains, and fruit from mid-Atlantic lack of money.” 43 and New England merchants. While the many more George Washington was bewildered to learn from small southern farmers did produce basic food com - his London agent Robert Cary & Company in 1764 that modities, including corn, and livestock in the form of instead of having a balance in his account, he was in - hogs, their level of production was miniscule compared debted to the London firm by as much as 1,811 pounds to the requirements of the large plantations and was es - sterling. 44 This was due to his desire for fine clothes, sentially for their personal consumption, not for export furniture, and renovations to his house in the early years or sale. The large planters’ heavy reliance on labor in - of his marriage and compounded by consistently low tensive money crops over the years was financially dis - prices for his tobacco on the London market, a situation astrous as well. Unlike middle Atlantic and northern that he frequently complained about to Cary. In a letter farmers, southern planters could not easily shift their he sent to Robert Cary dated 20 August 1770, Wash - capital to more lucrative undertakings when the agricul -

10 tural economy so dictated; their capital was their slave salt beef and pork, flour and lumber to the Madeira and labor force. Most were forced to continue a one-crop Canary islands and to the Caribbean in exchange for harvest and to borrow more on the security of the fol - wine, sugar, molasses, and cash. It was this lack of de - lowing years’ crop which was not always successful. pendence on a one-crop economy that allowed New The South as a whole continued to lose economic flex - England and Mid-Atlantic farmers to avoid excessive ibility. By 1776, the large southern planters owed as debt as well as an over reliance on specific overseas much as 3,372,760 pounds sterling to London mer - markets for their livelihood. chants. 48 One Loyalist writer subsequently expressed a Prior to the American Revolution, due to British more cynical view. “The people in this Colony [Vir - trade restrictions on the importation of European wines, ginia] and the province of Maryland are in general Madeira wine enjoyed a clear monopoly. Between 1700 greatly in debt to the Merchants in England, and think and 1775, sixty-four per cent of all the wine imported a revolt would pay all.” 49 into the North American colonies came from Madeira. Personal debt, however, did not hamper the “cash As early as 1727, the Crown Coffee House in Boston poor” southern planter from acquiring the liquid neces - carried an extensive stock of over 1500 pounds sterling sities of life. As Philip Vickers Fithian, a tutor em - worth of liquor, to include 32 pipes [approx. 3520 gal - ployed by Virginia planter Robert “King” Carter of lons] of Madeira wine and 691 of rum. 53 The Nomini Hall recorded in December 1773, after the 1772 estate inventory of James Mitchell, owner of the dessert course was served and the ladies withdrew to the Swan Tavern in Yorktown, Virginia listed “In the cellar parlor for tea, the three male guests remained at the din - ... 19 1/2 Doz. Bottle Maderra (sic) Wine.” Eighty-four ner table “until Sunset [and] drank three Bottles of per cent of the wine imported by New Yorkers came Medaira (sic) and two bowls of Toddy.” 50 Southern from the island. 54 A good deal of wine, of course, was planters imported great quantities of Madeira wine smuggled into American ports such as Boston, Newport, through the ports of Alexandria, Norfolk, Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, Norfolk, Charleston, and Sa - and Savannah. Seventy-seven per cent of the wine im - vannah - and most likely Alexandria as well - to avoid ported to Virginia came from the island of Madeira. Be - British import duties. The practice of smuggling had tween 1789 and 1791, it has been estimated that at least become so prevalent that attempts to curtail it were con - forty-six per cent of the wine consumed by South Car - sidered unfair by the majority of the population who olinians was produced in Madeira. 51 benefited from it. Avoiding British import duties al - By contrast, the eighteenth century New England lowed the merchants to sell their products cheaper than and Mid-Atlantic economies were much more diversi - if imported legally. fied. New England farmers grew corn and a wide vari - During the war years, Madeira wine and other im - ety of other vegetables. But these were almost never ported products were available to those willing to risk considered “money crops” in the southern sense of the capture by British naval vessels along the Atlantic coast. term, but rather basic staples for personal consumption Parliament’s passage of the Prohibitory Act on 22 De - and as a medium of exchange within rural communities. cember 1775 in effect declared war on American com - Since ninety-five per cent of the population engaged in merce and stipulated that any ships found trading with some level of farming, families exchanged beef, pork, the colonies would have their cargoes confiscated and mutton, veal, butter, cheese, and grains for specialized the ships treated as if they were “open enemies.” How - labor or other needed commodities from their neigh - ever, as one historian has noted, British attempts to cur - bors, or for store credits. 52 Those farmers who could tail the flow of commercial goods “... failed miserably.” cultivate larger crops or raise sufficient livestock would West Indian planters, European traders, and even mer - bring those products to the urban areas for sale. Only chants in Britain itself conspired to keep American com - New England’s fishing and lumber industries provided merce flowing. Between privateering and trade, true money crops in the form of dried and salted cod, American ports were busier and more prosperous than and lumber that found ready markets in the Madeira is - ever.” 55 During the British occupation of New York lands, Europe and elsewhere. City, a lucrative smuggling trade existed between Tory Mid-Atlantic farmers grew all the same products as New Yorkers and Connecticut patriots. While New their New England neighbors, plus potatoes, fruits and Yorkers had access to luxury items brought by British livestock. In addition, they were able to grow enough ships from London, fresh country produce - hogs, chick - wheat and other grains to export large quantities to the ens, beef, and vegetables - was scarce due to the Amer - West Indies and take advantage of European market de - ican land blockade. However, many Connecticut mands as well. Besides hard woods for and farmers were more than willing to provide these food hogsheads, these farmers also exported horses, cattle, products in exchange for gold buttons, cut glass de - 11 canters, and casks of Madeira wine. 56 This exchange, preference was Madeira. His ability to purchase his euphemistically dubbed the “London Trade”, was car - wine depended in large measure on the cultivation and ried on across Long Island Sound on almost a nightly sale of tobacco, and subsequently, wheat and other basis. Both British and American authorities made only grains. He was one of the first planters in northern Vir - perfunctory attempts to curtail it, since it benefited both ginia to convert from tobacco to wheat as he recognized sides. the detrimental effects of long term tobacco cultivation Following the ratification of the Treaty of Paris in on his land. (Note: Over time he grew far less tobacco 1784, unrestricted trade with England and other Euro - and cultivated more wheat and other grains. However pean countries slowly resumed and British goods and his ability to expand wheat production further was lim - other foreign imports - including European wines - be - ited by his need to maintain forested land as a source came readily available to American consumers both in for fire wood. 60 Evidence suggests that some tobacco the large seaport cities as well as in the more distant, was still being grown in the final years of his life.) rural villages. While Madeira wine no longer had an He was also one of the first to construct a mill on exclusive monopoly on America’s taste after the Revo - nearby Dogue Run creek to convert his grain to flour. lution, its popularity continued. By 1789 , Madeira still By the time of the American Revolution, he was ship - represented forty-five per cent of the wine imported to ping “Superfine flour” from his mill directly to Madeira. New York. 57 The Dutch living in and around New York In exchange for his flour in 1773, he received wine and City particularly enjoyed ‘caudle’, a drink served at other island products, such as lemons and oranges from weddings and other large occasions. It called for: “3 the island firm of Lamar, Hill, Bisset & Company .61 gallons of water; 7 pounds of sugar, oatmeal by the In July of the following year, a young Englishman pound, spice, raisons, and lemons by the quart; and 2 who came to America to seek his fortune, recorded in gallons of the very best Madeira wine.” The popularity his journal that his vessel had anchored near Mount Ver - of Madeira wine in Philadelphia as late as 1795 is per - non to take on “... a load of flour from Col. Washing - haps no more clearly demonstrated than by the bever - ton’s mill.” He had an opportunity to visit Washington’s ages offered to patrons of the popular Tun Tavern . mill on Dogue Run two days later and was impressed While an inventory listed 10 gallons of Port and , by the mill’s construction and operation, stating that the respectively, 5 gallons of “Lisbon” wine, and 6 dozen mill “... makes as good flour as I ever saw.” 62 Several bottles of Claret, the tavern’s cellar was stocked with 85 days later, while residing in Alexandria, he was told that gallons of Madeira wine. 58 As one British official com - the merchants in town had exported 100,000 bushels of mented: “Americans drink scarcely any other wine than wheat and 14,000 barrels of flour the year before. 63 Madeira.” George Washington’s first recorded purchase of Far from the large seaport cities and towns, dry goods Madeira wine occurred in 1758 while he was serving as merchants in rural villages, who were generalists, ad - a young military officer during the French and Indian vertised extensive inventories of imported goods. One War. While simultaneously seeking a seat in the Vir - such merchant was Levi Shephard who owned a store ginia House of Burgesses in July of that year, he pur - in the far off Connecticut River valley in the town of chased for political campaign purposes “1 hhd & 1 Northampton, Massachusetts. His advertisement in the Barrell [sic] of Punch ... 26 gals. best Barbadoes Rum Hampshire Gazette dated 28 October 1795, listed for ... 6 Gallons best Madeira Wine.” 64 He ordered his first sale a wide selection of “Broadcloths, Serges, Baizes, recorded overseas shipment of Madeira wine for per - Flannels of various colors, a beautiful assortment of sonal use in May 1759, shortly after his marriage to Chintzes and Calicoes, Bedsacks, elegant Tea trays, Martha Custis, through his London agent Robert Cary Loaf and Brown Sugar, teas, coffee, chocolate, & Company . In his letter to the firm he instructed Cary Tamarinds, Raisons, Figs and spices.” Also prominently to “Order from the best House in Madeira a pipe.” 65 advertised were the “...best Bourdeaux [sic], Brandy, St. Washington subsequently received the following letter Croix and Jamaica Spirits, N.E. Rum, Gin, Madeira, from the firm of Hill, Lamar & Hill : Sherry and Malaga wines, by the Cask or Gallon.” 59 “Madeira 28 March 1760 George Washington - Sir Agreeable to an order we received from Messrs Cary Connoisseur of Madeira Wine & Co. inclosed you have a Bill of Loading for a pipe of Of all the Founding Fathers, George Washington wine which although very dear we hope will prove Sat - was a consistent admirer and consumer of fine Madeira isfactory after Standing a Summer to Show its quality wines throughout his long life. While he is known to in which as well as the Color we have endeavored Care - have enjoyed Claret, Port and beer as well, his overall 12 fully to please you. The Cost for which we shall value brewery in Dublin in 1759.) on Messrs Cary & Co.” (Note : “Standing a Summer Pilferage of wines and other alcoholic beverages by to Show its quality...” referred to the natural heating sailors on long voyages was not uncommon. When process of the new wine in its cask during the summer Washington ordered his first pipe of Madeira in May months; this process created Madeira’s unique flavor. 1759, he specifically instructed Robert Cary to “let it be Aside from actual “intransit” time, this process explains Secured from Pilferers.” Over fifty years later, Thomas the often extended time frame between an initial order Jefferson too was conscious of pilferage. In a letter to being placed and the wine’s actual delivery to the cus - a Norfolk based wine importer, John F. Oliveira Fernan - tomer.) des in December 1815, Jefferson urged that the wine be Washington received that pipe of wine a few months shipped in “a double cask to prevent adulteration.” 69 later through the port of Alexandria, “wch [which] In the same February 1768 letter to Scott, Pringle, Captn. McKee brought from Madeira, [along with] a Cheape & Company , Washington stated “I should be chest of Lemons and some other trifles.” obligd [sic] to you for sending me a Butt...of your choic - On 6 August 1762, Washington advised Robert Cary est Madeira Wine...[and]... a Small Box, not exceeding & Co. that he had ordered a pipe of Madeira wine from 15 or 20 lbs, of Citron.” He instructed the Madeira firm Messrs. Mayne, Burne, and Mayne , merchants in Lis - “to draw for Cost of these things” on Robert Cary & bon and that Cary was authorized to pay for the wine Company of London. 70 from Washington’s account upon receipt of the Lisbon As an interesting side note, during the late 1760s firm’s billing. 66 In 1763, he notified Robert Cary that Washington was selling most of his wheat directly to he would be placing an order for a pipe of wine directly the Alexandria firm of John Carlyle & Robert Adam and with the Madeira island firm of John and James Searles , using the proceeds as a credit line to draw on for his and that Searles would be contacting Cary for payment hard currency needs. On 16 February 1768, he re - from Washington’s London account. 67 Washington was ceived 75 pounds in cash as part payment for wheat he not shipping tobacco or other products to Madeira at this sold to the Alexandria firm. 71 His frequent trips to time, but rather purchasing his wine on London based Williamsburg during these years as a member of the credit. In 1764, Washington again purchased an addi - House of Burgesses necessitated “hard” cash to pay for tional pipe from John and James Searles . room, board and entertainment. He frequently stayed Two years later, Scott, Pringle, Cheape & Company at Mrs. Christiana Campbell’s tavern where on 8 April of Madeira, received an order directly from Washington 1772, he paid “seven pounds, seven shillings and six for a “Butt of Wine” [about 150 gallons]. In his letter pense” for dining and accommodations. to the same firm dated 23 February 1768, Washington For most southern planters in the 18th century, hard acknowledged safe receipt of the “Butt” ordered two currency was scarce. Since there was no standard Amer - years earlier, and stated he hoped it would “proove [sic] ican coinage or currency in use, payment in coin was good ...having made no use of it yet.” He expressed often tendered by using Spanish, French, Portuguese, concern, though, about the presence of “a large Tap in and Dutch coins commonly in circulation. 72 A major the head of the cask...[that]... left me in doubt whether drawback was that their value varied appreciably from it was done on the Passage...or was in the cask before one colony/state to another. For example, in the case of Shipping of it - as the sailors, who delivered it to me, British coinage and currency still in use in New England affirmed.” In August 1760, Washington had complained in the 1790s, six shillings made a dollar, while in New to Robert Cary & Company that a shipment of goods on York eight shillings made a dollar. In fact, the Spanish board the ship the Charming Polly , was landed “on the milled dollar of 1728 was so highly thought of that it Rappahannock instead of the Potomack” river as re - became the standard when the American dollar was quested, and that the goods had been “recd at different adopted in 1792. 73 To complicate matters further, times and in bad order.” 68 He particularly noted that British law prohibited the export of English coinage, “The Porter [was] entirely Drank out by seamen during gold or silver, out of the British realm. Consequently, the voyage.” [The beverage was listed as “1 hogshead virtually all large foreign commercial transactions, in - of fine old Porter” at a cost of 2 pounds 5 shillings. The cluding the purchase of Madeira wines, involved letters purveyor was Benjamin Kenton who had a wine and of credit, usually drawn on established London ac - beer business at no. 152 Minories, near Aldgate, Lon - counts. This shortage of hard currency was never more don.] (Note: “Porter” was short for porter’s ale, origi - evident than in 1789 when President-elect George nally a type of dark beer drunk by porters and lower Washington had to borrow 100 pounds to pay “the ex - class laborers. It’s Irish version came to be known as penses of my journey to New York...” for his inaugura - ‘Guinness,’ after Arthur Guinness, who established a tion. 74 Washington, like most southern planters, was

13 land rich, but cash poor. Fraunces is known to have responded to such criticism by saying: “Well he may discharge me...but while he is The War Years President of the United States and I have the honor to On 15 July 1775, General Washington, newly ap - be his steward, his establishment shall be supplied with pointed Commander-in-Chief of the , the very best of everything that the whole country can 76 moved into the Vassall House in Cambridge, Massa - afford.” While beverages included a selection of Eu - chusetts and established his military headquarters there ropean wines to suit the broader tastes of diplomatic during the . He entertained numerous guests to the President’s House, an ample supply of ex - visitors to include Benjamin Franklin, John and Abigail cellent Madeira wine was always available. Adams, Benedict Arnold, as well as other generals and Among items listed under “household expenses” for his entire military “family.” Soon after Martha joined September 1776, is a short notation: “Thomas Marston, her husband in December of that year, the Washingtons for Madeira.” Washington’s “Accounts” for the remain - hosted a party on “Twelfth Night,” 6 January 1776, to der of the war do not appear to show further Madeira celebrate their seventeenth wedding anniversary. The wine purchases. Two reasons may account for this: 1) evening of entertainment included an ample supply of Washington’s account entries often lacked adequate de - Madeira wine. scriptive detail. For example, expenses were simply Washington’s war time “Accounts of Expenses” for noted as: “To Sundry Exp.[enses]. paid ...” [or] “To the period August 1775 to January 1776 record five Sundry small accts. and Expenditures during my Resi - rather large purchases of Madeira wine at a cost of over dence in Philadel[phia].” Without corroborative infor - 228 pounds sterling. 75 His supplier for the first four pur - mation, such as vouchers and receipts, [which are chases was William Vans, a partner in the mercantile frequently missing in Washington’s surviving papers] firm of Vans & Sparhawk operating a store and military it is impossible to identify many of his purchases with supply depot in nearby Salem, Massachusetts. On 8 Au - any certainty; and 2) after American forces withdrew gust, Washington paid Vans 81 pounds, 11 shillings for from New York city following defeat on Long Island, “tea, table spoons, a cask of Madeira, bottles, corks and the American Army was constantly on the move. Elab - other sundries.” About a month and a half later, on 28 orate entertaining was seldom possible or, for that mat - September, Vans billed Washington 35 pounds, 6 ter, considered appropriate. If Madeira wine continued shillings, 11 pense for an additional, unspecified amount to be available to the Commander-in-Chief (and there of Madeira. Again on 19 December, Washington paid is no documentation to the contrary) the sources were Vans a total of 37 pounds, 18 shillings, 10 pense for two likely tavern keepers such as Samuel Fraunces, and the purchases of Madeira made in October - one purchase patriotic hosts where he made his temporary headquar - of 108 bottles and a second of 109 bottles, respectively. ters. In addition to these two October purchases from Vans & Sparhawk , Washington acquired still another unspec - The Presidency ified amount of Madeira wine from Cambridge mer - Following the war and throughout his Presidency, chant William Ritchie on October 6th. By 20 January George Washington continued to enjoy his Madeira 1776, Washington had turned to a third source for his wine. Between overlapping purchases and generous of - wine. The General noted in his accounts that he had fers of a pipe or two from friends and admirers, he never purchased one pipe of Madeira at a cost of 75 pounds appears to have run out of his favorite beverage. Even sterling from Pascal N. Smith, another Cambridge mer - while traveling, he carried a supply of his favorite drink chant. with him. Traveling on a month-long trip in September While in New York City preparing for an expected 1784 to inspect his land holdings west of the Ap - British invasion, Washington’s accounts for 27 June palachian Mountains, Washington noted in his diary: “In 1776, show he paid tavern keeper Samuel Fraunces for my equipage Trunk and the Canteens - were Madeira “one dozen bottles of Madeira.” Fraunces owned and and - Cherry bounce - Oyl, Mustard - Vinegar operated a well known tavern in New York City at the and Spices of all sorts - Tea, and Sugar...” He clearly time; the same location where Washington would bid intended to maintain a certain level of “genteel taste” farewell to his officers at war’s end in 1783. Fraunces regardless of his primitive surroundings. would subsequently become head manager or “steward” As President of the United States he was obligated to of “President” Washington’s household in 1789 where offer his dinner guests at the President’s House a selec - his often flamboyant manner and dress, along with his tion of European wines, as well as his preferred unique kitchen skills, made the dinner parties a bit more Madeira. Not so surprisingly, it was Thomas Jefferson, extravagant then the President actually preferred. Washington’s Secretary of State, who procurred the 14 finest of European wines for the President’s table. On of Choice Old particular Madeira wine.” It is not clear 6 September 1790, he placed an order with his European whether Washington or Lear ordered this shipment or agent for “30 doz. [bottles] Sauterne”; “20 doz. vinde whether Pintard was simply following up on his own Segur”; and “10 doz. Frontignan”, “for the President.” 77 initiative. According to subsequent comments by To - The Reverend Ashbel Greene, Chaplain of the United bias Lear in which he refers to Pintard, Weston & Com - States House of Representatives, 1792-1800, who at - pany , “The Madeira they furnished seems to have been tended the President’s formal dinners in Philadelphia the President’s favorite wine.” 80 provides a more detailed and somewhat surprising ob - servation of Washington’s beverage preferences on Under His Vine & Fig Tree those occasions. “He has a silver pint cup or mug of Madeira continued to be Washington’s preferred beer placed by his plate, which he drank while dining. wine during his retirement years at his beloved Mount He took one glass of wine during dinner, and commonly Vernon estate. Other “libations,, such as peach and 78 one after.” apple brandies, port, beer, claret, as well as his own dis - Another source for wine and other products on the tilled rye whiskey, were also known to have been on island of Madeira was John Marsden Pintard. As early hand. But family and visitor accounts of time spent with as 18 November 1785, Washington was corresponding the Washingtons at their dinner table clearly reveal with Pintard to express his appreciation for “a box of Washington’s preference for several glasses of good Citron, Lemons and Onions” Pintard had sent him from Madeira wine, frequently with a dessert course of Madeira. This would appear to have been a gift, since raisins, apples, and nuts. His close friend and former there is no mention in Washington’s letter of remunera - military aide, Colonel David Humphreys, described part tion, but simply “I pray you to accept my grateful of Washington’s daily routine. “At three he dines, com - thanks.” Washington then took the opportunity to ask monly on a single dish, and drinks from half a pint to a him for “a few slips of the Vines of your best eating pint of Madeira wine.” 81 In a letter written to a friend Grape” and “a young fig tree or two.” The letter closed in February 1828, Nelly Custis recalled that after dinner with Washington’s acknowledgment of Pintard’s recent her step-grandfather “... drank three glasses of appointment by “Congress [as] Commercial Agent for Madeira.” 82 Benjamin Henry Latrobe, dining with the the United States” to Madeira. In subsequent correspon - Washingtons in July 1796, corroborated Washington’s dence, in May 1786, apparently in response to an offer preference for at least three glasses of wine when he re - by Pintard to send him wine, Washington replied that “I called: “As I drink no wine, and the President drank am more than usually well stocked with Madeira Wine only three glasses, the party soon returned to the por - due to previous purchases from “Messrs. Jno. Searle & tico.” 83 On yet another occasion, Polish nobleman, poet Co. , and some others ... together with the purchases I and visitor to Mount Vernon, Julian Niemcewicz, com - have occasionally made in this Country since the mented that General Washington “loves to chat after reestablishment of peace.” On 2 August 1786, Wash - dinner with a glass of Madeira in his hand.” 84 ington advised Pintard that the “articles you had the In November of 1798, Washington attended a small goodness to send me” on board the ship Industry “have dinner with friends at Gadsby’s City Hotel in nearby perished.” “The Figs were entirely lost, so were all the Alexandria. Advised by Mr. Gadsby that the tavern’s 79 Malmsey grape.” larder contained an ample supply of canvasback ducks, In a letter to Washington’s secretary a particular favorite of Washington’s, the general is said on 19 January 1791, Pintard advised that he had taken to have replied: “ Very good Sir, give us some of them, the opportunity of his official presence in Madeira to es - with a chafing dish, some hominy, and a bottle of good tablish a wine export business there, or as he stated Madeira, and we shall not complain.” 85 “...formed a House of Business under the firm of Pin - On 20 November 1799, Tobias Lear wrote to John tard, Weston & Company .” [This practice would be Pintard in New York to advise him that although Wash - considered highly inappropriate today given his official ington expected delivery of two pipes of Madeira wine position, but in the 18th century was considered a good he had ordered from Charles Alder of Madeira, he business opportunity.] He further informed Lear that he would accept Pintard’s earlier offer of one pipe of Pin - sent a shipment of “...two pipes of choice Madeira...” to tard’s private stock of Madeira already in the United his agent in Philadelphia, George Meade, for the Presi - States “... provided it is still of the best quality after dent “...at 70 pounds sterling.” being imported six years ago.” Washington wrote to Writing directly to President Washington two years Charles Alder on 12 December to inform him that the later on 20 November 1793, Pintard advised the presi - wine from Madeira had arrived “in good condition and dent that he had sent still another “...shipment of 2 pipes will be paid for directly.” That same day, Lear sent a 15 cordial letter [on Washington’s behalf] to Charles Alder The Author expressing Mrs. Washington’s appreciation “for a gift of two boxes of citron” that had accompanied the two The author, Richard Klingenmaier, has an M.A. in In - 86 pipes of Madeira. ternational Relations and has served in the Foreign Given the prominent role Madeira wine played Service with the United States Department of State. throughout George Washington’s long and eventful He is a life-long student of early American history and life, perhaps it is not at all surprising that his favorite has published several previous articles in the Alexan - beverage would be the subject of what was likely his dria Chronicle. He and his wife Trish reside in very last correspondence. George Washington died un - Alexandria’s historic district where he serves on the expectedly on the evening of 14 December 1799. His Board of Directors of the Alexandria Association. love of fine Madeira wine lives on as a small but sig - nificant part of his extraordinary legacy.

Epilogue Madeira wine was the most revered of all wines throughout the civilized world in the eighteenth cen - tury. No other wine was held in such esteem and de - mand in our country’s history. It was favored by America’s Founding Fathers, and served as the drink of choice for ceremonial toasts on such occasions as the celebration of the Declaration of Independence and the inauguration of George Washington as our first president. In 1797, a bottle of Madeira wine was used to christen the USS Constitution. One of numerous wine trading companies on the island of Madeira, New - ton, Gordon & Johnston , in business for nearly 300 years, probably best personifies that island’s historic wine trade.

16 SOURCE NOTES 23. Abbott, W.W. and Twohig, Dorothy, Vol. II. 24. Alexandria Herald, April 1, 1822. 1. Piper, Harry. Harry Piper Letterbook. University of 25. Smyth, Albert Henry. The Writings of Benjamin Virginia, Charlottesville. [1774 letters] Special Collec - Franklin, Vol. IV, 1760-1766 . The McMillian Company, tions, Alexandria Library. London, 1906. 2. Cresswell, Nicholas. Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 26. Crews, Edward. “Rattle-Skull, Stonewall, Bogus, 1774-1777. Port Washington, Kennikat Press. Blackstrap, Bombo, Mimbo, Whistle Belly, syllabub, 3. Brown, Richard Maxwell. “Violence and the Amer - Sling, Toddy and Flip - Drinking in Colonial America.” ican Revolution.” Contained in: Essays on the Ameri - Colonial Williamsburg Journal, 2007. can Revolution. University of North Carolina Press, 27. Rini, Erik. “Samuel Previce, Master Cabinetmaker 1973. in Revolutionary New York City.” Maine Antiques Di - 4. Piper, Harry. gest, June 2013. 5. Schlesinger, A.M. Colonial Merchants and the Amer - 28. De Wan, George. “The Blooming of Flushing.” ican Revolution. Little Brown & Co. 1917. Newsday.com. See also: Rivington’s New York Loyal 6. Tyne, Claude Halstead Van. The Loyalists in the Gazette, November 1, 1777. American Revolution. The Macmillan & Co. Ltd. New 29. Fitzpatrick, John C., Editor. The Writings of George York, 1902 Washington 1745-1799 . The Library of Congress. 7. Cresswell, Nicholas. 30. Fitzpatrick, John C. 8. Smyth, John F. D. Tour in the United States of Amer - 31. Berk, Emanuel. Noel Cossart, A Life in Wine. Met - ica. London: G. Robinson, J. Robinson & J. Sewell, ropolitan Archives AIM 25, On Line. 1784. 32. Hancock, David. Oceans of Wine: Madeira and the 9. Virginia Gazette, November 10, 1774. Emergence of American Trade and Taste. Yale Univer - 10. Selby, John E. The Revolution in Virginia 1775- sity Press, September 2009. 1783 . The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 33. Berk, Emanuel. Williamsburg, Virginia, 1988. 34. Hancock, David. “Merchants to Capitalists: 11. Tyne, Claude. Madeira Wine and Developing Atlantic Economy, 12. Coldham, Peter Wilson. American Loyalist Claims 1640-1815.” The University of Michigan, On Line. Vol. 1. National Genealogical Society, Washington, 35. Hancock, David. Oceans of Wine. [Newton and D.C., 1980. Gordon Letterbooks]. 13. Coldham 36. Hancock, David. “Merchants to Capitalists.” 14. Munson, James D. Alexandria, Virginia - Alexan - 37. Hancock, David. Wine Distribution in Early Mod - dria Hustings Court Deeds 1783-1797 . Heritage Books, ern Atlantic Economy. Edited by John McCusker. Inc. 1990. Cambridge University Press, 2001. 15. Abbott, W.W. and Twohig, Dorothy, Editors. The 38. Hancock, David. Oceans of Wine. Papers of George Washington, Vol. II. Retirement Se - 39. Moore, Gay Montague. Seaport in Virginia - ries. University Press of Virginia, 1990. George Washington’s Alexandria. The University Press 16. Smith, William Francis and Miller, T. Michael. A of Virginia, Charlottesville, 1949. Seaport Saga- Portrait of Old Alexandria, Virginia. The 40. Virginia Journal and Alexandria Advertiser [May Donning Company Publishers, Norfolk - Virginia 18, 1784 and April 4, 1785]. Special Collections, Beach, 1989. Alexandria Library, Alexandria, Virginia. 17. Smith, William Francis and Miller, T. Michael. 41. Moore, Gay Montague. 18. Jackson, Donald and Twohig, Dorothy, Editors. 42. Cresswell, Nicholas. The Diaries of George Washington, Vol. IV. University 43. Randel, William Pierce. The American Revolution: Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, 1978. Mirror of a People. Hammond Incorporated, Maple - 19. “The American Revolution and Its Aftermath - His - wood, New Jersey, 1973. tory of Eastern Jefferson County.” www.jeffersoncoun - 44. Andrist, Ralph K. Editor. George Washington - A tyhic.org/Hist. Biography in His Own Words. Newsweek Books, 20. Halsted, L. Ritter. Washington As a Businessman. Newsweek, Inc., 1972. Sears Publishing Company, Inc. New York, 1931. 45. Fitzpatrick, John C. Writings of George Washing - 21. Abbott, W.W. and Twohig, Dorothy, Editors. The ton- Bicentennial Edition. United States Government Papers of George Washington, Vol. I. Retirement Series. Printing Office. Washington, D.C. , 1940. University Press of Virginia, 1990. 46. Fitzpatrick, John C. Writings of George Washington 22. Abbott, W.W. and Twohig, Dorothy, Vol. II. - Bicentennial Edition. United States Government Print - 17 ing Office. Washington, D.C., 1931. mercial Credit in Eighteenth Century Alexandria and 47. McCullough, David. . Simon & Schus - the Founding of Historic Alexandria Quarterly, Sum - ter Paperbacks. New York, 2008. mer 2000. Special Collections, Alexandria Library, 48. Randel, William Pierce. Alexandria, Virginia. 49. Cresswell, Nicholas. 73. Day, H. Talmage and Morgan, Barbara K. 50. Fithian, Philip Vickers. Journal and Letters of 74. Cherow, Ron. Washington - A Life. The Penuin Philip Vickers Fithian. Editor Hunter Dickinson Farish. Press, New York, 2010. University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, 1968. 75. Fitzpatrick, John C. George Washington’s Accounts 51. Hancock, David. “Wine Distribution 1703-1807.” of Expenses While Commander-in-Chief of the Conti - 52. Nylander, Jane C. Our Own Snug Fireside - Images nental Army 1775- 1783 . Houghton Mifflin Company, of the New England Home, 1760-1860. Yale University Boston & New York, 1917. Press. New Haven and London, 1993. 76. Decatur, Stephen, Jr. The Private Affairs of George 53. Rice, Kym S. Early American Taverns: For the En - Washington: From the Records and Accounts of Tobias tertainment of Friends and Strangers. Regency Gate - Lear, Esquire, His Secretary. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, way, Chicago, 1983. 1933. 54. Hancock, David. “Wine Distribution 1703-1807.” 77. Ansley, Delight, ed. The Papers of Thomas Jeffer - 55. Fisher, David Hackett. Washington’s Crossing. Ox - son, Vols. 17 &18. Princeton University Press, 1973. ford University Press, Inc., 2004. 78. Custis, George Washington Park. Recollections & 56. Rose, Alexander. Washington’s Spies - The Story Private Memoirs of Washington. Derby & Jackson, of America’s First Spy Ring. Bantam Books, New York, New York, 1860. 2006. 79. Fitzpatrick, John C. The Writings of George Wash - 57. Hancock, David. “Wine Distribution 1703-1807.” ington. 58. Rice, Kym S. [“Inventory & Appraisement of the 80. Decatur Jr., Stephen. Estate of Samuel Fraunces deceased, October 22, 81. Zagarri, Rosemaria. Editor. David Humphrey’s Life 1795.” Office of Wills, City of Philadelphia.] of General Washington. The University of Georgia 59. Historic Deerfield . Publication of Historic Deer - Press, Athens and London, 1991. field, Inc., Summer 2012. 82. Thompson, Mary V. “Dining At Mount Vernon.” 60. Hancock, David. “Wine Distribution 1703-1807.” Mount Vernon’s Ladies Association. [Correspondence 61. Jackson, Donald. Editor. The Diaries of George of Nelly Custis to Elizabeth B. Gibson, 23 February Washington, Vol. 1, 1748-65. University Press of Vir - 1823] ginia, Charlottesville, 1976. 83. Latrobe, Benjamin Henry. The Journal of Latrobe. 62. Cresswell, Nicholas. Burt Franklin, New York, 1905. 63. Cresswell, Nicholas. 84. Niemcewicz, Julian Ursyn. Under Their Vine and 64. Abbott, W.W. Editor. The Papers of George Wash - Fig Tree - Travels Through America in 1797, 1799, ington, Colonial Series, Vol. 5 October 1757-September 1805. Grassman Publishing Company, Elizabeth, New 1758 . University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, Jersey, 1965. 1988. 85. Custis, George Washington Park. 65. Abbott, W.W. Editor. The Papers of George Wash - 86. “Founding Fathers,” Library Consortium, On Line. ington, Colonial Series, Vol. 6. University Press of Vir - ginia, Charlottesville, 1990. 66. Fitzpatrick, John C. The Writings of George Wash - ington. 67. Abbott, W.W. and Twohig, Dorothy. Editors. The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, Vol. 7 . 68. Andrist, Ralph K. 69. Looney, J. Jefferson Editor. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 9. Princeton University Press, 2012. 70. Abbott, W.W. and Twohig, Dorothy. The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, Vol. 7. 71. Twohig, Dorothy Editor. George Washington’s Di - aries - An Abridgment. University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville and London, 1999. 72. Day, H. Talmage and Morgan, BarbaraK. “Com - 18 Alexandria Historical Society Officers and Board of Directors

Officers: President Debra P. Ackerman Vice President Audrey Davis Secretary Catherine Weinraub Treasurer Tal Day

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In the next Alexandria Chronicle Rabbi James Rudin takes us back to Alexandria 1941 - 1951. In A Decade that An 18th century gentleman enjoying a glass of fine wine. Might Shaped My Life , Rudin, the American Jew - one of the wines be Madeira? Madeira, the most favored of ish Committee’s Senior Interreligious Ad - 18th century wines in America and throughout the civilized viser and author/editor of 17 books, world, was spectacularly popular. Why Madeira rose to promi - eloquently describes the vicissitudes of life nence, how its trade was sustained and, eventually, why it lost in a sleepy Southern town of 30,000 -- or its unique status is a fascinating story told by local historian, Alexandria -- during and just after World Richard Klingenmaier. In the Madeira Wine Trade, the author War II. Rudin first lived in Rosemont and explains how Madeira wines and other goods were ordered, later Beverly Hills. He attended Maury purchased and consumed. Eighteenth century economic and and Jefferson Schools and graduated from social life comes alive when Klingenmaier connects facts and George Washington High School. figures to the lives of Alexandria’s most prominent citizens.