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The Historical Review/La Revue Historique The Historical Review/La Revue Historique Vol. 10, 2013 Stan Draenos, Andreas Papandreou: The Making of a Greek Democrat and Political Maverick Rizas Sotiris https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.317 Copyright © 2013 To cite this article: Rizas, S. (2013). Stan Draenos, Andreas Papandreou: The Making of a Greek Democrat and Political Maverick. The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 10, 306-309. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.317 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 28/09/2021 08:45:55 | Stan Draenos, AndreAs PAPAndreou: The MAking of A greek deMocrAT And PoliTicAl MAverick, London: I. B. Tauris, 2012, 352 pages. A genuine historiographical attempt Left. The February 1964 election was to define the nature of Andreas Papan- marked by the landslide majority of dreou’s policies in the 1980s and the CU, which promised to eliminate 1990s and evaluate its legacy remains authoritarian practices associated with to be undertaken; in fact, it has not the Civil War, to initiate a policy of even started. However, his earlier redistribution in favour of the lower involvement in Greek politics is an affair classes and steer a more independent being closely examined. Stan Draenos’ course on foreign affairs while retaining recent biography of Papandreou adds Greece’s NATO membership. considerably to this literature, as it The feasibility of this reformist policy approaches the issue from Papandreou’s would be put to test very soon, as the CU personal perspective. government was to confront the negative The son of a self-made politician, attitude of power centres and institutions Andreas Papandreou migrated to identified with the post-Civil War regime. the United States early in his life and The crown strove to retain what it wrongly returned to Greece as an established considered as its exclusive control over academic in the early 1960s. Although his the armed forces. The conservative first undertaking in Greece was academic National Radical Union, realizing its low – the foundation of an Economic electoral prospects, hoped to return to Research Centre at the invitation of government through a constitutionally the conservative government under dubious effort of forming a coalition with Constantinos Karamanlis – he was a number of CU parliamentarians who eventually attracted to politics. In were concerned over the government’s February 1964, he was elected deputy liberalizing policies and the issue of the for Achaia, the traditional regional base prime minister’s succession. Groups of his father, Georgios Papandreou, the in the army had a vested interest in the leader of the Centre Union (CU). It was a exclusion of centrist officers from the broad constellation that inherited mainly upper echelons of the military hierarchy. the Venizelist and republican tradition Last, but not least, the Americans, though of the interwar years, along with left not opposed in principle to a non- of centre currents oscillating since the conservative government, were watching 1950s between centrist formations and closely Georgios Papandreou’s domestic the communist-led United Democratic and foreign record, lest it undermine the The historical review / la revue historique Section of Neohellenic Research / Institute of Historical Research Volume X (2013) http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 28/09/2021 08:45:55 | s. draenos, Andreas Papandreou 307 tenets of Greece’s Atlanticist and anti- a matter of fact, formulated under the communist orientation. realization that Athens was not able It is in this context that Stan Draenos, to impose its will on the archbishop having undertaken thorough archival and the Greek-Cypriots despite the research, unveils his well-organized and deployment of Greek military units elegant narrative and decodes Andreas on the island. Andreas’ approach was Papandreou’s transformation from an rather different. He not only accepted American-educated liberal economist to Makarios’ authority as undisputed, but a full-fledged Greek politician with radical he also articulated Greece’s opposition and nationalist leanings. Although his to the plan as an indication of Greece’s entry into politics was conventional, as independence, which reversed a foreign he was elected deputy under his father’s policy of compliance to NATO followed wing, the build-up of his political image since the 1940s. and power base was unconventional. The CU government’s eventual His political views were relayed to clash with the crown over the issue public opinion through carefully staged of control of the armed forces in July moves. The Cyprus Question became 1965 sharpened Andreas Papandreou’s the platform of articulation of a policy ideas and discourse. It also served as of independence and non-compliance to the element that crystallized his radical American wishes. Cyprus was an issue platform and perfected his political of enormous emotional value to the machine, a network not necessarily Greek public. The Zurich settlement of identical with the CU’s pre-existing ones. 1959, which terminated the anti-colonial He elaborated his scheme of the Esta- struggle of the Greek-Cypriots, had been blishment, a combination of the crown, perceived by both mainland Greeks and the conservative opposition, elements Greek-Cypriots as a NATO-dictated of the army and the bureaucracy, the compromise in favour of Turkish economic oligarchy and the Americans, interests. In August 1964 the President which sought to impede the advance of the Republic of Cyprus, Archbishop of emerging people’s forces towards Makarios III, who followed a policy of development, greater equality and non-alliance and cooperated tactically independence. His discourse was with the Soviet Union, rejected a US accompanied by a relentless mass plan that provided for the annexation mobilization, which despite his rhetoric of a great part of the island by Greece was not revolutionary in character, as in exchange for a base for Turkey on his pre-junta analysis was not Marxist. Cypriot soil. Georgios Papandreou It might even be suggested that it had lined up with Nicosia not without was a politically successful formula equivocation, as he felt that the Acheson conducive to a country that, as a result Plan was something really close to his of urbanization and continuous growth cherished union (“enosis” in Greek) of since the mid-1950s, was composed of Cyprus with the “national centre”. His many lower-middle-class citizens and policy of rejection of the plan was, as farmers who wished to enjoy tolerable http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 28/09/2021 08:45:55 | 308 sotiris rizas living standards; whereas, despite of May 1967 and possibly implement not the influx of foreign investment in clearly defined “emergency” measures the 1960s, Greece retained a low level in case of a CU landslide. The agonizing of industrialization and thus a small indecision of the king, the conservatives working class. and the generals was terminated by the Until the final months of 1966 ruthless seizure of power by a group of Papandreou was not out of step with his colonels who were involved in the Army father, despite their obvious differences General Staff’s planning. of substance and emphasis. Their Andreas Papandreou’s public dis- divergence occurred as a result of the course in the final months before the quest for a political settlement. Draenos, April 1967 coup was indeed threatening with an eye for detail, looks scrupulously to his opponents, an indication of the into the process of disengagement, polarization and the vicious circle which was neither completed nor fully that had been the dominant feature reversed but overtaken by the coup: in in Greek politics from 1965 to 1967. December 1966 Georgios Papandreou Still, it should be kept in the historian’s agreed with the king and the leader of the and the general reader’s mind that conservatives, Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, Papandreou was operating under the that a caretaker government would threat of prosecution over the ASPIDA undertake to conduct elections after five affair, a contingency that was kept months. The elder Papandreou accepted purposefully open by his conservative a system of proportional representation opponents in order to put pressure on that might preclude a CU parliamentary the dynamic leader of the revamped majority in an effort to allay the crown’s centre-left. Thus, whilst Papandreou’s fears. Georgios Papandreou’s strategy rhetoric and strategy of mass mobili- seemed to Andreas dangerous and an zation should not be dismissed easily unwarranted compromise. He publicly as factors in the polarization that denounced the accord, followed by at marked the period before the coup, his least one-third of CU deputies. In a opponents, the crown, the army and the manner that manifested his personal conservatives, should be burdened with magnetism, he was compelled to back the institutional and political turmoil down after his father’s threat that he they helped to create, as they were not would be expelled from the party, but his really prepared to accept the essence of image as an uncompromising leader was the democratic game, the alternation of not tarnished. His public differentiation power. Moreover, taking into account had proved to be a sufficient reminder the role the United States had played of his platform, and he was able to in the post-Civil War political system resume mass mobilization, which clearly and the prestige and connections the annoyed the crown and the conservatives. Americans retained with the Greek élite, This led to their decision to overthrow they share a part of the responsibility the caretaker government and appoint a in not preventing the king and the conservative one to conduct the election conservatives from the fateful course http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 28/09/2021 08:45:55 | s. draenos, Andreas Papandreou 309 they adopted. Although according to modernization in the developing world available evidence the United States did generated demands and mass mobilization not instigate the coup, the Americans and was thus accompanied by political were not neutral observers, since they polarization and institutional strains.
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