The Resolution of Identity in a Cross-Cultural Crisis
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Electoral Politics in South Korea
South Korea: Aurel Croissant Electoral Politics in South Korea Aurel Croissant Introduction In December 1997, South Korean democracy faced the fifteenth presidential elections since the Republic of Korea became independent in August 1948. For the first time in almost 50 years, elections led to a take-over of power by the opposition. Simultaneously, the election marked the tenth anniversary of Korean democracy, which successfully passed its first ‘turnover test’ (Huntington, 1991) when elected President Kim Dae-jung was inaugurated on 25 February 1998. For South Korea, which had had six constitutions in only five decades and in which no president had left office peacefully before democratization took place in 1987, the last 15 years have marked a period of unprecedented democratic continuity and political stability. Because of this, some observers already call South Korea ‘the most powerful democracy in East Asia after Japan’ (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). The victory of the opposition over the party in power and, above all, the turnover of the presidency in 1998 seem to indicate that Korean democracy is on the road to full consolidation (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 3). This chapter will focus on the role elections and the electoral system have played in the political development of South Korea since independence, and especially after democratization in 1987-88. Five questions structure the analysis: 1. How has the electoral system developed in South Korea since independence in 1948? 2. What functions have elections and electoral systems had in South Korea during the last five decades? 3. What have been the patterns of electoral politics and electoral reform in South Korea? 4. -
Title, Table of Contents, Acknowledgements
☯ A TURNING POINT: DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN THE ROK AND STRATEGIC READJUSTMENT IN THE U.S.-ROK ALLIANCE Alexandre Y. Mansourov ii About APCSS The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) is a Department of Defense regional study, conference, and research center established in Honolulu, Hawaii, on September 4, 1995. The Center staff and faculty of 127, including civilians, multi-service active duty military and contract workers, support the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) and complements PACOM's theater security cooperation strategy of maintaining positive security relationships with nations in the Asia-Pacific region. With its non-warfighting, academic focus, the APCSS builds upon strong bilateral relationships between PACOM and 45 Asia-Pacific region governments, and their armed forces, by focusing on a broader multilateral approach to addressing regional security issues and concerns. The Center’s mission is “to provide a forum where current and future military and civilian leaders from Asia-Pacific nations gather to enhance security cooperation through programs of executive education, professional exchange, and policy-relevant research.” The APCSS principles are transparency, non- attribution, and mutual respect. Its website is http://www.apcss.org/. The Center embraces its vision as an internationally recognized, premier study, research, and conference institution, actively contributing to stability and security in the Asia-Pacific Region. iii ROK Turning Point ALEXANDRE Y. MANSOUROV EDITOR ©ASIA-PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES HONOLULU, HAWAII 2005 Alexandre Y. Mansourov iv Copyright @ 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Published 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Honolulu, Hawaii Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. -
Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia
PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chiavacci, (eds) Grano & Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia East Democratic in State the and Society Civil Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Amsterdam University Press Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation. -
Regionalism in South Korean National Assembly Elections
Regionalism in South Korean National Assembly Elections: A Vote Components Analysis of Electoral Change* Eric C. Browne and Sunwoong Kim Department of Political Science Department of Economics University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee [email protected] [email protected] July 2003 * This paper was originally presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, 29 August – 2 September, 2001. We acknowledge useful comments and suggestions by the session participants, Ronald Weber and anonymous referees. Abstract We analyze emerging regionalism in South Korean electoral politics by developing a “Vote Components Analysis” and applying this technique to data from the eleven South Korean National Assembly elections held between 1963 and 2000. This methodology allows us to decompose the change in voting support for a party into separate effects that include measurement of an idiosyncratic regional component. The analysis documents a pronounced and deepening regionalism in South Korean politics since 1988 when democratic reforms of the electoral system were fully implemented. However, our results also indicate that regional voters are quite responsive to changes in the coalitions formed by their political leaders but not to the apparent mistreatment of, or lack of resource allocations to, specific regions. Further, regionalism does not appear to stem from age-old rivalries between the regions but rather from the confidence of regional voters in the ability of their “favorite sons” to protect their interests and benefit their regions. JEL Classification: N9, R5 Keywords: Regionalism, South Korea, Elections, Vote Components Analysis 2 1. INTRODUCTION The history of a very large number of modern nation-states documents a cyclical pattern of territorial incorporation and disincorporation in their political development. -
Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective
Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE June 2017 Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective Kyung-hwa Kim Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Kim, Kyung-hwa, "Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective" (2017). Dissertations - ALL. 711. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/711 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT This study attempts to explain why ALL of South Korean presidents, without exception and notwithstanding their individual major contributions to the process of Korea’s development, have fallen victim to disgraceful downfalls. For the analysis, I employ S.N. Sangmpam’s middle-range theory that establishes a causal link between society-rooted politics and political outcomes. Building on his analytical frameworks that non-Western countries are characterized by over-politicization in politics as a function of social context, I argue that patterned downfalls of all Korean presidents are an institutional outcome of over-politicization in Korean politics, which is itself a function of not fully entrenched capitalist society. In support of my thesis, I test three hypotheses. Hypotheses one and two posit Korea’s tenacious traditional and cultural traits as an internal modifier of capitalism and the nation’s dependent nature of its relationships with the United States and Japan as an external factor that prevented capitalist entrenchment in Korean society. -
BRIEF HISTORY of KOREA —A Bird's-Eyeview—
BRIEF HISTORY OF KOREA —A Bird's-EyeView— Young Ick Lew with an afterword by Donald P. Gregg The Korea Society New York The Korea Society is a private, nonprofit, nonpartisan, 501(c)(3) organization with individual and corporate members that is dedicated solely to the promotion of greater awareness, understanding and cooperation between the people of the United States and Korea. In pursuit of its mission, the Society arranges programs that facilitate dis- cussion, exchanges and research on topics of vital interest to both countries in the areas of public policy, business, education, intercultural relations and the arts. Funding for these programs is derived from contributions, endowments, grants, membership dues and program fees. From its base in New York City, the Society serves audiences across the country through its own outreach efforts and by forging strategic alliances with counterpart organizations in other cities throughout the United States as well as in Korea. The Korea Society takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the U.S. government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in all its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. For further information about The Korea Society, please write The Korea Society, 950 Third Avenue, 8th Floor, New York, NY 10022, or e-mail: [email protected]. Visit our website at www.koreasociety.org. Copyright © 2000 by Young Ick Lew and The Korea Society All rights reserved. Published 2000 ISBN 1-892887-00-7 Printed in the United States of America Every effort has been made to locate the copyright holders of all copyrighted materials and secure the necessary permission to reproduce them. -
Consolidation of Democracy in South Korea?
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Oriental Studies 21 CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH KOREA? Gabriel Jonsson STOCKHOLM UNIVERSITY 2014 © Gabriel Jonsson and Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis 2014 The publication is availabe for free on www.sub.su.se ISBN electronic version 978-91-87235-63-4 ISBN printed version 978-91-87235-64-1 ISSN 0585-3559 Department of Oriental Languages Stockholm University Stockholm 2014 Order AUS publications from : http://sub.su.se/online-shop.aspx Acknowledgements Firstly, I wish to extend my gratitude to those who have been kind enough to offer their assis- tance during the preparation of this book. This stimulating project would never have reached completion without two research visits to South Korea in 2010 and 2012. I therefore would like to acknowledge Torsten Söderbergs stiftelse [foundation] for providing research grants in 2010 and Magnus Bergvalls stiftelse [foundation] for providing research grants from 2011- 2012. A grant from Stiftelsen Lars Hiertas minne [The Lars Hierta Foundation] in 2013 is also greatly appreciated. In South Korea I wish to thank two former presidents of the Korea Institute for National Unification, PhD Suh Jae Jean and Kim Tae Woo, for allowing me to study at the institute. As a guest researcher, I benefited greatly from my affiliation with the institute in terms of colla- tion of relevant material and in establishing valuable contacts. The National Archive kindly provided the author photos of the five presidents who were in power from 1988-2013 and whose terms in office are the focus of this study. In addition, I wish to express my gratitude to anonymous readers of the manuscript. -
If at First You Don't Succeed: the Puzzle of South Korea's Democratic
If At First You Don’t Succeed: The Puzzle of South Korea’s Democratic Transition A. David Adesnik (Institute for Defense Analyses) and Sunhyuk Kim (Korea University) In October 1979, the conditions were ripe for a transition to democracy in South Korea, also known as the Republic of Korea (ROK). After two decades of stunning economic growth, the plunge toward recession had begun. Labor unions launched a wave of strikes and demonstrations. Korean students also filled the streets in protest. Churches also lent their support to the movement. Finally, the workers, students and clergymen were joined by the parliamentary opposition, which had prestige but not power. Although the United States customarily favored stability in South Korea, the Carter administration resented the Park dictatorship, both because of its human rights violations and its apparent efforts to bribe American legislators. Under pressure, the Park dictatorship found itself beset by internal divisions, with hard-liners calling for the use of force and soft-liners advocating a measure of compromise with the protesters. This division culminated in the assassination of Park by his own intelligence chief. The reins of power then passed to a provisional government that committed itself to democratic elections and the protection of civil liberties. Yet just six months later, Gen. Chun Doo Hwan, a protégé of Park, violently consolidated his control of the government, ushering in another seven years of dictatorship. In June of 1987, Chun Doo Hwan found himself in a situation that would have been familiar to Park. Students, workers, church leaders and opposition leaders united once again to oppose the regime. -
North Korea in Transition
KOREA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 16 INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY CKS CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES North Korea in Transition EDITED BY Chong-Sik Lee and Se-Hee Yoo sC^-\r^)s INTERNATIONAL AND AREA STUDIES Richard Buxbaum, Dean International and Area Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, comprises four groups: international and comparative studies, area studies, teaching programs, and services to international programs. INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY The Institute of East Asian Studies, now a part of Berkeley International and Area Studies, was established at the University of California at Berkeley in the fall of 1978 to promote research and teaching on the cultures and societies of China, lapan, and Korea. It amalgamates the following research and instructional centers and pro grams: the Center for Chinese Studies, the Center for Japanese Studies, the Center for Korean Studies, the Group in Asian Studies, and the East Asia National Resource Center. INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES Director: Frederic E. Wakeman, Jr. Assistant Director: Joan P. Kask Executive Committee: Mary Elizabeth Berry Thomas Gold Thomas Havens Joan P. Kask Hong Yimg Lee Jeffrey Riegel Ting Pang-hsin Wen-hsin Yeh CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES Chair: Wen-hsin Yeh CENTER FOR JAPANESE STUDIES Chair: Mary Elizabeth Berry CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES Chair: Hong Yung Lee GROUP IN ASIAN STUDIES Chair: Robert Reed EAST ASIA NATIONAL RESOURCE CENTER Director: Frederic E. Wakeman, Jr. Cover design by Wolfgang Lederer Art by Sei-Kwan Sohn North Korea in Transition To Robert and Dee Scalapino with our thanks KOREA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 16 INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY CKS CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES North Korea in Transition EDITED BY Chong-Sik Lee and Se-Hee Yoo A publicationof the Institute of East Asian Studies, Universityof Californiaat Berkeley. -
Democratic Consolidation and Comparative Political Perspective on the 2002 Presidential Election in the ROK
47 ROK Turning Point ☯ CHAPTER 3 Democratic Consolidation and Comparative Political Perspective on the 2002 Presidential Election in the ROK Park Kyung-ae and Heng Lee Democratic Theory During the “Third Wave” of democratization that began in the late 1970s, more than 100 countries across the Southern Europe, Asia, and the Middle East became democratized. However, among them, fewer than 20 countries remain democratic today.47 South Korea is one of these few and presents itself as a good case to examine various issues arising from the process of democratic consolidation. This chapter will analyze several issues of democratic consolidation in South Korea by examining the significance and major characteristics of the 2002 presidential election. It will also elucidate the implications of the election for democratic consolidation in South Korea in the long run. The common-sense usage of the concept of democratization refers to a regime change from an authoritarian to a democratic one. It is a “process of achieving broad and deep legitimation, a 47 Since the publication of Samuel Huntington’s seminal work, Third Wave: Democratization of the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1991), intellectual discussions have focused on the question of democratic consolidation. See, for instance, Larry Diamond, “Is the Third Wave Over?” Journal of Democracy Vol. 7, No. 3 (July 1996). Park Kyung-ae and Heng Lee belief that the democratic regime is better than any other alternative for their society.”48 When a political regime is in transition from authoritarian to democratic, the democratic rules of the game must be immediately agreed upon among major political actors even if they are yet to be tested in a new political setting. -
Future Political Implications for the Conservatives in South Korea
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis and Dissertation Collection 2016-12 One-party dominance: future political implications for the conservatives in South Korea Yu, David J. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/51642 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS ONE-PARTY DOMINANCE: FUTURE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS FOR THE CONSERVATIVES IN SOUTH KOREA by David J. Yu December 2016 Thesis Advisor: Robert Weiner Second Reader: Jessica Piombo Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) December 2016 Master’s thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS ONE-PARTY DOMINANCE: FUTURE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS FOR THE CONSERVATIVES IN SOUTH KOREA 6. AUTHOR(S) David J. Yu 7. -
The Democratization of South Korea: What Role Does Economic Development Play?
The Democratization of South Korea: What Role Does Economic Development Play? CHALMERS JOHNSON What is the relationship, if any, between the movement toward democracy in Korea and the high levels of economic development achieved there?* One obvious conclusion that arises from a consideration of the Korean case is that the relationship is not the one identified in the Western theory of '%ourgeoisUrevolutions. It is questionable whether economic develop- ment in Korea has produced a genuine middle class and, even if it has, the Korean middle class does not have an interest in and demonstrably has not championed political democracy during the first five Korean republics. The Korean developmental state is not antagonistic to the interests of the entrepreneurial-managerial elite in Korea, and it is thus meaningless to speak of a private sector favoring democracy as a way of controlling the public sector. Korea's possessing class is not a ruling class in the Marxist sense; it is rather the collaborator of a military-bureaucratic elite in a joint project of nationalist development. This configuration of political econ- omy is quite compatible with authoritarian government for extended periods of time. But there is a relationship between economic development and the ad- vent of democracy in the Korea of the 1980s. Economic development caused conditions that in social science theory are called societal dise- qulibrium. The demands for democracy of the 1980s constituted efforts to resynchronize the Korean value structure with its division of labor and to overcome the sense of injustice and unfairness that Koreans felt in the 1980s but not in the 1960s.' Korea's strategy of economic development, modeled after that of Japan, resulted in a pattern of markedly unbalanced development: high levels of economic development, significant levels of social development, and low levels of political development.