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Sochi and the 2014 Olympics: Game Over?

Sochi and the 2014 Olympics: Game Over?

Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch

Year: 2013

Sochi and the 2014 olympics: Game over?

Edited by: Müller, Martin

Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-86110 Edited Scientific Work Published Version

Originally published at: Sochi and the 2014 olympics: Game over? Edited by: Müller, Martin (2013). St. Gallen: Center for Governance and Culture in Europe, University of St.Gallen. 12 / 2013

Sochi and the 2014 olympicS: Game over?

Guest Editor Martin Müller (Zürich)

the Olympic clock is ticking… neon installation when entering Sochi, august 2009. (Photograph by Martin Müller)

Online Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe University of St. Gallen URL: www.gce unisg.ch, www.euxeinos.ch ISSN 2296-0708

Center for Governance and Last Update december 2, 2013 LaNdIS & GyR Culture in Europe StIftUNG University of St.Gallen contents

Sochi and the 2014 Olympics: Game over? 3 ȱ¢ȱȱûǰȱ¢ȱȱǰȱ ĵȱ

display Window or tripwire? the Sochi Winter Games, the Russian Great 6 Power Ideal and the Legitimacy of Vladimir Putin Bo Petersson and Karina Vamling, Malmö University, Sweden

tears in the Patchwork: the Sochi Olympics and the display of a Multieth- 15 nic Nation by Emil Persson, Lund University and Malmö University, Sweden

the 2014 Sochi Olympics and Russia’s Civil Society 26 ¢ȱȱǯȱĴȱȱęȱǰȱ The George Washington University, USA

Life On the Ground: a Comparative analysis of two Villages in Sochi du- 36 ring Olympic transformation by Sven Daniel Wolfe, European University at St. Petersburg, Russia

Publishing Information/Contact 47

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 2 Sochi and the 2014 olympics: Game over?

e are going to build a new world-class when compared to the Summer Games. a Wresort for the new Russia – and the recent initiative, spearheaded by Boris Nem- whole world!” thus was the promise of Vladi- cov, unveiled some grotesque cost-overruns: mir Putin when he made the pitch for the 2014 the ski jumps, for example, came in at almost Winter Olympic Games in front of the Inter- seven times the initial cost projection (Nem- ȱ ¢ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ cov and Martynjuk 2013). What is more, nu- in 2007. His speech, delivered in English and merous lucrative contracts were awarded to

Editorial french, did not fail to impress, nor did the oil- cronies of ruling elites, driving up costs even and gas-fuelled record growth rates in excess further and signalling the self-serving char- of 8% that Russia logged in 2006 and 2007. ȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ Ěȱ ȱ ȱ the IOC members awarded Russia the much- ungovernability of the event, the chief of the coveted prize of becoming an Olympic host state company responsible for delivering the city, snubbing contenders Salzburg and Py- construction for the Winter Games, Olimpstroj, eongchang. Not mincing words, the Russian was replaced three times in four years. 1.5 mil- newspaper Vedomosti put what it perceived as ȱȱȱ¡ȱȱȱȱȱȱȃ ȱ ȱȱĴȱ¢Ǳȱȃȱ ȱ much did they steal at the Olympics in Sochi?” got convinced that there is a lot of money in ǻʈˊ˓ˏ˪ˊ˓ȱ ˙ˊ˕ʲˏˆȱ ˑʲȱ ʅˏˆː˔ˆʲʹʺȱ ʵȱ ʈ˓ˣˆǵȱ Russia – that it becomes more and more – and 2013) indicate to what degree the misman- that this man [Putin] controls it, whatever com- agement of the Olympic Games has become a pany it may formally belong to” (Vedomosti public issue. 2007). the order was a tall one: Sochi did not yet, the greatest costs of this gargantuan ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱęȱȱȱ project are not monetary. Originally conceived an Olympic competition. thus, it proposed to as an event for the people, the Sochi Olym- build all 14 major venues from scratch, plus a pics have become anything but. Promises of list of more than 200 objects to be constructed modernization and improvements of quality as ancillary infrastructure. the Olympics were of life ring hollow with the local population, meant to become a game changer on Russia’s ȱȱȱȱęȱȱ ȱǻûȱ road to big push modernisation. ŘŖŗŘǼǯȱĴȱȱ¢ȱȱ fast-forward six years and six months to relations between the local people and the ad- the present day. Sochi is covered in dust as ministration (Karbainov 2013). Construction workers toil in three shifts 24/7 on what is one activities have blighted the protected areas in of the largest construction sites in the world which construction was rubberstamped with ȱȱęȱȱȱȱȱȬȱȱȱ the help of a special decree. Commitments to opening ceremony on 07 february 2014. from host the greenest Games ever, enshrined in the an initial estimate of USd 12 billion, costs have bid book and communicated to the public as a skyrocketed fourfold to USd 50 billion. and ǰȱȱȱĚȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱęȱ¢ǯȱȱȱȱ ǻȱĴȱȱǰȱȱǲȱû- chasing records goes, this is probably the sad- ler 2014). dest one: the most expensive Olympics ever, this is the backdrop against which the Summer or Winter – even though the size and four contribution of this special issue are set. infrastructure requirements for the Winter Bo Petersson and Karina Vamling (both at Games are by numbers of magnitude smaller Malmö), who have also edited a book on the

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 3 subject (Petersson and Vamling 2013) open About the Editor the suite of papers with an examination of how the Sochi Games are utilised in Russia’s Martin Müller is a geographer and Re- quest for great power status and how they are search Professor of the Swiss National Science designed to shore up legitimacy for Putin’s foundation at the University of Zurich. He role as a Russian leader. Emil Persson (also is interested in the planning and impacts of Malmö) considers the image component of the mega-events and has done extensive work on Sochi Games and the tensions behind the pro- the 2014 Winter Games in Russia (e.g. Müller jection of a harmonious, multi-ethnic nation. 2011, 2012, 2013). He is also editing a special this is of particular relevance given the out- issue on Sochi 2014 for East European Politics, right refusal to recognise or address historical to appear in 2014. In a new comparative proj- wrongs done to the Circassian nation during ect, he looks at knowledge circulation and im- and after the Caucasus wars in the area of So- pacts of the Olympic Games and the football chi (Richmond 2013). the prospects for civil World Cup in Russia and Brazil. ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ e-mail: [email protected] ęȱȂȱǻȱȱǯǯǼȱ www.martin-muller.net contribution. the preparation for the Winter Games has provided ample opportunities for іяљіќєџюѝѕѦ people to voice dissent – all too often, howev- ǰȱȱĴȱǯȱȱĴȱȱȱ Karbainov, N. 2013. Kak izymajut sobst- conclude on a hopeful note, highlighting that vennost’ v olimpijskich stolicach. Mir Rossii 22 activism has been able to stall at least some (1):106–131. ǯȱ ȱȱęȱǰȱȱȱȱ Müller, M. 2013. (Im-)mobile policies: (St. Petersburg) takes us down to earth with transportation, transformation, translation, his meticulous investigation of the divergent or why the 2014 Olympics are not greening development of two villages that are caught Russia. Ĵȱȱȱȱȱ- in the middle of the Olympic development gional Studies. frenzy in Sochi – yet fall by the wayside at the ———. 2012. Popular perception of urban same time. the contributions demonstrate the transformation through mega-events: under- ȬĴȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ ȱȱ standing support for the 2014 Winter Olym- Sochi, but also drive home the point that what pics in Sochi. Environment and Planning C: Gov- was envisioned as a game changer is close to ernment and Policy 30:693–711. turning into the opposite: game over. ———. 2011. State dirigisme in megaprojects: governing the 2014 Winter Olympics in Martin Müller (Zürich) Sochi. Environment and Planning A 43:2091– November 2013 2108. Nemcov, B., and L. Martynjuk. 2013. Zim- ȱȱȱ. Petersson, B., and K. Vamling eds. 2013. The Sochi predicament: contexts, characteristics and challenges of the Olympic Winter Games in

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 4 2014. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Pub- lishing. Richmond, W. 2013. The Circassian Geno- cide. Rutgers University Press. ǯȱ ŘŖŖŝǯȱ +ȱ Ǳȱ - mir Krasnaya Polyana [the face of the week: Vladimir Krasnaya Polyana]. Vedomosti 9 July. Ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ²ǵȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯ¢ǯȦ ǵƽ¡Ȭ £ ǭƽ¢ȏȏ¢ȱ (last accessed 2 November 2013).

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 5 display Window or tripwire? the Sochi Winter Games, the russian Great power ideal and the legitimacy of vladimir putin

by Bo Petersson & Karina Vamling, Malmö University, Sweden

abstract President Vladimir Putin’s claim and policies to resurrect Russia as a great power have been a cornerstone for the construction of the hegemonic position of power that he has for so long successfully exerted and upheld. This paper discusses the Russian great power ambitions in relation to national identity and popular appeal, and puts them in relation to the upcoming Winter Games in Sochi in 2014. The paper examines how this mega-event is discursively constructed as a manifestation of Russia’s return to great power status, and as such is meant to convey certain messages internally as well as externally. The successful carrying out of the Games would no doubt constitute an important component in the undergirding of the – otherwise dwindling – legitimacy of President Putin. The event would be an important display window for manifesting the prowess of the Russian great power, and the location of the Games in Sochi by the Caucasian Mountains in the Russian South would have a deeply symbolical aspect. If the Games can be successfully carried out in a region that has for so long been experienced as volatile and unruly, then it must surely mean that internal order has been restored in the Russian great power. However, it is argued in the article that there are several potential tripwires on the way towards achieving these symbolically important goals. Problems of security, terrorism, geopolitical volatility, large-scale corruption and interethnic tension loom large, and may all turn out to be formidable obstacles and render the hosting of the Games a counter-productive enterprise.

ȱџіћєіћєȱѡѕђȱљѦњѝіѐȱ юњђѠȱѡќȱ the project. Putin’s speech included a power- ќѐѕіǱȱѝѝќџѡѢћіѡіђѠȱюћёȱіѡѓюљљѠȱ ȱȱęȱȱȱŗŘȱȱȱ dollars (youtube 2007). this made, already at ȱȱęȱȱȱ- this stage, the Sochi Games the most expen- Ppaigning have become increasingly com- sive Winter Olympics ever in the history of the monplace when determining the location of Olympic movement (Müller 2011, 2095). for prestigious international sports events (Mar- his part, Vladimir Putin has also on numerous kovits & Rensmann 2010). the successful Rus- earlier occasions shown himself to be keenly sian campaign for bringing the Olympic Win- interested in personally promoting mega- ter Games in 2014 to Sochi was certainly no events organized in and by Russia. When Rus- exception. Indeed, the Sochi Games have been sia was hosting the Eurovision Song Contest characterized as President Vladimir Putin’s in 2009 he made e.g. a point of appearing per- ȃȱȄȱǻûȱŘŖŗŗǰȱŘŖşśǼȱȱȱȱ sonally on site to see to it that the preparations through of the project would probably have were in order (avellan 2010). been inconceivable without him. Putin headed On a more general level, the Sochi Winter the Russian delegation to the Guatemala City Games are, just like other mega-events to be IOC meeting in 2007 where the decision was hosted by Russia such as the fIfa World Cup made to let the Russian federation and Sochi in football in 2018, prone to provide a stage arrange the Olympic Winter Games. His ad- for the delivery of the message that Russia has dress to the IOC – delivered in English and once again resumed its role of great power in french – is believed to have played a crucial the contemporary world. With his domestic le- role in the process, not least his demonstra- gitimacy dwindling, as it was suggested dur- tion of highest-level political commitment to ing the long series of urban protests in connec-

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 6 Bo Petersson, Karina Vamling

tion with the parliamentary elections of 2011 friend of Putin’s, bought 100% of the state- ȱȱȱȱȱŘŖŗŘȱǻ ȱŘŖŗŘǲȱ owned Sochi International airport in 2006 Shevtsova 2012), the Sochi Winter Games may (RIa Novosti 2006). Roman abramovich, an- prove to be a welcome opportunity for Putin to ȱ Ȭ ȱ ȱ ęȱ ¢ǰȱ display strength and resolve and demonstrate has also helped to fund the bid for the Sochi that his is still a much needed strong hand at Olympics. However, while the backing by the helm. as it has been suggested in the schol- these actors goes a long way towards provid- arly debate, Putin may otherwise run the risk ȱęȱǰȱȱȱȱȱȱ of being compared to his Soviet-time succes- for allegations about shadowy commercial in- sors during the Brezhnev period of stagnation terests which relegate sports to the back seat, in the 1970s and early 1980s rather than being and about murky business deals, covert hand- associated with strength and dynamic power shakes and corruption. Nonetheless, from the ǻȱŘŖŗŘǲȱ ȱŘŖŗřǰȱŗŞŘǼǯȱ estimates of critical analysts it would seem as It might well be that the Sochi Games will all sources of revenue will be sorely needed. provide Putin with the stage that he has been thus, with half a year remaining to the looking for to deliver his message. However, it opening of the Winter Games many observ- will be argued in this article that the endeavor ers note the extremely high costs involved in amounts to a high-risk gamble, and that sev- the construction works. according to Vladi- eral contextual factors may collude to render mir dmitriev, head of the Vneshekonombank, the enterprise of shoring up Putin’s legitimacy the costs of some Olympic objects will exceed through the Olympics counter-productive. In initial calculations by two or three times, and, turn, we will consider the areas of economy added to this, almost half of the objects will and corruption, interethnic relations, and se- ȱ ęȱ ǻȱ ŘŖŗřǼǯȱȱ ȱ ȱ curity to illustrate that several tripwires may huge rise in overall costs, it has frequently not get in the way for the realization of the Presi- ȱȱȱęȱȱ ȱ- dent’s ambitions. cording to schedule. Vladimir Putin has certainly tried to project an image of a true mover and shaker, coaxing and cajoling the contrac- ѐќћќњѦȱюћёȱќџџѢѝѡіќћ tors at Sochi to deliver according to plan. at an inspection trip in 2012 he warned: apart from the state guarantees men- ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ After the journalists leave, I will tell you what Games has been bolstered by private initia- failures to meet the deadlines will amount to. I do tive. from early on there was a keen interest ȱ ȱȱȱ¢ǰȱȱ ȱ ȱȱ ȱ among Russia’s wealthiest business circles to ¢ȱȱȱ ȱȱ ȱȱ¢ȱ¢ȱ ȱ make private investments in the Sochi region. (Putin 2012a). the billionaire Vladimir Potanin, head of the Interros holding company, promised that his ȱęȱȱęȱ¢ȱ company would invest $1.5 billion into dif- or even embezzlement and fraud seems, how- ferent projects in the region (Ivanov 2007). ever, to be one that not even Putin is likely to Oleg deripaska, the owner of the Russian in- win. for instance, the RusSki Gorki Olympic vestment fund Basic Element and a personal ski jump complex was far behind schedule

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 7 Bo Petersson, Karina Vamling

at President Putin’s inspection of the Olym- complicated, especially at high altitudes. due pic sites in february 2013, i.e. one year before to these severe conditions, the alpine Olympic the opening of the Games. this led to the dis- village built by Gazprom was not expected missal of the vice president of Russia’s Olym- to be ready until October 2013 (RIa Novosti ȱĴȱǻȬȱŘŖŗřǼǯȱ ȱ¢ȱŘŖŗřȱ 2012). also, the mountain river of Mzymta has and to secure the preparations for the Games, breached its banks and a protection dam re- Putin set up a special state commission under ȱȱ¢ȱĚȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ deputy Prime Minister dmitrii Kozak to de- sites (R-sport 2013a). liver the Games according to plan (RIa No- vosti 2013). ћѡђџђѡѕћіѐȱџіѝѤіџђѠ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ Subtropics” the oppositional politician Bo- In contemporary Russia interethnic ten- ris Nemtsov and his co-author Leonid Mar- sions are a growing problem, as discussed in a tynyuk (2013) compare the Sochi Olympics recent article by President Putin (2012b): with previous Games and discuss possible ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ěȱ ȱ ȱ The reality of today is growth in interethnic costs. President Putin’s initial estimation in and interfaith tension. Nationalism and religious 2007 was as mentioned a record USd 12 bil- intolerance are becoming the ideological base for the lion but the total bill will according to the au- most radical groups and trends. thors probably be around 50 billion, i.e. more than four times higher. It is of course common Xenophobic sentiments, mostly in rela- that initial cost estimates do not hold, but as tion to persons from the Caucasus and Central Nemtsov and Martynyuk argue, the cost in- asia, are markedly strong in Russia, not least creases in the case of the Sochi Olympics are in Moscow. a poll conducted by Romir in May exceptional and dramatic. Likewise, the costs 2013 shows that 70% of the respondents in the of Olympic stadiums or other objects are ap- ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ proximately 2.5 times higher in Sochi than for ȱ Ȅȱ ȱ ŝřƖȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ comparable constructions at previous Games. ȄȱǻȱŘŖŗřǼǯȱȱȱęȱ Nemtsov and Martynyuk conclude: of these slogans is self-explanatory, the argu- ȱȱȱĴȱȱȱȱȱȱ [T]he price tag of the Sochi Olympics without withheld from North Caucasus which should theft would be USD 50 billion divided by 2.5. The thus be left to its own devices. cost of the Sochi Olympics without theft would thus It has been of vital importance for Presi- amount to USD 20 billion. This means that USD dent Putin to retain the initiative in dealing 30 billion were stolen. …Thus, the overall scale of with ethnic issues. against this background theft was around USD 25-30 billion, or 50-60% of he has established the Presidential Council ȱȱęȱȱȱȱ¢ǯȱȱ- of Interethnic Relations (President of Russia ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱǯ 2012). Putin is personally chairing the council, where one of the goals has been to work out a It is not only economic malfeasance that national strategy for the solving of interethnic makes the costs run sky-high, however. the cli- Ěȱǻ£ȱŘŖŗřǼǯȱȱ ȱȱ- mate conditions make the construction works ethnic relations look like on the ground, in the

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 8 Bo Petersson, Karina Vamling

region where the Sochi Olympics will be or- month exhibition in Sochi of Circassian culture ganized? (Kavkazskii uzel 2013a) and the performance Russia’s gradual conquest of the Cauca- of the ensemble of Kabardinka at Russia.Park sus and advancement to gain control over the in London (Russia-Park News 2012). strategic Caucasus Mountains and the Black the Shapsugs, a Circassian group that Sea coast has had a long history. It started in traditionally have lived close to Sochi and the 18th century and was completed in the ȱȱȱĴȱȱȱȱ ȱ mid-1860s when the indigenous population ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ę¢ȱ ǯȱ - recognized as an indigenous people of the re- ing the Russian victory, most Circassians were gion (Kapaeva 2012). the Shapsugs have ap- ȱȱȱȱȱĴȱȱȱ proached the Governor of the Krasnodar Krai, the Circassian lands were populated by Cos- aleksandr tkachev, with demands for recog- sacks and other groups from Russia. nition, but so far to no avail (dzutsev 2013b). Krasnaya Polyana, where the last Russo- Notably, the year of 2014 marks the 150th ȱĴȱȱȱȱŗŞŜŚȱȱ ȱ anniversary of the Russian conquest of the ȱȱȱȱęȱ¢ȱȱ Caucasus, adding as it were insult to injury. the Circassians, will in 2014 be the site of the the way the Circassians see it, the Olympic Olympic ski slopes. It has been decided to build objects are literally constructed on the graves an ethnographical cultural centre in Krasnaya of their fallen ancestors. these facts have had Polyana, in connection with the Mountain ȱ£ȱěȱȱȱȱ- Olympic Cluster. However, the centre will not ra, which has organized protests against the be devoted to the history and background of carrying out of the Olympics on their sacred the fateful events of 1864, as could otherwise lands. Paradoxically, the staging of the So- have been expected. It will instead be called chi Winter Games, an event that the Circas- ȃ¢ȱȄȱȱȱȱ¡- sian organizations in the diaspora claim that ȱǰȱěȱȱȱȱȱ ¢ȱ ȱȱǰȱ¢ȱȱȱȱęȱ from all over Russia (Kavkazskii uzel 2013b). ȱȱǲȱȱȱ ȱ ȱȱ the organizers of the Games thus plan to put limelight as seldom before and as they will the ethnic and cultural diversity of Russia on certainly not do again for a long time to come. display for the visitors in a cavalcade of color- this is the chance that they will get to make ful, exotic elements – centering around tradi- ȱ ȱǲȱȱȱ ȱȱȱ¢ȱ tional symbols of Russian culture. Moreover, will risk returning to the status of an interna- representatives from all over Russia partici- ¢ȱĴȬ ȱ¢ȱȱ¢ȱȱ ȱȱěȱǰȱȱȱ ȱȱ basically had until just a few years ago (funch started well ahead of the Games in events like Hansen 2013). this is in itself an angle worth ȃǯǯȄȱȱȱǻŘŖŗŘǼȱȱȱ looking into in future research: what will hap- ȃȱ¢ȄǰȱȱȱŘŖŗŖȱȱ pen after the visit of the circus to town? 2014 (Sochi.ru 2013). the approach is therefore Under all circumstances, the Games have ȱȱȱ¢ȱȱĴȱȱȱ had a mobilizing and unifying effect on the groups from the region. On the contrary, the Circassians in Russia as well as the Circassian Circassians have been almost absent from diaspora in turkey and the US. as tiago fer- the events with few exceptions such as a one- reira Lopes (2013) underlines:

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 9 Bo Petersson, Karina Vamling

Circassian activists need to decide if the Sochi Sochi Olympics has been highlighted by many Winter Olympics 2014 are the end game, or just ǯȱȱȱĴȱȱȱ the commencement of a new game. Circassians years in sites such as the domodedovo air- have earned a lot of social capital that should not ȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱĴ- be disbanded solely because the goals towards the uted to the Chechen connection, as has been Sochi Winter Olympics might not be achieved. the terrorist bombing of the Boston Marathon ȱŘŖŗřǯȱ ȱȱĴȱȱȱȱȱȱ Presumably, the development in countries sites as remote from the Caucasus as Moscow in Russia’s vicinity that harbor a large Circas- and indeed Boston there is reason to fear their sian diaspora will have an impact on the situa- appearance also in and around adjacent Sochi. tion in Russia’s North Caucasus. the question In the summer of 2013 doku Umarov, the of allowing a repatriation of Circassians to the self-proclaimed Emir of the so-called Cau- Caucasus has been an issue during the whole casus Emirate and the leader of the Islamist post-Soviet period but it has recently received resistance in North Caucasus, made a video ȱĴȱȱȱȱȱȱĚ ȱ proclamation targeting the Sochi Olympics. In of refugees from Syria. the so far largely nega- this video he urges his followers to do their tive Russian stance on the issue has been a fur- outmost to disrupt the Games: ther source of Circassian disappointment and frustration (Polandov 2013). They plan to hold the Olympics on the bones of our ancestors, on the bones of many, many dead ђѐѢџіѡѦȱѕюљљђћєђѠ Muslims – buried on the territory of our land on ȱȱǯȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ Sochi is situated by the foothills of the permit that, using any methods allowed us by the Caucasus Mountains. Since the collapse of the almighty Allah (cited in Bauer 2013). Soviet Union in 1991 and the emergence of the three independent South Caucasian states of ȱȱĜȱȱȱȱ Georgia, armenia and azerbaijan, territorial Games it seems that one prominent reason for ȱ ȱ ȱ Ěǰȱ - the choice of location is to improve the infra- ȱȱȱǰȱȱȱęǯȱ structure of the region and to give the area an ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ȭ ȱ Ěȱ economic boost, not only up to and during to date are the two protracted and violent the Games as such but also after them. this is Chechen wars 1994–1996 and 1999–2009, as thought to provide a sustainable basis for de- well as the short but eventful Russo-Georgian ȱ ȱ ȱ ĝȱ ǯȱ war of 2008. One can here discern the rationale of achiev- as a consequence of the Chechen wars, ing sustainable development and stability in instability has increased on a general scale in a region long regarded as unruly (Petersson the area and spread to other republics of the 2013). Krasnodar Krai, the region where Sochi predominantly Muslim and ethnically diverse is located in administrative terms, has itself ȱ ǯȱ ǰȱ ȱ Ĵȱ seen a fair share of violence in recent years. and other forms of violence, not only against the basic logic seems to be that if the economy the authorities, have become a part of every- could be boosted through the Olympic project, ¢ȱǯȱȱȱȱȱĴȱȱȱ if jobs could be provided and the regional in-

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 10 Bo Petersson, Karina Vamling

frastructure in Krasnodar Krai and the North policy in this regard amounts to a step-by-step Caucasus in general considerably improved annexation of abkhazia and only serves to in- (so far, however, most jobs have been created ȱȱȱȱ¢ȱĚȬȱ- for guest workers), the region would become gion (Kukhianidze 2013). more thoroughly embedded in the federation structure. Massive economic investments ќћѐљѢѠіќћ ȱȱę£ȱ ȱ¢ȱȱ originally set out to achieve, and money could the Sochi Games are likely to be the oc- buy what arms failed to enforce. If the calculus casion for the display of Russia as an indis- proves to be right, Putin will be able to live up putable great power, capable of organizing to his image as a strong and resourceful lead- strong, secure and maybe even brilliantly er. But what if it fails, and what if the Games staged Games. the Olympics will be intended ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȬȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ to mark and symbolize the comeback of Rus- ęȄȱǻȱŘŖŗřǼǵȱ sia at the supreme world stage, and underline With less than one year to the start of the the importance of the leadership of President Games, despite measures undertaken by the Putin in this endeavor. Indeed, it is hard to authorities, experts do not see a decrease in reach any conclusion other than that there is ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ Ěȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ - Caucasus (dzutsev 2013a, Vatchagaev 2013a). nation of the Russian authorities to organize Rather, as the Games are approaching, the the Games in Sochi in spite of all problems, authorities are likely to downplay reports of economic, interethnic, security-related and violence in the North Caucasus (Vatchagaev others. the hosting can well be interpreted 2013b). But the problem remains, and in the as a show of force by the Russian authorities words of one analyst, the Games are likely to ȱȱę¢ȱȱȱ ȱ ȱȱȱ become the most security-loaded in Olympic command. Seen in this context the choice of history (Hedenskog 2013). location is symbolic. If the Russian federation as if all this was not enough, there is also can host Olympic Games on the doorstep of the more external aspect of security, with in- a region that has for so long been ridden by ternational implications. Only some 30 kilo- Ěǰȱȱȱȱǰȱ meters from the city of Sochi – and even closer then internal order can certainly be said to to the sites of the Games – lies abkhazia, an have been successfully restored. Still, even if autonomous republic of Georgia during Soviet the rationale does seem clear, the undertaking times but now a de facto state recognized by appears to be like walking a tightrope without Russia after the Russo–Georgian war in 2008. a proper safety net. the stakes are high, to say the proximity of the Games to this volatile the least. area, and the fact that abkhazian territory has been used as a supply route for building material for the Olympic facilities, has been іяљіќєџюѝѕѦ interpreted by the Georgian government as a provocative move by the Russians. Critical avellan, Heidi. 2010. “När Europa tar sig arguments have been heard that the Russian ton”, Sydsvenskan 18 april.

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 11 Bo Petersson & Karina Vamling

ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗřǯȱȃȱȱ- Karina Vamling (2013, eds): The Sochi Predica- er Calls for ‘disruption’ of Sochi Olympics.” ment: Contexts, Characteristics and Challenges July 3, Around the Rings. accessed august of the Olympic Winter Games in 2014, 190-205. 5, 2013. www.aroundtherings.com/articles/ Newcastle upon tyne: Cambridge Scholars ǯ¡ǵƽŚřŝŝŘǯ Publishing. £ǰȱ ¢ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃ¡ȱ ȱ ǰȱǯȱŘŖŖŝǯȱȃȂȱ ȱ- Moscow’s North Caucasus Policies Exacerbate tional Idea.” Russian Life. Volume 50, Issue 5, Regional Instability.” North Caucasus Analysis. September–October, 34. Volume: 14, Issue: 9, May 1, 2013. accessed au- ǰȱ¢ǯȱŘŖŗŘǯȱȃ£ȱǱȱ- gust 5, 2013. www.jamestown.org/programs/ sugs in Krasnodar territory hope for soonest ȦȦǵ¡ȏ ǽȏ ǾƽŚŖŞŘŗǭ¡ȏ solution of land problem.” Caucasian Knot. Ĵ ǽǾƽŜŞŝǭȏƽŗǯ ¢ȱŗŖǯȱȱȱŘŖǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱĴǱȦȦ £ǰȱ¢ǯȱŘŖŗřǯȱȃȱ- eng.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/19650/. sians in Sochi demand Recognition as Native £ȱ £ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ŝȱ ¢¢ȱ Peoples to Region.” Eurasia Daily Monitor, chelovek posetili vystavku ‘traditsionnaya Volume: 10, Issue: 106, June 5. accessed au- kultura adygov’ v Sochi”. May 17. accessed gust 5, 2013. www.jamestown.org/programs/ august 6, 2013. www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/arti- ȦȦǵ¡ȏ ǽȏ ǾƽŚŖşŞŚǭ¡ȏ cles/224276. ǽǾƽŜŞśǭȏƽŗǛǯ- £ȱ £ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ - ¢ȏǯ eny obshchestvennye slushaniya po stroitelst- £ȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȬęȱȱȁ¢ȱ turkey Receive Boost from Erdogan.” Eur- Rossiya’.” July 14. accessed august 6, 2013. asia Daily Monitor Volume: 10 Issue: 100, www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/ 224276. May 28. www.jamestown.org/programs/ £ǰȱ¡ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃ¢ȱ ȦǯȦǵ¡ȏ ǽȏ ǾƽŚŖşřśǭ¡ȏ of the Winter Olympics in Sochi from a Geor- ǽǾƽŜŞśǭȏƽŗǛǯȏ - gian Perspective”, Petersson, Bo & Karina zah8N. Vamling (2013, eds): The Sochi Predicament: ȱ ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗřǯȱȃȱȱȱȱ Contexts, Characteristics and Challenges of the of Circassian Long-distance Memorialisation”, Olympic Winter Games in 2014, 207-226. New- in Petersson, Bo & Karina Vamling (2013, eds): castle upon tyne: Cambridge Scholars Pub- The Sochi Predicament: Contexts, Characteristics lishing. and Challenges of the Olympic Winter Games in ǰȱ ȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ 2014, 104-133. Newcastle upon tyne: Cam- or New Game to the Circassian Ethnonational bridge Scholars Publishing. agenda?” May 28. ȱ. accessed ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȂȱ - august 6, 2013. www.strategicoutlook.org/ mance of masculinity: the action-hero and ma- caucasus/news-end-game-or-new-game-to- cho sex object.” In Putin as Celebrity and Cul- the-circabian-ethnonational-agenda.html. tural Icon, edited by Helena Goscilo, 180–207. Markovits, andrei and Lars Rensmann. London: Routledge. 2010. Gaming the World: How Sports Are Reshap- ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ing Global Politics and Culture. Princeton: Princ- threat against Sochi-2014”, in Petersson, Bo & eton University Press.

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 12 Bo Petersson & Karina Vamling

ûǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗŗǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗŘǯȱ ȃ¢Ǳȱ in megaprojects: governing the 2014 Winter natsionalnyi vopros.” January 23. £¢ȱ Olympics in Sochi”, Environment and Planning £ǯ accessed august 24, 2013. www.ng.ru/ a 43, 2091–2108. ȦŘŖŗŘȬŖŗȬŘřȦŗȏǯǯ Nemtsov, Boris and Leonid Mar- R-Sport.ȱŘŖŗřǯȱȃȱȱȱ ¢¢ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ Near Olympic Site.” March 13. accessed Subtropics.” Putin. Itogi. www.putin-itogi. ȱ ŘŖǰȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ĴǱȦȦǯǯȦ ru/winter-olympics-in-the-subtropics/. olympics/20130313/650899965.html. £ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃ- R-Sport.ȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃ¢ȱ Ĝȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ Ěȱ - after Putin Criticism.” february 7. accessed tion emerges.” July 25. Russia beyond ȱ ŘŖǰȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ĴǱȦȦǯǯȦ¢- the Headlines. accessed august 20, 2013. pics/20130207/643897911.html. ǱȦȦǯȦȦŘŖŗřȦŖŝȦŘśȦȏ RIA NovostiȱŘŖŖŜǯȱȃȂȱȱȱ ¢ȏȏȏȏȏ Buys Sochi airport for $206.6 mln”, Novem- ȏŘŞřŞŗǯǯ ȱ ŘŖǯȱ ȱ ȱ ŗŖǰȱ ŘŖŗŘǯȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗŘǯȱȃ ȱ ¢ȱȱ en.rian.ru/russia/20061120/ 55813560.html. disorder: Political Myths in Contemporary RIA Novosti.ȱ ŘŖŗŘǯȱ ȃȱ ¢ȱ - Russian Politics”, Paper for the aSN 17th an- lage ‘Ready by October’.” december 19. ac- nual World Convention, Columbia University, ȱ ȱ ŘŖǰȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ĴǱȦȦǯǯȦ 19–21 april, 2012. sports/20121219/178268367.html. Petersson, Bo. 2013. ‘Living the Myth: the RIA Novosti.ȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ - Sochi Winter Games, Putin, and the Russian mission to deliver Sochi Games.” January 15. Great Power Ideal’, Paper for Conference on ȱ ȱ Řřǰȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ĴǱȦȦǯǯȦ Intentions, Interactions and Paradoxes in Post- ȦŘŖŗřŖŗŗśȦŗŝŞŝŞşŝŗřȦȏȏ Socialist Space. CERES, Helsinki, 24-25 May. ȏȏȏȏ ǯǯ Petersson, Bo & Karina Vamling (2013, ǯǯǯȱ ŘŖŗŘǯȱ ȃǯǯ eds): The Sochi Predicament: Contexts, Charac- ȱǯȄȱȱȱŘŖǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱĴǱȦȦ teristics and Challenges of the Olympic Winter russiasochipark.com/ events. Games in 2014. Newcastle upon tyne: Cam- ǯȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗŘǯȱ ȃ ȱ - bridge Scholars Publishing. semble at Russia. Park as a part of Sochi Cul- ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃ£ȱ Ǳȱ ȱ¢ȱŘŖŗŖȬŘŖŗŚǯȄȱĴǱȦȦǯ ‘Rossiya nikogda ne poidet nam navstrechu’.” tumblr.com/post/29067147921/kabardinka- July 7. www.ekhokavkaza.com/content/ ensemble-at-russia-park-as-a-part-of-sochi. article/25051605.html ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗŘǯȱȃǱȱȱ- President of Russia.ȱ ŘŖŗŘǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ mate to Crisis?”, The Brown Journal of World Af- Council for Interethnic Relations.” august 24. fairs 19:1, 231–246. ȱȱŘŖǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱĴǱȦȦǯǯ ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗŘǯȱȃȱȱ- ru/news/4324. tin: titanic looking for its iceberg?”, Commu- ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗŘȱȃȱȱ- nist and Post-Communist Studies 45, 209–216. arations for 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi.” Sochi.ru.ȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ ŘŖŗŚȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ŗŗǯȱ ȱ ȱ ŘŖǰȱ ŘŖŗřǯĴǱȦȦǯ Olympiad to showcase Russia’s rich ethnic kremlin.ru/transcripts/3808. culture.” June 11. accessed august 20, 2013.

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 13 Bo Petersson & Karina Vamling

www.sochi2014.com/en/media/news/69183/. About the Authors: ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ Bo Petersson is Professor of Political Sci- ubytochnaya Olimpiada.” June 14. £ǯǯȱ ence and IMER (International Migration and accessed august 17, 2013. www.gazeta.ru/ Ethnic Relations) and Vice dean for Research business/2013/06/13/5379113.shtml. at the faculty of Culture and Society at Malmö ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ University, Sweden. His special areas of inter- the BRIC mega-events in comparative per- est include nationalism, political myth, enemy spective”, Paper for BaSEES/ICSEES Euro- images, stereotyping, and xenophobia. In ȱǰȱȱśȮŞǰȱĵ ȱǰȱ geographical terms he has often come to fo- Cambridge (oral presentation). cus on political developments in Russia and ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗřǯȱȃȂȱ the former Soviet Union. His books include Bloodshed Continues to Grow.” Eurasia Daily National Self-Images and Regional Identities in Monitor, Volume: 10, Issue: 89, May 10, 2013. Russia (ashgate 2001), Stories about Strangers accessed august 5, 2013. www.jamestown. ǻ¢ȱ ȱ ȱǰȱ ŘŖŖŜǼǲȱ Majority ȦȦȦȦǵ¡ȏ ǽȏ Cultures and the Everyday Politics of Ethnic Dif- ǾƽŚŖŞŜřǭ¡ȏ ǽǾƽŜŞśǭȏ ference (co-edited with Katharine tyler, Pal- ƽŗǛǯŝ¢ȏǯ ȱŘŖŖŞǲȱ ȱȱǻȱ ǰȱȬȱ ǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȃȱ with Christina Johansson, Liber, 2013) and The Eye on Sochi, authorities in North Cau- Sochi Predicament: Contexts, Characteristics and casus Play down Continuing Wave of at- Challenges of the Olympic Winter Games in 2014 tacks.” Eurasia Daily Monitor, Volume: 10 Is- (co-edited with Karina Vamling, Cambridge sue: 102 May 30, 2013. accessed august 5, Scholars Publishing, 2013). 2013. www.jamestown.org/programs/edm/ e-mail: [email protected] Ȧǵ¡ȏĴ ƖśĴȏ ƖśƽŚŖşśśǭ¡ȏ ƖśƖśƽŜŞśǭȏƽŗǛǯ Karina Vamling is Professor of Caucasus ȏŞǯ Studies at Malmö University, Sweden. Her re- ǰȱǯȱŘŖŗřǯȱȃ- search area is the Caucasus region with a fo- Vedomosti. fobiya i ee politicheskii potentsial.” cus on ethnic and linguistic diversity, minori- ru , august 14. accessed august 20, 2013. ties, identity and language policy, primarily in www.vedomosti.ru/opinion/news/ 15191451/ Georgia and the Russian Northwest Caucasus. konkurenciya-za-ksenofobskoe-bolshinstvo? Recent publications include the edited volume Ǜǯ Caucasus Studies: Migration, Society, and Lan- youtube 2007. full version of Putin speech guage (Malmö University, 2011) and the coed- Russia Today (2014 Winter Olympics), . www. ited book (with Bo Petersson) The Sochi Predic- ¢ǯȦ ǵƽȱȏř¡Śǯ ament: Contexts, Characteristics and Challenges of the Olympic Winter Games in 2014 (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013). e-mail: [email protected]

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 14 tears in the patchwork: the Sochi olympics and the display of a multiethnic nation

by Emil Persson, Lund University and Malmö University

яѠѡџюѐѡ ȱȱ¡ȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱĜȱȱȱȱȱ Olympics. It is argued that the imagined community being displayed is a diverse, inclusive and tolerant nation, even an international example of ethnic conviviality. The article puts this narrative in historical perspective, relating it to the mnogonatsionalnost policies of tsarist, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. This imagination, though explicitly very inclusive, rests on important exclusions and silences. By selective exhibitions ȱ¢Ȭȱȱȱȱǰȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȱǰȱȱȱ ĚȬȱȱȱȱǯ

ћѡџќёѢѐѡіќћ sentialist and stereotypical exhibitions of mi- ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȃȱ- mediated mega-event like the Olympics ness” of the host nation. In addition, in their ais about much more than sports. It is idyllic depiction of harmonious conviviality also about imagining communities and about ȱ¢ȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȃȄȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ of host states and deny legacies of colonialism ȱȱȱȱȱȃȱȱ- and racism, as well as ongoing discrimination longing” is not only the outside world, but ȱȱǻǯȱ £ȱ ǰȱŘŖŖŝǲȱ ǰȱ as much or even more, the domestic public, 2003). those who are interpellated or solicited to be the aim of this article is to examine how part of this community. during recent years, ȱȱȱȱȱĜȱȱȱ Olympic Games have increasingly been used ȱȱ¢ǰȱȱę¢ȱ ȱȱ by host nations to manifest their own ethnic symbolic boundaries for inclusion into this diversity and multicultural identity. this was community are being imagined. the focus the case during the 2010 Winter Olympics in lies on discourses of multiculturalism, multi- Vancouver, whose opening ceremony featured nationalism and ethnic coexistence. to recon- members of first Nations tribes performing ȱ ȱ Ĝȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ traditional dances, as well as the 2012 Summer media coverage, advertisements, commodities Olympics in London, projecting the image of a and museum exhibitions. Much of this mate- hip, multi-coloured Britain shaped by a histo- ȱ ȱȱȱę ȱȱȱȱ ry of international migration. the 2014 Olym- May 2013. pics in Russian Sochi continues this trend. after a theoretical discussion about me- In the Olympic context, the multicultural- dia-events’ role in creating belonging to po- ist theme feeds on an older narrative of inter- litical communities, a very short historical nationalism and peaceful coexistence, which overview is given about nationality policies was one of the ideological foundations when and discourses of multinationalism in tsarist, the modern Olympic movement was formed Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. taking depar- in the late 1800s. However, the displays of ture in these discussions, the following section multiculturalism which have become a natu- analyses Sochi-2014 as a project of belonging ral part of contemporary Olympic Games are which aims to construct and spread a cer- not unproblematic as they tend to rely on es- tain image of Russia to its citizens and to the

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 15 Emil Persson

world. the main argument of the article is that a stake in the future of such a community of the Sochi Olympics are used to promote an im- membership” (2006:21). age of Russia as an example of successful mul- the media – widely conceived – play a ticulturalism and ethnic conviviality, an image crucial role in the politics of belonging as it which however rests on important exclusions provides the space where communities are ȱǰȱȱȱĚȬȱ- imagined and where we are exposed to other- tories and current injustices. ȱǻǰȱŗşŞřǲȱǰȱŘŖŖŝǼǯȱȱ creation of imagined communities is, accord- ђёіюȱђѣђћѡѠȱюћёȱяђљќћєіћє ȱȱȱ ǰȱȱ¢ȱȃȱȱ of the other”, by which he means the represen- the notion politics of belonging is used by tation of other races, cultures or social groups ȱ ȱ ǻǰȱ ŘŖŖŜǲȱ Ȭǰȱ as stereotypes, reducing them to a few simple 2011) to frame studies of identity, boundar- characteristics represented as natural, thereby ies and social categorization in a globalized £ȱ ȱ £ȱ ȱ ȱ ěȱ world. It emphasizes the political in bound- (Hall, 1997:257f). Never is the media’s impor- ary-making, that the construction of commu- tance for belonging and boundary-making ȱȱȱ¢ȱĚȬȱȱ more accentuated than during so called media intimately related to the distribution of power eventsǰȱȱ¢ȱ¢ȱȱ ĵȱȱȃȱ in society. according to Nira yuval-davis: holidays of mass communication”, monopo- £ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ (t)he politics of belonging involves not only ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȃȄǰȱ constructions of boundaries but also inclusion or and appealing to mass audiences (dayan & exclusion of particular people, social categories and ĵǰȱŗşşŘǱŗěǼǯȱȱȱȱȱȱ- groupings within these boundaries by those who rovision, Lady di’s funeral or in my case the have the power to do this (2011:18). Olympics can be vital forces of social integra- tion, reasserting the legitimacy and desirabil- the focus on belonging does not a priori ity of particular modes of belonging to certain tie the construction of political collectives to spatial imaginaries (Orgad, 2012:156). this ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȱ - does not mean that media events are always tionality remains the major organising prin- successful in establishing a sense of belonging, ciple of political communities in our days, we ȱ ȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ should not presuppose that this must always appropriate the intended messages scepti- be the case, but allow for analytical openness cally, ironically or in even more unexpected as to which dimension of belonging – perhaps ways (Hepp & Couldry, 2010:12). How audi- nationality, gender or religion - we should ences interpret and receive the narratives of include in a particular study without before- media events lies however outside the scope ȱęȱ ȱȱȱȱ- of this paper. the focus is on the integrative ing one. Belonging involves, writes floya an- claims of the Sochi Olympics, how it is crafted ǰȱȱěȱȱ ȱȱȱȱ as a project of belonging, imagining and dis- ȱ ȱȬęȱȱȂȱ- playing a certain version of Russia. Such an Ǳȱȃȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ imagination, totalizing and idealizing, rests community, to feel safe within it and to have on important exclusions and silences. as anthias writes:

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 16 Emil Persson

… the collective places constructed by imagi- in many ways continued the imperialist Rus- ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ęǰȱ ȱ sian project, as ethnic Russians where given losses, the absences and the borders within them. ȱȱȱȱȱȃȱȱȄȱ The notion of ‘imagining’ also refers to the ways that made up the SSSR, as symbolic big broth- in which constructions of belonging serve to natu- ȱȱȱęȱȱȱǻ ǰȱŗşşśǼǯȱ £ȱ¢ȱǰȱȱȱ¡ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȬȬǰȱ Multinationalism (mnogonatsionalnost’) ȱȱę¡ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱ ȱ Ĝȱ ¢ȱ ȱ Ȭȱ life. Such constructions produce a ‘natural’ com- Russia. the civic-statist identity (as munity of people and function as exclusionary bor- opposed to the more exclusive ethnocultural ders of otherness (Anthias 2006:21). ) is supposed to encompass all ethnicities living in the federation. tolerance is put forward as an ideal, but there is a scepticism ѕђȱ юњяіѣюљђћѐђȱ ќѓȱ ѢѠѠіюћȱ њѢљѡіћю- against the Western concept of multicultur- ѡіќћюљіѠњ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ correctness” with dangerous divisive conse- the idea of a community which harbours quences for society (Malakhov, 2002). Putin´s a multitude of cultures, languages and re- much-cited article on the national question, ligions has a long history in Russia. It was a published before the 2012 election, takes de- cornerstone in tsarist imperialism, not least parture in the alleged failure of Western mul- was it a political necessity in order to get sup- ǰȱȱȱȱȱęȱȱ port from regional elites. In the 19th century, experience dating back to tsarist times. argu- ethnographers explored and catalogued with ing fervently against ethno-nationalist calls great fascination habits and idioms in the vast ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ Ȅǰȱ ȱ empire. the celebration of cultural diversity writes that Russia is and must remain a mul- ¡ȱȱǰȱ ǰȱ ȱęȱ tinational state, but that the ethnic Russians policies aiming to create and strengthen Rus- have a special role as a lead culture, holding sian cultural hegemony. after 1917, the Bol- together this unique civilization (Putin, 2012). sheviks intended to end Great Russian chau- When addressing foreign audiences (in diplo- vinism and organized the new socialist state as ¢ȱ ȱ Ǽȱ Ĝȱ ȱ ȱ a federation on ethnic principles. Every terri- even more the multinational character of the ȱ¢ȱȱȃȄȱȱȱȱǰȱ country, aware that the idea of a ethnically and the communists actively nurtured nation- diverse and multi-confessional Russia is more ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȃȱ appealing to the world than a monocultural in form, socialist in content” (Slezkine, 1994). Orthodox-Slavic nation (Malakhov, 2012). the SSSR has sometimes been called a country as we have seen, mnogonatsionalnost’ has where multiculturalism prevailed (Malakhov, historically been tied to the Russian imperial 2000). the ethnographic inventory was inten- project. although emphasis has shifted, the ęǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ idea that ethnic Russians are a lead culture found lacking, it was invented (Slezkine, 1994). with a special mission to hold together a mul- despite the anti-tsarist rhetoric, however, the ȱ¢ȱȱȱĜȱ¢ȱȱ Soviet state (especially from Stalin onwards) 150 years. Like many forms of Western multi-

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 17 Emil Persson

culturalism, this ideology holds a primordial- ist view on ethnicities as naturally given onto- logical facts, and also presumes that ethnicity is the prime identity for individuals. Mnogonat- sionalnost’ is also often reductionist, restrict- ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ęȱ characteristics like folklore (Malakhov, 2012). Putin´s words about ethnic Russians as a lead culture indicate that Russian multinationalism is highly susceptible to a critique which some postcolonial scholars have directed against Western multiculturalism: that it is an ideology hiding ethnocentric values behind univer- ȱǰȱ¢ȱȱȃȄȱ¢ȱ¢ȱ as long as it can be accommodated within the norm and does not disrupt the master narratives of society (Bhabha, 1990:208). ȱŗǯȱȱ ȱĴȱȱȬŘŖŗŚ ђљђяџюѡіћєȱёіѣђџѠіѡѦȱѤіѡѕȱќѐѕіȬ2014 much personal prestige in the Olympic proj- Russia will show the visitors of the Games the ect, expressed a similar idea in a speech in best of Russian (rossiiskoi) culture June 2013:

ȱȱǰȱȱǰȱ Ĵȱȱ ȱȱȱȱ£ȱȱȱ- a map of Russia with an artistically designed tion in 2014, a festival of sport, deserving of its ȱ Ĵǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ - ȱǱȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱ ment campaign distributed on television, In- ȱ¢ȱęȱȱȬȱȱ¢ȱ¢ǰȱ ternet, as well as on huge outdoor tV screens ȱȱ¢ (sochi2014.ru b). ȱȱȱ¢ȱę ȱȱȱ¢ȱȱ¢ȱ ŘŖŗřǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ĝȱ ȱ a recurring metaphor for ethno-cultural about Sochi-2014 which is being disseminated ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȱȃ Ȅǯȱ most consistently – in the rhetoric of politi- ȱȱȱȱ£ȱĴǰȱȱ ȱȱ¢ȱĜǰȱȱȱ Chernyshenko, has said that the cultural pro- and slogans, in the merchandise products de- gram of Sochi-2014 is devoted to signed for the Games – is that Russia is a cul- turally diverse, tolerant and open country. In ǳȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱ ȱȱȃȄȱȱȱĜȱ ȱȱ richness of Russia, and to involve all residents in a Sochi-2014, we can read that the Games will grand celebration (…), show the world the “patch- ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃ¢ȱ Ȅȱ ǻloskutnoye odeyalo) of cultural tradi- ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ tions in our country (sochi2014.ru c). diversity” (sochi2014.ru a). President Vladi- mir Putin, who since the start has invested

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 18 Emil Persson

It could be argued that the framing of Sochi-2014 as a celebration of Russian diversity and tolerance is merely make-up intended for a foreign audience, an ęȱȱȱ¢ȱ ·ȱ ȱȱĴȱȱȱ with Russian political reali- ties. In my view, that claim would be too simplifying. It is certainly true that since the late 1990s multiculturalism – in a depoliticized and commercialized version – has become an integral aspect of Olympism, and that ȱŘǯȱȱ ȱĴȱȱȬŘŖŗŚ displays of ethno-cultural diversity are now an obligatory part of opening cer- the image-language used in connection ȱȱ¢ȱ¢ȱǻ ǰȱĵǰȱǭȱ to Sochi-2014 tells the same story. advertise- Bunds, 2012). the rich use of Olympic catch- ǰȱ Ěȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ĝȱ words and citations of Pierre de Coubertin merchandise in the form of clothes, keyrings, by the Russian hosts are part of the Olympic stamps, bags etc make use of the patchwork ȱȱȱȱȱȱěȱǰȱ ĴȱǻȱȱŗȬŘǼǰȱȱȱ ȱȱ say, the rhetoric of Sydney 2000 or Vancouver ȱȱȱȱęȱȱȱ 2010. However, this narrative chimes in har- diversity. mony with the Russian mnogonatsionalnost’ In a similar vein, the Olympic torch is used ¢ǰȱ ȱȱȱĜȱ¢ȱȱ to imagine a multinational community of be- tsarist times, and which is a central tenet for longing. during 2013 Russian state television the current administration. Even if the word and popular newspapers such as - ȃȄȱȱȱȱȱȱ ya Pravda focused extensively on the selection terms by Russian politicians, the idea of cele- process of torch-carriers from each of the 83 brating tolerance, ethno-cultural diversity and territorial units in Russia. We can expect that conviviality will not sound strange to a Rus- during the months preceding the Games, me- sian audience but is already an important part dia images of the Olympic torch being carried ȱ Ĝȱ ¢ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱȱȱěȱȱȱȱ- around Sochi-2014 is an interesting example ery part Russia, from the arctic ice to the bot- of how global and domestic narratives can re- tom of Lake Baikal to the top of Mount Elbrus, inforce each other. We will see below that the and even into space, will manifest a Russian- ambiguity and ambivalence characterizing ness spanning cultures, races and religions. Russia’s multinationalism, to celebrate diver-

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 19 Emil Persson

sity but simultaneously reinforce an ethno- underpinning Olympism. the founder of the cultural norm, is also discernible in the modern Games, Pierre de Coubertin, hoped rhetoric on Sochi-2014. that the Olympics would bring together all tolerance and inclusion are put forward nations of the world and contribute to peace as ideals not only when dealing with ethno- and reconciliation (Coubertin, 2000). the ȱěǰȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱ ¢ȱǰȱ ȱȱȱęȱ- improving the situation for people with dis- tinents, symbolize this peaceful international- abilities. the Games will, it is often held, lead ȱǻ ĴǰȱŘŖŖŘǼǯȱ to a more accessible society with fewer physi- Interestingly however, this international- cal barriers, not only regionally but nationally ist theme also resembles the Soviet rhetoric (sochi2014.ru d). Nonetheless, there are strict ȱ ȃȱ ȱ Ȅȱ ǻ£ȱ ). limits regarding who is included in the open- during the Cold war, this phrase was used as ness promoted by Sochi-2014. Ironically, this guiding principle both for the ethno-federal project of tolerance is being launched at the design of the SSSR and for the relations be- same time as there is a nation-wide campaign tween the states within the socialist world. – led by the power-holding United Russia par- as ethnic Russians had a dominant political, ¢ȱȮȱȱȱȃ¡ȱȄǰȱ ȱ military and cultural role within the Eastern was also the pretext used for prohibiting an bloc, it is quite easy to claim that the £- LGBt organization to set up a Pride house ba narodov rhetoric served imperialist aims, during the Olympics (Persson, forthcoming). wrapping Russian interests and values in a the inclusionist rhetoric of Sochi-2014 falls si- more appealing package by presenting them lent when it comes to sexual orientation and as universalistic and altruistic. On many occa- gender identity. thus, when scrutinized, the sions, this narrative was used to legitimize in- universalist construction of belonging put terventionist and colonial policies (cf. Peters- ȱȱĜȱȱȱȱȱ son & Persson, 2011), e.g. during the invasions Olympics is more exclusive than it appears at of Czechoslovakia and afghanistan. that the ęȱǯ language of internationalism can still be used to legitimize expansionist policies is evident џѢѧѕяюȱћюџќёќѣȱќћѐђȱюєюіћ in an interesting statement by Sergey Markov, a member of the State duma for the Putinist The modern Olympic Games were conceived party United Russia, at a meeting on abkha- by visionaries who set new standards and found zia’s role in the Sochi Olympics: new ways for development. They believed that sport engenders trust and cooperation between cul- The Olympic movement is a peace movement, ȱȱǯȱȱŘŖŗŚȱȱȱȱȱ an international movement. All nations have to be Ȃȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȱǰȱȱȱ£ȱǯȱ ȱ- peaceful, productive dialogue between peoples (so- not be isolated from the Olympic Games, for the lat- chi2014.ru a). ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȱ ¢ȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱĜȱȱ £ȱ ¢ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ about Sochi-2014 is that the Games will pro- ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ£ȱ mote understanding between peoples and na- ¢ȱȱȱȱ£ȱȱȱȱ tions. this idea feeds on the internationalism the process (cited in Rytövuori-apunen, 2013).

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 20 Emil Persson

the internationalism inherent in Olym- been presented to the world as a place of long- pic ideology is state-centred, conservative and time peaceful conviviality and cultural inter- Ȭǯȱ ȱęȱ¢ȱ ȱȱȱȱ ǰȱȱȱĚǯȱ ǰȱȱȱ- of dominant actors, naturalizing and depo- rative of Sochi-2014 Sochi is not presented as liticizing the status quo and power claims of part of the Caucasus but of Russia. In fact, the nation-states. at the same time, all kinds of ȱȃȄȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ counter-hegemonic actions, questioning some I have studied. thus, we should not expect the aspect or policy of the host-state, are labelled Sochi Olympics to contribute to such a sym- ȱ ȃȄȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ bolic re-inscription. Olympics. When talking about the role of the 2014 ѕђȱѠѝђѐѡюѐљђȱќѓȱѡѕђȱќѡѕђџ Games in promoting dialogue and reconcilia- ȱ ȱǰȱȱęȱȱȱ the geographic location are often mentioned. as many other places in the Caucasus, the Sochi region is home to a multitude of ethnic groups such as armenians, Circassians and Estonians. the background is very complex, but wars, deportations and split-and-divide politics are part of the picture (cf. Coene, 2010). ȱ Ĝȱ ǰȱ ȱ Ȭȱ - ter of Sochi is put forward as making it especially suitable for the Olympics. at a forum devoted to sports and peace, the head of the local administration in Sochi, anatolii Pakho- ǰȱȱǱȱȃȱȱȱȱȱ for this forum, because it is the home of more ȱȱȱěȱǰȱȱȱ ȱřǯȱȱ¡ȱȃȱȱ Middle Eastern cultures” (sochi2014.ru e). an of the Circassians” article in ¢ȱ wrote about a monument being built in Sochi, consisting of soil from all 83 regions in Russia (Gorelov, an important aspect of the imagination of 2013), a story which played into the imagina- a diverse and tolerant Russia is the display of ȱȱȃȱȱȱȱȄǯȱȱ ethnic minorities and local cultures. accord- the portrayal of Sochi, situated at the foot ing to Stuart Hall, we are fascinated by other- of the Caucasus mountains, as an epitome of ness, because the exhibition of other people as successful multiculturalism bears the potential ěȱȱȱȱȱę¡ȱ- ȱȱ¢ȱȬȱȱȱȱȃ- aries and is necessary for the imagination of sus” ( £), a word which since the 1990s community (Hall, 1997:257f). One function in Russia and elsewhere has gained the con- of such displays is to delineate normality. notations of separatism, inter-ethnic strife and By naming and pointing out certain groups, terrorism. the diverse Caucasus could have ȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȃȄǰȱ

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 21 Emil Persson

abroad and in Russia to call for genocide recognition, and in some cases for an ȱ¢Ĵȱǻ - sen, 2013). Simultaneously, the uprisings in Libya and Syria, two countries with large Circassian minorities, have led to a debate about whether Circassians whose ancestors were deported in the 19th century should have the right to return to Russia. these sensitive issues were not the topic of the exhibition. Instead the museum focused on traditional ȱŚǱȱȱ¡ȱȃȱȱȱȱȄ costumes, weapons, handi- craft, musical instruments and jewellery. In classical their otherness is reinscribed and marked, and orientalist style, the Circassians were pictured the ethno-cultural norm reinforced. as a noble but uncivilized tribal people, con- In May 2013, I visited an exhibition at sisting of belligerent proud men and exoti- ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȃ- cally charming veiled women1. the history of tional culture of the Circassians” (see images the Circassians in the Sochi region was traced 3-4). the exhibition was presented as part of back thousands of years, and maps showed the cultural program of the Sochi Olympics. the extension of Circassia in the 19th century. the Circassians (in Russian variously termed there was no mention of colonial wars, depor- ¢¢ǰȱ ¢ǰȱ ¢) are a Cauca- tations, refugees or current Circassian claims sian ethnic group which ruled the Sochi area for recognition. ȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȃȱ Ȅȱ the museum exhibition is a good examin 1864, and have since then been to a large ple of how, by selective narrations, the other is ¡ȱĴȱȱǯȱȱȱȱŗśŖȱ domesticated and reduced to kitsch and folk- anniversary of what many Circassians call a ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ĚȬȱ ȱ ȱ genocide, and the fact that Krasnaya Polyana, prevailing inequalities are glossed over. at the where the skiing competitions will take place 1 Such representations of a symbolic ”East” during the Olympics, was the place were tsar- (a role played alternately by the Caucasus, Central ist forces celebrated the defeat of independent asia, and the far East), have a long tradition in ǰȱ ȱ ȃȱ ȱ Ȃȱ Ȅȱ Russian cultural history, spanning from Pushkin’s (dzutsev, 2011) has been revived by the Olym- and tolstoy’s romantic tales of mountain savages, pics. Sochi-2014 has mobilized Circassians to Soviet cinema and contemporary works of ȱȱǻǯȱ¢ȱŗşşśǲȱȱŘŖŖŚǼǯ

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 22 Emil Persson

same time a norm is reinforced: by picturing the Russia which is imagined and displayed ȱȃȄȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ – inclusive, tolerant, multicultural and peace- tradition, the Russian self emerges as civilized striving – is just there, emptied from contra- and progressive (cf. Oye, 2010). at the time of ȱ ȱ Ěǯȱ ȱ ȱ ¡ǰȱ writing, the Olympic opening ceremony in however, reveals silences and exclusions in 2014 still lies ahead, but my guess is that we ȱȱǰȱȱȱȱȱęȱ ȱ ¡ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȃȱ - in and therefore can expose the limits and in- sity”, celebrating the otherness of minority coherencies of Russia’s Olympic dream. ǰȱȱȱȱęǰȱ¢ȱȱ depoliticizing way, stripping them of any dif- ђѓђџђћѐђѠ ference or history which cannot be accommodated within the master narrative. anderson, B. (1983). Imagined communi- ǱȱĚȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ- ќћѐљѢёіћєȱџђњюџјѠ alism. London: Verso. ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŖŜǼǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ - this article has examined a particular me- balising and unequal world: rethinking trans- dia event – the Sochi Olympics – as a project locations”. In N. yuval-davis, K. Kannabiran of belonging, imagining and displaying a Rus- & U. Vieten (Eds.), The situated politics of be- sia which is diverse, tolerant and inclusive, longing. London: Sage. whose history of ethnic conviviality makes ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŗşşŖǼǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ Ǳȱ - it an example of successful multiculturalism. terview with Homi Bhabha”. In J. Rutherford the narrative makes use of Olympic clichés of (Ed.), ¢ȱ Ǳȱ ¢ǰȱ ǰȱ ěǯ the kind obligatory at every Olympic Games London: Lawrence & Wishart. ¢ǰȱȱȱȱę¢ȱȱȱȱ- Coene, f. (2010). The Caucasus. An intro- ęȱ¢ȱȱȂǰȱ ȱ duction. London/New york: Routledge. has been a legitimizing principle for the Rus- Coubertin, P. (2000). Olympism: Selected sian state since tsarist times. despite a univer- writings. Lausanne: International Olympic salist language, ethnic Russians are awarded Ĵǯ a normative status in this multinational com- ¢ǰȱǯǰȱǭȱ ĵǰȱǯȱǻŗşşŘǼǯȱMedia events. munity, e.g. through displays of the otherness The live broadcasting of history. Cambridge, Ma: ȱ ¢ȱ ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ Harvard University Press. into the ideological stance of the current Rus- £ǰȱǯȱǻŘŖŗŗǼǯȱȃȱ¢ȱ ȱ sian administration that ethnic Russians are a in Sochi: Infrastructural and Security Chal- lead culture holding together a unique civili- lenges”. Russian Analytical Digest(95). zation. Recalling what floya anthias writes ǰȱǯǰȱĵǰȱ ǯǰȱǭȱǰȱ ǯȱǻŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ about how imaginations of belonging gloss ȃȱ¢Ǳȱȱ£ȱȱ ȱ ęǰȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȱȱȱȃȄǯȱ ȱ ȱȱǻŘŖŖŜǱŘŗǼȱȱĜȱȱȱ Lenskyj, H.J. & Wagg, S. (Eds.), The Palgrave Sochi-2014 operates according to this logic of ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ǯȱ Basingstoke: Pal- depoliticization. Political and social contin- grave. gencies are subsumed into an image of com- ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗřǼǯȱ ȃ ȱ - pletion, harmony and taken-for-grantedness. birayet zemlyu vsekh regionov strany dlya

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 23 Emil Persson

pamyatnika v Sochi”. ¢ȱ , (Eds.), £ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ - 08.05.2013. ȱǯ Moscow: Institut etnolo- Ĵǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŖŘǼǯȱ The Olympics. A his- gii i antropologii RaN. tory of the modern games. (2 ed.). Champaign: ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ University of Illinois Press. ȃȱȄȱȱǵȄǯȱRussian Social ǰȱǯȱǻŗşşŝǼǯȱȃȱȱȱȱ- Science Review, 53(1), 14-31. er”. In S. Hall (Ed.), Representation. Cultural ǰȱ ǯȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŖŚǼǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ representations and signifying practices. London: Caucasus: from colonial to postcolonial narra- Sage. tive”. Russian Studies in Literature, 40(2), 52-77. ǰȱ ǯȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗřǼǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Orgad, S. (2012). Media representation and Circassian Long-distance Memorialisation”. the global imagination. Oxford: Polity. In B. Petersson & K. Vamling (Eds.), The So- Oye, d. S. v. d. (2010). Russian Orientalism: chi Predicament: Contexts, Characteristics and Asia in the Russian mind from Peter the Great to Challenges of the Olympic Winter Games in 2014. the emigration. New haven/London: yale Uni- Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. versity Press. £ȱ ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŖŝǼǯȱ ȃȱ - ǰȱǯȱǻǼǯȱȃȱȃ- tionalism and Globalization: Narratives of the mosexual propaganda”: Belonging and vis- Nation in the 2000 Sydney Olympics’ Opening ibility in a new media environment”. Sexuality Ceremony”. Critical Studies in Media Communi- & Culture. cation, 24(5), 446-461. ǰȱǯǰȱǭȱǰȱǯȱǻŘŖŗŗǼǯȱȃ- ǰȱ ǯǰȱ ǭȱ ¢ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŖǼǯȱ ȃ - ǰȱ ȱ ȱ Ĵǵȱ ȱ ȱ duction: media events in globalized media the US Superpower Role and Self-Images of Ȅǯȱ ȱǯȱ¢ǰȱǯȱ ȱǭȱǯȱ ĵȱ Russia in Russian Print Media discourse 1984- (Eds.), Media events in a global age. Oxon: Rout- 2009”. International Journal of Cultural Studies, ledge. 14(1). Hogan J (2003). „Staging the nation: gen- ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ ȃ¢Ǳȱ ¢ȱ dered and ethnicized discourses of national vopros”. £¢ȱ £ǰ 23.01.2012. ¢ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȃǯȱ ¢ãȬǰȱ ǯȱǻŘŖŗřǼǯȱȃȱ Journal of Sport and Social Issues 27: 100-123. frontiers: abkhazia in Russia’s Sochi 2014 ǰȱ ǯȬ ǯȱǻŗşşśǼǯȱȃ¢ȱȱȱ Project”. In B. Petersson & K. Vamling (Eds.), nära utland: nationalism, statsbyggande och The Sochi Predicament: Contexts, Characteristics ĚȱȱȱȄǯȱ ȱ ǯȬ ǯȱ ȱ and Challenges of the Olympic Winter Games in (Ed.), [ȱȱ§ǯ Moheda: fon- 2014 Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publish- tes. ing. Layton, S. (1995). “Russian literature and Silverstone, R. (2007). Media and Morality: Ǳȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ On the Rise of the Mediapolis. Cambridge: Pol- Tolstoy”. Cambridge: Cambridge University ity. Press. £ǰȱǯȱǻŗşşŚǼǯȱȃȱȱȱȱ- ǰȱǯȱǻŘŖŖŖǼǯȱȃ ¢ȱ¢- munal apartment, or How a Socialist State izm versus multikulturalizm”. Logos, 5/6(26). Promoted Ethnic Particularism”. Slavic Re- ǰȱǯȱǻŘŖŖŘǼǯȱȃȱȱ- view, 53(2), 414-452. tikulturalizm?” In V. Malakhov & V. tishkov sochi2014.ruȱ ǻǼǯȱ ȃȄǯȱ ȱ ȱ

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 24 Emil Persson

řŖǯŖŞǯŘŖŗřȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯŘŖŗŚǯȦ About the Author: en/games/strategy/brand/ sochi2014.ruȱ ǻǼǯȱ ȃȄǯȱ ȱ ȱ Emil Persson holds a Master of Social Sci- řŖǯŖŞǯŘŖŗřȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯŘŖŗŚǯȦ ence and is currently a Ph.d. Candidate in Po- en/media/quotation/ litical Science at Lund University and Malmö sochi2014.ruȱ ǻǼǯȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȁ- University, Sweden. among his recent pub- fon regionov Rossii”. Retrieved on 30.08.2013 ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯŘŖŗŚǯȦȦ empire. the Olympic myth in the contestation news/42902/ of the Caucasus” in Petersson, Bo – Vamling, sochi2014.ruȱ ǻǼǯȱ ȃ¢Ȅǯȱ ȱ ȱ Karina (eds). the Sochi Predicament: Con- řŖǯŖŞǯŘŖŗřȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯŘŖŗŚǯȦ texts, Characteristics and Challenges of the media/quotation/author.23261/ Olympic Winter Games in 2014. Newcastle: sochi2014.ruȱ ǻǼǯȱ ȃ£¢ȱ - Cambridge Scholars Publishing (2013). rum ‘Mir i Sport’ proidyot v 2012 v Sochi”. e-mail: [email protected] ȱȱřŖǯŖŞǯŘŖŗřȱȱĴǱȦȦ ǯ- chi2014.com/media/news/43095/ yuval-davis, N. (2011). The politics of belonging. Intersectional contestations. London: Sage.

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 25 the 2014 Sochi olympics and russia’s civil Society

¢ȱȱǯȱĴȱȱęȱǰȱ the George Washington University

яѠѡџюѐѡȱȱThis article examines the impact of mega-events on civil society. Based on a case study of the 2014 Sochi Olympics, it concludes that mega-events provide a way for state-business alliances to impose their de- ȱȱȱ¢ȱ ȱĴȱȱȱ¢ǯȱȱǰȱȱǰȱ ęȱ ȱȱȱĚȱǯȱǰȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱǰȱȱȱ ǰȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ¡ȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱǯȱ¢ǰȱȬȱ¡ȱȱȱȱȱ £ȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱ¢ȱȱ£ǰȱȱȱǰȱ¢ȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱǯȱ

hat is the relationship between civil South Korea just before the 1988 Seoul Games. Wsociety groups and the organizers of Political protests in the summer of 1987 called mega-events such as the Olympics? activ- into question Korea’s ability to host the games ȱ ȱ ȱ ęǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ the next year and the unprecedented interna- them, have come to mutually contradictory ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ - conclusions. One side focuses on how civil so- tated the declaration of military ruler Presi- ciety groups can use the massive investment dent Chun doo Hwan on 29 June 1987 to step made in the Olympics by others as a platform down and call direct elections in december through which they can hijack the interna- 1987 (Pound, 2008). With an eye to such global tional media spotlight to promote progressive leverage, international non-governmental or- change that the event organizers did not plan ganizations (NGOs), such as Human Rights (Price, 2008). the other side argues that mega- Watch, regularly seek to capture the media at- events work in just the opposite way – allow- ȱȱȱ¢ȱȱěȱȱȱȱ ing states and corporations to limit the input wide range of issues, including labor abuses, of civil society while they take advantage of media repression, religious freedom, and civil ȱȱȱȱȱȱěȱ¢ȱ liberties (Worden, 2008). the Games are also ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ seen as a mechanism for promoting environ- oversight or scrutiny (Lenskyj, 2008). mental awareness and developing a green ěȱ¢ȱȱ¢ȱȱȱ¡ȱ lifestyle in the host countries and among those the Olympics to promote their own agendas ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ - take advantage of the fact that the Games ǯȱȱȱěȱȱȱȱȱ stand at the nexus of a country’s domestic and are not immediately successful, the Olympics foreign policy. Olympic hosts decide to bid for provide a rallying point around which civil so- the Games, in part, because they are interest- ciety organizations can develop experience to ed in boosting their international image (Bur- use in future campaigns (fors, 2009). bank, andranovich, & Heying, 2001), which While the Olympics may provide civil so- makes them susceptible to pressure from the ciety groups with a platform to promote their international community. the most celebrated causes, they also hand the state and corpora- example of an Olympic event encouraging de- tions tools for limiting society’s ability to ex- mocratization was the end of military rule in ȱȱȱȱȱĜȱ-

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 26 ȱǯȱĴǰȱęȱ

able. Researchers like Bent flyvbjerg and his ѕђȱ љѦњѝіѐȱ њђєюȬђѣђћѡȱ юћёȱ ѠѡюѡђȬ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ ¢ȱ ѠќѐіђѡѦȱџђљюѡіќћѠȱіћȱѢѠѠію deception,” in which mega-projects are frequently approved even though their sponsors ȱȬȱȱ¢¢ȱęȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ęǰȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȃȬȱ- ȱȱȱěǰȱȱ- tural (including commercial and sporting) dervalue environmental impacts (flyvbjerg, events, which have a dramatic character, mass 2006). Once a city wins a bid for the Olympics, ȱȱȱȱęȱ it has seven years to get ready. Since there is ǻǰȱ ŘŖŖŖǼǯȄȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ Ě¡¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ȯȱ ȱ ȱ consequences for the host city, region, or Ceremony must take place at the appointed ¢ȱȱ ȱ¢ȱȱȱĴȱ¡- ȱ Ȯȱ Ĝȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ sive media coverage (Horne & Manzenreiter, accountability processes as they determine 2006, p. 2). the Olympics and a handful of oth- resource allocations in democratic countries ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȃȱ (Lenskyj, 2008) and use the Olympic cloak to television” audience that is both large in size, legimitize their actions in authoritarian coun- numbering in the billions, and includes view- ǰȱ ȱȱȱĴȱȱ- ers willing to interrupt their daily routine for ity even under normal conditions. One recent the event (Spa, Rivenburgh, & Larson, 1995, ¢ȱǱȱȃȱǰȱȱȱ ǰȱȱ p. 209). Mega-projects are the massive infra- Ȭȱ Ĵȱ ǰȱ ȱ - structure ventures, usually driven by public ga-events, continents, and regime types. the funding, associated with making such events Ĵȱȱȱ ȱȱęȱȱ- possible. fective delivery are valued more highly in ȱȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ - event hosting than the values of participatory guishes it from the state and corporations democracy or social justice (Hayes & Karami- (Cohen & arato, 1994). In particular, we focus chas, 2012, p. 21).” on the organizations that serve as intermedi- this article will seek to sort out these con- aries between citizens, on one side, and state testing versions of the relationship between and corporations, on the other (Henry, 2010). civil society and mega-events in authoritarian ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ conditions by examining the role of Russian useful in authoritarian Russia, where the state environmental organizations in the prepara- frequently works closely with chosen corporations for the 2014 Sochi Olympics. When does tions against broader public interests. ȃȄȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ typically Russia’s environmental groups groups to change the narrative of the Games did not have anywhere near the resources or that was designed by state and corporate organizational infrastructure of the Olympic Olympic organizers for other purposes? When backers, making their interaction asymmetri- do states and corporations prevail in using cal. the Olympics add to the conventional mega-events in ways that limit the role of civil repertoire of the protest movement in Russia society? Ultimately, this article concludes that ȱ ęȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ mega-events create opportunities that civil so- ȱȱęȱȱȱ ȱ- ciety can exploit as well as new constraints on zations can mobilize. Moreover, the Olympics its activities. provide a set of ideals that the Russian author-

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 27 ȱǯȱĴǰȱęȱ

ities claim to support and the members of civil the key activists, forcing their emigration, or society can hold them to these ideals. the use of violence against them), harassment for Russia’s civil society, a central ques- (intrusive legal or regulatory investigations, tion is to decide whether to play by the re- ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ Ǽǰȱ ȱ gime’s rules and work inside the system or (enducing groups to support regime prefer- instead to devote their resources to pressuring ences), ignoring, and even incorporating their the regime from outside, using street protests input into the decision-making processes. and other means (Kozlovsky, 2013). Partici- ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ Ĝȱ ȱ ѕђȱћѣіџќћњђћѡюљȱќѣђњђћѡȱ the regime elites have stacked the rules in іћȱќѐѕі ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ¡¢ȱ Ĝȱ ȱ the opposition to win a contested election or Environmental issues present a useful test gain access to meaningful decision-making of whether the Olympics serve as a platform processes. Even established democracies have for civil society groups to promote progres- blocked access by environmental groups. In sive causes or a mechanism for states and cor- several Olympic cities, the organizers set up porations to circumvent such input. the IOC consultative bodies to work with civil society ȱĴȱȱȱȱȱ- groups and incorporate their input. However, fore the 1990s, but the 1992 albertville Games it is not clear whether these groups had any were an environmental disaster, prompting real power to make changes in the ways that the Olympic movement to revise its policy and the Games were organized or were just de- add the environment as the movement’s third signed to neutralize unwanted public criti- pillar, along with sport and culture. there is cism. In fact, some activists charge that the some anticipation that having environmental authorities’ motivation behind establishing standards could promote international norms such groups is to prevent the opposition from ěȱ ȱ ȱ ¡ȱ ȱ - having any impact on the management of the mestic constituencies of a cleaner environ- Games (Shaw, 2008, p. 11). Given the small ment (Hayes & Karamichas, 2012). ȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ Ĝȱ ȱ £ȱ the environmental stakes for the Sochi ȱ £ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃ¢- Olympics are high because the infrastruc- temic” activities. Protests, on the other hand, ture construction associated with the Winter can be dangerous for participants since they Olympics has a greater impact on the natural ȱȱȱȱǰȱȱȱĜ- Ĵȱȱȱȱȱ ȱ cult to turn out people in numbers that will the Summer Games, even though the Summer ȱȱěȱȱȱȱ¢ǯȱ - ȱ¢ȱȱȱȱęȱȱȱ en the choice between these poor alternatives, participants. the Winter Games take place most Russian citizens decide not to participate in mountainous areas that are more ecologi- at all (Howard, 2002). cally fragile than the urban locations where In contrast to the relatively resource-de- summer events are held and usually require prived civil society organizations, the Russian ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ȭȱ Ĵȱ ȱ state has an extensive tool kit that it can use ȱȱĜȱȱȱǻǰȱǰȱ in responding to citizen-led initiatives. these Mela, & Ropolo, 2012). Likewise, the winter responses range from repression (arresting events concentrate large numbers of people in

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small places, which can put severe stresses on and athens 2004, the events did not leave an the surroundings. Sochi’s ecological footprint ecological legacy (Karamichas, 2012). In nei- is bigger than for most Games because its bid ther place did the Olympics result in a culture proposed an ambitious plan that would de- change or the adoption of strategies to protect liver all new sporting facilities and extensive the environment. In preparation for the 2004 infrastructure construction, including a new athens Olympics, Greece altered its constitu- airport terminal, construction of railway and tion in order to limit forest protection (article roads from coast to mountains, roads in the 24.1), ultimately circumscribing the power of ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ę- environmental and citizen initiative groups cant upgrades to Sochi’s sewer and electric- (Hayes & Karamichas, 2012, p. 16). Similarly, ity systems. Competitors from austria, which the Beijing Games failed to stimulate a long- also sought to host the Games, argued that the term solution to that city’s air pollution prob- use of existing structures in Salzberg would lems (Rich, 2012). limit environmental impact if their site were Sochi’s experience with the Games seems chosen (International Olympic Commission, to be in line with previous Olympic experience 2007, p. 69). regarding environmental protections: great Practice has not lived up to the ideals es- ȱȱȱȱǰȱȱȱȱĴȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱȃ ȱ ǯȄȱȱ implementation afterwards (Müller, 2013). In the torino 2006 Games, organizers set up the its bid for the Games, the Sochi organizers Environmental Consultative assembly with ȱ ȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ - representatives of 13 environmental organi- grated and inclusive system for managing nat- zations and 10 local government institutions. ural resources by working closely with public the group was helpful in identifying problems authorities and non-governmental organiza- with the Olympics and disseminating infor- tions (Sochi 2014, 2007, p. 31).” However, the ǯȱ ǰȱȱȱĴȱȱȱȱ small but vocal environmental movement in the organization of the Games beyond reduc- Russia has criticized the deleterious impact ing the number of snow-making machines to the construction and associated activities will limit their environmental toll (dansero, et al., have on the natural surroundings of the city 2012). an analysis of the 2000 Sydney Games and the nearby ecology, including land allo- found that the bid laid out extensive environ- cation, water pollution, waste management, mental protections, but the New South Wales ȱȱȱȱęȱȱ government legislation created loopholes and use. Even before the IOC accepted Sochi’s ap- Ěȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǰȱ - plication to host the Games, a group of 47 en- ing in what watchdog Green Games Watch vironmental groups from across Russia asked ŘŖŖŖȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ Ȅȱ ȱ the IOC to reject Sochi’s proposal (Kavkazskii ȱ ȱ ǻĴȱ ǭȱ - uzel, 2007). the activists wrote that they had ǰȱ ŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ ȱ ěȱ ¢ȱ ¢ȱ nothing against hosting the Games in Russia, ȱ ȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ but rejected the high environmental price of them and the project managers did not have bringing the event to Sochi. they noted that ȱęȱȱȱȱȱ- seven venues were planned to be created in ments (Hayes & Karamichas, 2012). another ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ěȱ £ȱ assessment found that in the cases of Sydney to the UNESCO World Heritage Site Cauca-

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sus State Biosphere Preserve. this problem, percent in October 2006 to 57 percent by No- combined with the lack of positive environ- vember 2010 (Müller, 2012). In spite of their mental evaluations, the failure to take public promises to cooperate, the authorities ignored opinion into account in making management the main requests of the environmentalists. decisions, and the violation of numerous Rus- already in 2008 the Ministry of Natural Re- sian environmental laws in preparation for the sources and Ecology changed the zoning of Games formed the core of the complaints in an the Sochi National Park to allow construction ȃȬȱȄȱȱ¢ȱȱ- there (Shevchenko, 2013), a decision that was mental groups (avtonomnoe deistvie, dru- reinforced on July 14, 2009, when the Sochi £ȱ¢ȱ¢ȱ ǰȱ ȱȃ - City Council adopted a new general plan for ktivnoe deistvie”, & Maikopskoe otdelenie ȱ¢Ȃȱȱęȱȱȱ VOOP, 2007). (Perova, Karpova, & aminov, 2009). Once the bid was accepted, Sochi’s green the big international environmental movement lodged a number of complaints groups World Wildlife fund (WWf) and about the Games and the construction asso- Greenpeace originally worked with the author- ciated with them. In evaluating the bid, the ities, but subsequently became disillusioned commission expressed hope for continued with the state’s failure to follow through on dialogue with environmental NGOs on litiga- environmental measures discussed. On July 3, tion that they had pending against the govern- 2008, Igor Chestin, head of the World Wildlife ment. However, such state-society dialogue fund’s Russia chapter, and Ivan Blokhov, a seemed unlikely in practice because the bid representative of Greenpeace, met with Putin Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃ¢ȱ ȱ in Sochi and he agreed to move the bobsled ¢ȱȱȱȱ ȱȱȱěȱȱ run and alpine Olympic Village from their construction schedules and development of planned location on the Grushev Ridge. after Olympic venues (International Olympic Com- this meeting, Putin seemed to think that the mission, 2007).” Games would now have the environmental- as noted above, a central dilemma for ists’ stamp of approval and deputy Prime environmental organizations is whether to Minister aleksandr Zhukov declared that the work with the event organizers in the hopes organizations had no more claims against the that they can reduce the environmental impact Sochi sites (Naumov, 2008). or to confront it head on through protests. Ob- However, what seemed like a good start servers of mega-event planning have argued quickly fell apart. By 2010 the relationship that the process is primarily top-down and had turned adversarial because the WWf felt citizens’ participation typically consists of re- that decisions agreed to at meetings with the acting to plans developed elsewhere (Hayes authorities simply were not enforced (World ǭȱ ǰȱ ŘŖŗŘǰȱ ǯȱ ŘŘǼǯȱ ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ Wildlife fund, 2010a). the group noted, in citizen input in the U.S. games held in Los an- particular, that the construction of the com- geles, Salt Lake City or atlanta (Burbank, et bined road/railroad from adler to Krasnaya al., 2001). In the case of Sochi, public opinion Polyana, the largest infrastructure project of polling shows that participation and consulta- tȱ¢ȱěȱ ȱȱȱǞŜȱǰȱ tion in planning have been marginal and lo- ȱ ȱȱĜȱ¢ȱȱȱ- cal support for the Games has shrunk from 86 vironmental impact. at that time, the United

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Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) sian Railroads, state-controlled corporations warned that the organizers were not doing ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ ǻȱ ȱ enough to compensate for the environmen- Environmental Programme, 2011). tal damage that the construction was causing activists working on environmental (United Nations Environmental Programme, issues surrounding the Russian Olympics ŘŖŗŖǼǯȱȱěȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱ risked their own personal safety. One of the a dialogue between the environmental NGOs ȱȱȱęȱȱ- and the authorities in October 2010 failed, vironmental damage caused by the Olympics according to WWf, Greenpeace, Ecological is Suren Gazaryan, who represents Ecologi- Watch on the Northern Caucasus (a group cal Watch on the Northern Caucasus. along that had consistly opposed the authorities) with his colleague andrei Rudomakha, he ȱ ȱ ȱ £ǰȱ ȱ ȃȱ was detained by the authorities for several with previous Missions, the bureaucrats either hours when he tried to block the illegal log- ignored the meetings, created obstacles for the ging of protected trees in the construction of participation of society, or sent people with the road/railroad linking adler and Krasnaya no power to make decisions to the meetings Polyana in august 2009 (World Wildlife fund, (World Wildlife fund, 2010b).” In one case, 2009). Gazaryan also spoke out against the use the bureaucrats started a meeting that had of timber from the Sochi National Park and been planned for 2 pm at 11 am without warn- warned about the dangers of the dumps being ing the NGOs in advance, thereby making it created near Sochi. at the end of 2012, Gazary- impossible for them to participate. By January ȱ Ěȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ 2011 the NGOs refused to meet with UNEP be- ȱȱȱěȱȱ¡ȱȱȱ cause they felt that such meetings would not of a billon dollar vacation home in Krasnodar ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱ ȱ ȱ Krai, allegedly for Putin, and protests against used for the purpose of providing ‘green pub- illegal logging around the governor’s dacha1. lic relations’ for the Olympics (World Wildlife In a situation where the state authori- fund, 2011).” ties were both the key decision makers and a major problem for the environmental unwilling to respond to ecological concerns, organizations is that Russia has hollowed out the environmental movement largely gave the institutions that typically organize Olym- ȱ ȱ ěȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ pic Games, turning them into facades, and infrastructure construction around them. af- shifting power to other organizations that ȱŘŖŖşǰȱȱȱȱȃȱ¢ȱ have even less accountability to the public games will never be ‘green,’ since they have (Robertson, 2011, pp. 194-197). In its January already caused irreparable damage to unique 2011 mission report to Moscow and Sochi, the ecosystems,” although they still held out hope UNEP itself complained that its main part- ȱȱȃȱȱȱȱȱȱ£ȱ- ner, and the institution that is supposed to be ther negative consequences and carry out ter- implementing the environmental plans, the ritorial compensatory measures (expanding ȱŘŖŗŚȱ£ȱĴǰȱȱȱȱ and creating special nature preserves) (World Ĵȱȱȱȱȱȱ- opment of the facilities and that real power lies 1 See his blog: ĴǱȦȦ£¢Ȭǯ- with organizations like Olympstroy and Rus- journal.com/, particularly ĴǱȦȦ£¢Ȭǯ livejournal.com/105213.html

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 31 ȱǯȱĴǰȱęȱ

Wildlife fund, 2010c).” activities by other not ecological (Shevchenko, 2013). While all groups also petered out. the Institute for Col- these cases represent victories for the envi- lective action lists no Sochi related protests in ronmental groups, it is also possible that the 2013 through august 152 though the Ecological organizers decided to curtail the projects for Watch on the Northern Caucasus continues to a variety on non-ecology related business rea- post news of environmental damage caused sons because it no longer made sense to pro- by the Olympic construction at its website ceed with the projects. (ĴǱȦȦ ǯȦ) even though the Russian se- ¢ȱȱȱȱĜȱȱȬȱ ќћѐљѢѠіќћ on March 27, 2013, and warned them to regis- ȱȱȱȃȱȄȱǻ ȱȱǰȱ the experience of environmental groups 2013) under repressive anti-NGO legislation in the preparations for the Sochi Olympics Russia adoped in 2012. ęȱ ȱ ¡ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ despite these overall setbacks, civil soci- state and corporation interests can use a me- ety groups have won some victories. In one of ga-event to propel their pro-development in- the most prominent triumphs, the residents of terests while minimizing the extent of public Kudepsta protested against the construction input. although Russia’s overall political cli- of a gas-powered power plant from May 2012 mate is hostile to NGO input in public-policy to april 2013. In May 2013, when it was clear making, the Olympic time frame and expecta- that construction would not be completed in tions of a global audience provide an excuse time for the Olympics, deputy Prime Minis- for the authorities to further curtail the role of ter dmitry Kozak announced that the project civil society. In this sense, the Olympics did would be removed from the Olympic program not live up to the expectations of those who and that all construction would be stopped saw the Games as a platform to promote a va- (Human Rights Watch, 2013). He claimed that riety of progressive causes. the electricity would not be needed after all. However, while the environmental Protesters were also able to block the construc- ȱȱĴȱȱȱȱȱ- tion of a second port that would only create tions for the Games, they were able to limit the surplus shipping capacity that could not be extent of the environmental impact by block- utilized (Shevchenko, 2013). Similarly pro- ing the construction of some facilities that had tests blocked the Evraziiskii company and its been included in the Olympic plans. In these french partner degremont from constructing limited cases, citizen action had consequences. a 4 billion ruble factory to burn sludge. the Such experience helps Russian groups to de- ęȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱ¢- velop skills and knowledge that will accumu- pic program and hoped to get state support. ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ęȱ However, societial groups opposed the plant future state-society relations, though, will be and what seemed like a sure thing in 2010 was ȱȱȱȱȱĴȱ¢ȱȱ cancelled in 2011, when the Russian govern- repressive arsenal just as quickly as the civil ment declared that burning such waste was society groups learn to focus their protests.

2 ĴǱȦȦ ǯǯȦ¡¢ȦȦşŘ, accessed august 15, 2013

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 32 ȱǯȱĴǰȱęȱ

ђѓђџђћѐђѠ ment, Resistance. Basingstoke: Palgrave Mac- millan. avtonomnoe deistvie, druzhina okhrany Henry, L. (2010). Red to Green: Environ- ¢ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȃ ȱ - mental Activism in Post-Soviet Russia. Ithaca: vie”, & Maikopskoe otdelenie VOOP. (2007). Cornell University Press. ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȃȬŘŖŗŚȄǱȱ - Horne, J., & Manzenreiter, W. (2006). an £¢¢ȱ ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ Introduction to the Sociology of Sports Mega- www.seu.ru/projects/caucasus/antikniga.htm Events. In J. Horne & W. Manzenreiter (Eds.), Burbank, M. J., andranovich, G. d., & ȱȬǱȱȱęȱ¢ȱȱ Heying, C. H. (2001). Olympic Dreams: The Im- a Global Phenomenon (pp. 1-24). Malden, Ma: pact of Mega-Events on Local Politics. Boulder: Blackwell. Lynne Rienner Publishers. Howard, M. M. (2002). Postcomunist Civil Ĵǰȱ ǯǰȱ ǭȱ ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ ȱ Society in Comparative Perspective. - Role of Environmental Issues in Mega-Events £¢Ǳȱȱ ȱȱȬȱ£- Planning and Management Processes: Which tion, 10(3), 285-305. factors Count? In G. Hayes & J. Karamichas Human Rights Watch. (2013). Russia: Si- (Eds.), Olympic Games, Mega-Events and Civil lencing activists, Journalists ahead of Sochi Societies. London: Palgrave Macmillian. ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯ ǯȦ Cohen, J. L., & arato, a. (1994). Civil Soci- news/2013/08/07/russia-silencing-activists- ety and Political Theory. Cambridge, Ma: the journalists-ahead-sochi-games MIt Press. International Olympic Commission. (2007). dansero, E., Corpo, B. d., Mela, a., & IOC 2014 Evaluation Commission Report. Bel- ǰȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ ¢ȱ ǰȱ Ěȱ mont-sur-Lausanne: International Olympic and Social Movements: the Case of torino Commission. 2006. In G. Hayes & J. Karamichas (Eds.), Karamichas, J. (2012). Olympic Games as Olympic Games, Mega-Events and Civil Societies: an Opportunity for the Ecological Moderniza- £ǰȱǰȱǯȱLondon: tion of the Host Nation: the Cases of Sydney Palgrave Macmillian. 2000 and athens 2004. In G. Hayes & J. Karami- flyvbjerg, B. (2006). design by deception: chas (Eds.), Olympic Games, Mega-Events and the Politics of Megaproject approval. In W. S. Civil Society. London: Palgrave Macmillian. Saunders (Ed.), Urban Planning Today (pp. 131- £ȱ £ǯ (2007). Net Olimpiade 151). Minneapolis: University of Minnestoa tsenoi unichtozheniia prirody i narusheniia Press. ȱ £ȱ Ƿȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ fors, N. M. (2009). Sochi 2014: Ecology, www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/117869 Sochi-ites 0 - Russian Civil Society 1? Univer- Kozlovsky, O. (2013). Seven Challenges of sity of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Chapel the Russian Protest Movement. Russian Ana- Hill. lytical Digest(124), 15-18. Hayes, G., & Karamichas, J. (2012). In- Lenskyj, H. J. (2008). Olympic Industry Re- troduction: Sports Mega-Events, Sustainable sistance: Challenging Olympic Power and Propa- development and Civil Societies. In G. Hayes ganda. albany: State University of New york. & J. Karamichas (Eds.), Olympic Games, Mega- Müller, M. (2012). Popular Perception of ȱȱȱǱȱ £ǰȱ- Urban transformation through Mega-Events:

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Understanding Support for the 2014 Winter Sochi 2014. (2007). Sochi Candidature Olympics in Sochi. Evironment and Planning C: ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯǯȦ Government and Policy, 30. web/20100103043040/http://sochi2014.com/ Müller, M. (2013). Greening Russia? Mo- ȏ bilising sustainability for the 2014 Olympic Spa, M. d. M., Rivenburgh, N. K., & Lar- Games in Sochi. Working Paper son, J. f. (1995). Television in the Olympics. Lon- Naumov, I. (2008, July 4). Ekologi oderzh- don: John Libbey. ali pervuyu pobedu na sochinskoi Olimpiade, United Nations Environmental Pro- £¢ȱ £ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŖǼǯȱ ȱ ŘŖŗŚǲȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǯǯȦȦŘŖŖŞȬŖŝȬŖŚȦŚȏ¢ǯ ȱ Řȱ ¡ȱ ǲȱ ŘŞȬřŖȱ ¢ȱ html ŘŖŗŖǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯǯ Perova, a., Karpova, y., & aminov, K. ȦȏȦŘŖŗŚȦȦȦ (2009, July 15). Sochi narisovali budushchee, Sochi%202014%20Jan%202010%20Expert%20 Kommersant.ȱȱȱĴǱȦȦ ǯ- Mission%20Report.pdf. mersant.ru/doc/1204104/print United Nations Environmental Pro- Pound, R. (2008). Olympian Changes: gramme. (2011). Greening Sochi 2014 Olym- Seoul and Beijing. In M. Worden (Ed.), China’s ȱ ǲȱ ȱ ȱ ¡ȱ ȱ ȱ Great Leap: The Beijing Games and Olympian Hu- ȱ ȱ ǲȱ ŗŝȱ ȱ Řśȱ ¢ȱ ŘŖŗŗǲȱ man Rights Challenges (pp. 85-97). New york: Note from the Mission. Retrieved from Seven Stories Press. ǱȦȦ ǯǯȦȏȦŘŖŗŚȦ Price, M. E. (2008). On Seizing the Olym- documents/Other/Sochi%20Mission%20Re- pic Platform. In M. E. Price & d. dayan (Eds.), port%20Jan%202011.pdf. Owning the Olympics: Narratives of the New Worden, M. (Ed.). (2008). China’s Great China. ann arbor: the University of Michigan Leap: The Beijing Games and Olympian Human Press. Rights Challenges. New york: Seven Stories ǰȱ ǯȱ ǯȱ ǻŘŖŗŘǼǯȱ ȱ ȱ Press. Changes in air Pollution Levels during the World Wildlife fund. (2009). V Sochi ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ě- ££¢ȱ ȱ ȃȱ mation and thrombosis in Healthy young Vakhty po Severnomu Kavkazu”. Retrieved adults. Journal of the American Medical Associa- ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯ ǯȦȦ Ȧ- tion, 307(19), 2068-2078. ticle/5345 Robertson, G. B. (2011). The Politics of World Wildlife fund. (2010a). dal’neishee Protest in Hybrid Regimes: Managing Dissent uchastie WWf v ekologicheskom soprovozh- in Post-Communist Russia. Cambridge: Cam- denii Olimpiady Sochi 2014 pod voprosom. bridge University Press. ȱ ȱ ĴǱȦȦ ǯ ǯȦ- Roche, M. (2000). Mega-Events and Moder- es/news/article/6044 nity. London: Routlege. World Wildlife fund. (2010b). Missiya Shaw, C. a. (2008). Five Ring Circus. Gab- OON v Sochi ne smogla naladit’ dialog mezh- riola Island: New Society Publishers. du obshchestvennost’yu i organizatorami So- Shevchenko, d. (2013). Pechalnyi rekordy ȬŘŖŗŚǯȱȱȱĴǱȦȦ ǯ ǯȦ Sochinskoi Olympiady. ¢ȱ ȱ (50), resources/news/article/7412 16-21. World Wildlife fund. (2010c). Olimpia-

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ȬŘŖŗŚȱȱȱǯȱȱȱĴǱȦȦ About the Authors: wwf.ru/about/positions/sochi2014 World Wildlife fund. (2011). WWf i Grin- ǯȱ ȱ ǯȱ Ĵȱ ǻȱ Ǽȱ ȱ pis ne budut vstrecht’sya s yuNEP v Sochi. associate Research Professor and assistant ȱȱĴǱȦȦ ǯ ǯȦȦ director of the George Washington University news/article/7728 Ĵȱȱȱ ȱěȂȱ ȱ for European, Russian, and Eurasian Stud- ies. His most recent publications include the co-edited books Energy and the Transformation of International Relations (Oxford University Press, 2009) and Russian Energy Power and For- ȱǱȱ ȱȱĚȱȱ- eration (Routledge, 2009). ȬǱȱĴȓǯ

ȱęȱǯȱȱǻȱ ȱ of Ethnology and anthropology, Russian academy of Sciences) is Post-doctoral Scien- tist at the Institute of European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at the George Washington University. Some of his recent publications in- Ǳȱȃȱȱȱȱȱȱ- casus,’ Slavic Review, vol. 62, no.2 (Summer ŘŖŗřǼǰȱ ǻȬȱ ȱ ȱ Ǽǲȱ ȃȱ Birth of Modern Circassian Nationalism,” Na- tionalities Papersǰȱ ȱ ŚŖȱ ǻȱ ŘŖŗŘǼǲȱ ȱ ȃȱȱȱȱ ȱȱ Ǳȱȱ Experiment in Periodization,” Anthropology and Archaeology of Eurasia, vol.49, no. 4 (Spring 2011). e-mail: [email protected]

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 35 life on the Ground: a comparative analysis of two villages in Sochi during olympic transformation

by Sven daniel Wolfe European University at St. Petersburg, Russia

яѠѡџюѐѡȱȱȱȱ¡ȱȱěȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȬ event on two villages in rural Russia. The focus is on the experiences of people witnessing these changes ęǰȱȱȱȱȱȱȱŘŖŗŚȱ¢ȱȱǯȱȱ ȱȱȱȱęȱǰȱŗşȱ ethnographic interviews, and government documents. Extensive interviews were conducted with Sochi locals ȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ£¢ȱǰȱ ȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ ¢ȱ¢ǯȱȱȱȱ- gone radically divergent changes since Olympic development began, and contrasting the personal experiences of their inhabitants shines a light on the human element of the massive construction involved in hosting the world’s most prestigious mega-event. It is concluded that, while much of the infrastructure development is ȱȱ ǰȱ¢ȱȱȱȱę¢ȱ£ǰȱ¡ȱȱȱǰȱ ȱȱęȱȱȱȂȱǯ

ђѦѤќџёѠǱȱǲȱǲȱ¢ǲȱȬǲȱ £¢ȱǲȱ¢Ȃȱ

ћѡџќёѢѐѡіќћ 2.78 billion cubic meters of gas per year. This will ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ With a budget already exceeding 50 bil- reliable energy supply for Sochi. lion USd1, the Sochi Olympics represent The legacy of the 2014 Olympic Games in So- unprecedented levels of investment in a rel- ȱ ȱȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱ atively under-populated, rural area. Major in- highways, a modern international airport, aerial frastructure improvements have been touted tramways in the mountains, and a system of power ¢ȱĜȱȱȱȱęȱȱȱȱ stations.”2 legacy of the 2014 Olympic Games: ȱĜȱȱȱȱȱ- “By 2014 Sochi will have built and recon- sion of the OlympStroy website, although less ȱȱȱřŜŖȱȱȱȱŘŖŖȱȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¡Ǳȱ ȃWe have railways. New water treatment facilities are under made a long-lasting positive impact on the develop- construction in Krasnaya Polyana and Adler. New, ment of the area. A legacy for everyone... a brand ecologically clean power facilities are being built in new infrastructure of energy, water, telecommuni- the Mountain and Coastal Clusters. cations and transport, international hotels...”3 ȱȱ¢ȱ¢ȱ ȱȱȱ£- further, the discussion of mega-events Ȭ£ȬȱȱȱȬȱȱȱ- often focuses on macroeconomic results and ply of gas for the city...The pipeline will provide 2 OlympStroy evidence. O Korporatsii 1 thomas Grove, 2013. Russia’s $50 [about the Corporation]. [online]. available at: billion Olympic gamble. Reuters [online], feb- ǀĴǱȦȦ ǯȬǯȦȦȦǁȱǻȱ- ¢ȱŘŗǯȱȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦ ǯǯ tion) com/article/2013/02/21/us-russia-sochi-idUS- 3 OlympStroy evidence. about the Corpo- BRE91K04M20130221> [accessed 21 September ǯȱǽǾǯȱȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦ ǯȬǯȦ 2013]. en/about/>

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 36 Sven daniel Wolfe

frames the impact of development in terms comprehensive discussion of the wholesale ef- ȱǰȱ ǰȱȱȱęȱȱȱ- fects inherent in mega-development. Müller proved infrastructure will bring to economic (2012) has documented the positive and nega- development in the region as a whole. In a 2010 tive perceptions of Sochi residents in light of Ĝȱ ǰȱ¢ȱ¢ǰȱȱ the preparations for the Olympic Games, and president and CEO of the Sochi 2014 Organiz- this paper follows in Müller’s path by pos- ȱĴǰȱȱȃthe Winter Games will at- ing the following research question: How tract investment from around the world and open ȱ¢ȱȬȱěȱȱ up unprecedented opportunities for the region’s lives of local people in the very center of these tourist and leisure industry.”4 changes? By focusing on the personal obser- this theme is evident in literature, gov- ȱ ȱ ěȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ - ernment documents, and news reports con- prove our understanding of what it means to cerning mega-events not just in Russia, but in host major international events, particularly London5, China6, Rio7, and South africa (Swart in rural areas where the necessary infrastruc- ȱǰȱŘŖŖŚǲȱȱȱĴǰȱŘŖŗŖǼǯȱ ȱ ture development is more noticeable and the is contended here that focusing solely on the social, economic, and ecological changes are macro level leaves out the critical human ele- more drastic. ǰȱȱȱȱĴȱȱȱ this paper focuses on the micro level of opinions and experiences of local residents individuals and families in two neighboring adds depth and value, working toward a more ȱȱǰȱȱ¢ȱěȱ¢ȱ Olympic-related development. these two vil- 4 ȱ¢ȱ¢ǰȱŘŖŗŖǯȱȱȱ lages, spatially and socially linked by a small Sochi 2014 Environment Popular Ecology News- footbridge over a river, have had a close, in- ĴȱǽǾǰȱȱŖŘǰȱȱŘŖŗŖǯȱȱ tertwined, parallel history. Since Olympic ǱȱǀĴǱȦȦǯ¢Ȧŗ ǁȱǽȱřŖȱȱ construction began, however, the two villages 2013]. have undergone radical, divergent develop- 5 ȱ¢ǯȱǯȱęȱȱ- ǰȱ¢ȱȱȱěȱȱȱ ȱȱŘŖŗŘȱ ȱȱǯȱĜȱ ȱ infrastructure caused by their geographical lo- of the Olympic Movement [online]. august 12, cation. through detailed interviews with resi- ŘŖŗŘǯȱȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦ ǯ¢ǯȦ Ȧ dents of these villages, a critical examination ęȬȬȬȬŘŖŗŘȬ ȬȬ- is developed of this fragmentation, framed in ing/172370> [accessed 30 October 2013]. the lives and experiences of the people who 6 Xinhua News agency evidence. Beijing are quite literally hosting this international ěȱ¢ȱȱȱȱǯȱ ǯȱ ȱĴȱȱȱ ȱ- Xinhua News agency [online], august 25, 2008. vations and opinions shows the divergent ȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦ ǯǯǯȦ¢Ȧ ways in which Olympic development has al- ȦŘŖŖŞȬŖŞȦŘśȦȏŗŜřŘŝŞşřǯǁȱǽ- tered regular life, underscoring their percep- cessed 22 September 2013]. tions of the uneven distribution of resources, ŝȱ ȱ ȱȱ ȱǯȱȱȱ and ultimately helping craft a more complete associated Press/yahoo News article [online]. July understanding of what it means to host a ma- ŗŖǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦ¢ǯȦŗǁȱ jor international sporting event in a rural area. [accessed 30 October 2013].

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 37 Sven daniel Wolfe

figure 1. Kazachiy Brod and akhshtyr’, between the two clusters of Olympic sites in Sochi, Russia

ђєюȬѣђћѡѠȱюћёȱюџєіћюљіѧюѡіќћ ђќєџюѝѕіѐюљȱќѐѢѠ

ȱȱ ěȱ ȱ Ȭȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Visitors to the 2014 Winter Olympic marginalized populations is well-document- Games in Sochi will arrive either at the re- ed. Under the pressure of an internationally- furbished international airport or at the visible deadline, host countries often conduct newly-constructed train station, both located ȱ ȃęȄȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ in adler, a district or sub-city of Sochi. the impoverished local populations are displaced Coastal Cluster of Olympic sites has been built or hidden, and the international community near these transportation hubs, but the Moun- has been guilty of failing to examine this ten- tain Cluster lies approximately 40km away in ¢ȱǻ ǰȱŘŖŖřǼǯȱ ě¢ȱǻŘŖŗŖǼȱȱ- the town of Krasnaya Polyana, at an altitude tailed the radical transformation of land, the of 550m (1800 ft) above sea level. Until recent- rapid construction of infrastructure networks, ly, there was only one road connecting adler ȱ ȱ ȱ £ȱ Ĵȱ ȱ to Krasnaya Polyana, running into the moun- access to resources, and the lack of legal re- tains alongside the Mzymta river. as part of course to people displaced or aggrieved by the development of Olympic infrastructure, Ȭǯȱ ǰȱ ¢ȱ ȱ Ĵȱ a federal highway was built on the opposite (2011) have highlighted the contrast between side of the river, and a dedicated rail service the positive perceptions of the Olympics and between the clusters will be completed in time the real-life consequences for homeless youth for the Olympic Games in february. in the urban environments of Vancouver and although the entire city of Sochi and its London. In the context of this scholarship, this districts are undergoing intensive construc- ȱęȱ ȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ tion and renovation, the focus of this investi- heart of Russian Olympic construction and gation is on Kazachiy Brod and akhshtyr’, two investigates the reactions and opinions of the small villages on opposite sides of the Mzymta people there. river, situated 15km from the Coastal Cluster of Olympic sites in adler and approximately 30km from the Mountain Cluster of sites in

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 38 Sven daniel Wolfe

юџюљљђљȱіљљюєђѠǰȱіѣђџєђћѡȱђѣђљ- ќѝњђћѡ

Kazachiy Brod and akhshtyr’ are con- nected over the Mzymta river by a small footbridge, but they are following dramatically divergent paths in terms of government at- tention and development. the original road linking adler to Krasnaya Polyana runs west of the river, through Kazachiy Brod. this road has been vital to the village. It has been paved since Soviet times and has always had bus service. In contrast, the main link between akhshtyr’ and adler is a poorly-maintained dirt road. Because their own infrastructure is lacking or nonexistent, residents of akhshtyr’ routinely cross the footbridge to Kazachiy Brod to shop or to commute to the urban cen- ters. ȃȱȱ¢Ȃȱȱȱȱȱ ¢ȱ¢ǯȱ¢ȱ ȱȱȱȱȱǯȱȂȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǰȱ Ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ

figure 2. Locals walking in Kazachiy Brod in 2013. New ǯȱ ¢Ȃȱȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ houses, new fences, new streetlights. ȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱǯȱ Ȃȱȱȱ ȱ.” (author interview: Kazachiy Brod resi- Krasnaya Polyana. Every spectator and athlete ȱȃȄǰȱȱŘśǰȱŘŖŗřǯǼ will pass these villages repeatedly during the ǲȱȱȱǰȱȱȱȱȱ way to travel between the Olympic Clusters. figure 1 shows the location of Kazachiy Brod and akhshtyr’ in relation to adler, Sochi, and the rest of Europe. figure 2 shows a snapshot of Kazachiy Brod in 2013. Every house visible in the picture was built after 2007. figure 3 shows houses in akhshtyr’ surrounded by new power towers, along the construction road that leads through the village to the new quarry.

figure 3. Houses on the construction road to akhshtyr’ in 2013. New power lines and towers.

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 39 Sven daniel Wolfe

despite the presence of a few small shops юѧюѐѕіѦȱ џќёǱȱ ќќњіћєȱ юћёȱ ћџђѐ- in Kazachiy Brod, both villages shared a com- ќєћіѧюяљђ mon, relatively low level of infrastructural development: both villages had dirt roads the existence of the road in Kazachiy in poor condition, ramshackle houses with Brod has fundamentally altered the village asbestos roofs, and cows could be seen wan- since Olympic construction began. On the way dering even on the main road. further, both to Krasnaya Polyana, every piece of construc- ȱȱȱȱĜȱ ȱ tion equipment and every worker has passed the lack of public infrastructure. to this day, through Kazachiy Brod. the quiet country neither village has a connection to a municipal village has been transformed into a loud, tur- ȱǲȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱ ǰȱ ęȱ ȱ ǰȱ Ĝǰȱ or via propane tanks, and houses are typically tourists, new stores, new houses, and a host of heated by wood-burning stoves. Until very unfamiliar faces. recently, the water in Kazachiy Brod was not ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ £ȱ ȱȱ ȱȱȱěǲȱȱȱȱ ǽ¢ȱ¢ȱȱǾȱȱȱ¢ȱŘŚȱ money, they would have drinking water deliv- hours a day. There’s dust everywhere, dust from ered by truck. akhshtyr’ had no water connec- ȱǰȱȱȱȱǯȱȱ ȱ tion at all, but some of the fortunate residents the windowsill in the morning and in the afternoon had their own wells. Neither village could rely it’s covered in dust again.” (author interview: on the electricity supply and blackouts were a £¢ȱȱȱȃȄǰȱȱŘǰȱŘŖŗřǯǼ fact of life. these rural villages were not keep- ing pace with the urban seaside in terms of ac- ȃȂȱ¢ȱĴȱ ȱȂȱȱȱȱ cess to basic goods and services. this was the ȱ ȱ ¢ǯȱ ȱ Ȃȱ ȱ £ȱ ¢ȱ general living situation before the Olympics anymore.” (author interview: Kazachiy Brod were announced in 2007. ȱȃ ȄǰȱȱŘǰȱŘŖŗřǯǼ Situated along the only transport corridor between the two Olympic clusters, the people ȃǰȱ ȱ ȱ¢¢ȱȱ £¢ȱǯȱ in these villages theoretically stood to gain tre- Ȃȱ ȱ ȱȱ ǽȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ǿȱ mendous material advantages from the boom and there were no strangers. Nowadays, there are in development and tourism. Indeed, when ȱ¢ ǯȱ ȱ ȱȱȱȱ it was announced that Sochi would host the houses that didn’t exist two years ago.” (author Olympics, many residents expressed opti- Ǳȱ £¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȄȱ mism, and some even made plans for business ȱȃȄǰȱ ¢ȱŗŞǰȱŘŖŗřǯǼ ventures.8 a power substation was built on the banks of the Mzymta between the two villages. When construction began, workers started shopping at arut, the main store in Kazachiy Brod. In the village itself, new houses with 8 author interview: Pogos antonyan, akh- rooms for rent appeared on lots that had once ¢ȂǰȱȱŚǰȱŘŖŖŝǲȱȱ Ǳȱ £¢ȱ ȱ ęǯȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȱȃ ȄǰȱȱŝǰȱŘŖŖŝǲȱȱ- their property and sold the parcels. these Ǳȱ £¢ȱȱ ȱȃ Ȅǰȱ ¢ȱŗǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱ houses are sometimes occupied by extended

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 40 Sven daniel Wolfe

members of local families (itself a sign of in- It is worth noting that not everyone enter- creasing wealth in the area), but residents still tains such negative views, though the general complain about the number of Olympic work- mood in the village does seem pessimistic and ers renting rooms.9 harassed. Locals who are currently employed the village now has a pharmacy and a ȱ¢ȱȱȬȱȱȱęȱ shop for mobile phones, and ground was bro- directly - have more positive opinions about ken for a small shopping center - all unimagi- the developments in the region.14 nable developments a few years ago. Local New improvements in the village include reaction to this increased activity is mixed. the installation of streetlights and the laying ¢ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ Ě ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱǯȱȱȱęȱǰȱȱ- some store owners are enjoying a boom. the lage has been provided with public light and situation is more nuanced for other residents, a source of potable water. It seems logical to however. Short of renting out housing, there credit Olympic infrastructure development for ȱĴȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱ these improvements, but it has not yet been ȱĚ¡ȱȱ ȱȱǯȱȱ¢ȱ ȱȱęȱȱȱ¢ȱȱęȱ people focus on the immediately noticeable causal relationship. negative changes to their environment. On the eve of the Olympics, Kazachiy ȃ¢Ȃȱ ȱ ěȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ Brod remains a village in confused transi- day this summer. Sometimes we sit all day without tion. despite some positive changes, people power.”10 ȱȱęȱȱȱȱȱ- frastructure and access to resources, and they ȃ Ȃȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱĜȱ are tired of the endless construction activity. ǯȱ Ȃȱȱȱȱȱ ǯȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ěȱ ¢ǯȱ śǱřŖȱȱ ȱ ȱȱȱȱĜǯ”11 the streets are in terrible condition and the culture of the village has been altered by the ȃ Ȃȱȱȱ¢ǯȱȱȱȱȱ appearance of strangers. Ongoing construc- ȱȱȱȱȱ¢ǯ”12 tion is loud, disruptive, omnipresent, and re- lentless. at the same time, it is not accurate to ȃLet the Olympics be over! We are being tor- say that material life has not improved. there tured here.”13 is enough money for many people to improve their properties or to build new houses. there ȱȱȱ ȱȱȱęȱȱ 9 author interview: Kazachiy Brod resident and the streets, though poorly maintained, ȃȄǰȱ ¢ȱřǰȱŘŖŗřǯ are now lit at night. there are shops and res- 10 author interview: Kazachiy Brod resi- taurants being built. People in Kazachiy Brod ȱȃȄǰȱȱŘǰȱŘŖŗřǯ have legitimate complaints about the changes 11 author interview: Kazachiy Brod resi- ȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱȃȄǰȱ ¢ȱŗǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱ from some of those changes. In sum, it appears 12 author interview: Kazachiy Brod resi- ȱȱȱęȱ¢ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȃȄǰȱ ¢ȱŘǰȱŘŖŗřǯȱ 14 author interview: Kazachiy Brod worker 13 author interview: Kazachiy Brod resi- ȃ Ȅǰȱ ¢ȱŗǰȱŘŖŗřǯ ȱȃȄǰȱ ¢ȱŚǰȱŘŖŗřǯ

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 41 Sven daniel Wolfe

figure 4. federal highway marked in blue, onramp to akhshtyr’ marked in red.

not enough to outweigh the disruptions they the onramp was never built. In response, are forced to endure. ȱĴȱĴȱȱȱȱ- cal administrators, including the mayor of јѕѠѕѡѦџȂǱȱюџєіћюљіѧђёȱюћёȱђѠѝђџ- Sochi and executives in OlympStroy, the State юѡђ Corporation responsible for the construction of Olympic venues. their concerns have not as part of the preparation for the Olym- been addressed. pic Games, a new federal highway was built ȃWe explained that there is a situation here between adler and Krasnaya Polyana, run- ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ǯȱ ȱ Ȃȱ Ĵȱ ȱ ning along the east side of the river, approxi- there was an onramp planned. There’s nothing mately 500m from the village of akhshtyr’. In here now. Everyone says there’s no money. The the original planning documents, akhshtyr’ plan changed. But who changed these plans? No was to have access to this highway using an one ever wants to give us a real answer. They’ve onramp, as shown in figure 4. told us, ‘wait until the Olympics are over. Then Naturally, the people living in akhshtyr’ you’ll get everything you want.’ But there is never ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȃȱȱ anything concrete.” (author interview: Pogos means life, and a good road means a good antonyan, akhshtyr’, august 2, 2013.) life.”15 ȱĴǰȱȱ ȱ¢ȱ ȱ dug on the northern side of akhshtyr’, and a 15 author interview: akhshtyr’ resident construction road was built through the vil- ȃȄǰȱȱŘǰȱŘŖŗřǯ

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 42 Sven daniel Wolfe

lage (see figure 5). the presence of the quarry stroyed by the appearance of heavy industry is highly disturbing to residents. the drilling in the area. noise is ceaseless and can even be heard across ȃ ȱ ȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ǯȱ the river in Kazachiy Brod, but in akhshtyr’ ȱ Ȃȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ it is oppressive and inescapable. Work contin- ȱȱȱȱ ǯȱ¡ȱ ȱȱȱ ues at night by the light of powerful spotlights. comes again. But after Olympic construction is this activity creates a constant cloud of pul- ǰȱȱȱ ȱȱ ¢ǯȱȱǵȱ ȱ verized rock dust which is a daily disturbance will we go on? They drilled new wells but no water to villagers. finally, and perhaps most impor- came up.” (author interview: akhshtyr’ resi- tantly, the quarry itself represents the illegal ȱȃȄǰȱȱŗǰȱŘŖŗřǯǼ destruction of a staggering amount of protect- In protest, the residents of akhshtyr’ de- ed wilderness in a national park. Complaints cided to block the federal highway and alerted the media. One young wom- an explained the results:

ȃThe evening before we were planning to close the highway, the police came around to every house in ¢Ȃǯȱ ¢ȱ ǰȱ ȁ- ten, if you go out onto the ¢ǰȱ Ȃȱ ¢ȱ ȱ you away. Just don’t say we Ȃȱ ȱ ¢ǯȱ ȱ ȱ feel free to go out onto the highway tomorrow if you want, but don’t be surprised ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ Ȃȱ - figure 5. New quarry, set against the backdrop of the ing to happen.’” (author in- houses of akhshtyr’, 2013. Ǳȱ¢Ȃȱȱȃ Ȅǰȱ ¢ȱŘŘǰȱŘŖŗřǯǼ

In the end the residents succumbed to from local residents and environmental activ- this pressure and stayed home. No vocal ists have brought about no results.16 protest took place, though people continue another problem confronting the people ȱ ȱ Ĵǯȱ ȱ ȱ ŘŖŗřǰȱ ¢Ȃȱ in akhshtyr’ is the lack of water. Many fami- residents learned that the authorities plan to lies had personal water wells which were de- use the quarry as a dump for construction de- bris. Currently they are circulating a petition 16 author conversation: akhshtyr’ resident against this plan, but they are not optimistic. ȃ ȄȱȱȱȱȃȄȱȱȃȄǰȱ ¢ȱŘŘǰȱ the general opinion in akhshtyr’ regarding 2013.

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 43 Sven daniel Wolfe

the Olympics can be summed up in the words in their developmental trajectories, people in of a man who lives in a house overlooking the both villages are united by their almost uni- new quarry: versal desire for the Olympics to end. the divergence between the two villages ȃI am very disappointed. There was supposed can be traced to the uneven distribution of ȱȱȱ ȱȱ ȱ¢Ȃȱȱ - resources, itself due to the historical legacy £¢ȱǯȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱ of the original road between adler and Kras- to the federal highway. There was supposed to be naya Polyana. the existence of this paved gas, water, electricity, internet. All the things for a ȱȱȱȱěȱ ȱ normal life. Nothing happened. There’s no money the villages. Because of its location along this for us. They’re spending millions but there’s no road, Kazachiy Brod has been the recipient of money here for the things they promised us.” (au- ȱ ȱ Ĵǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ǳȱ¢ȱȱȃȄǰȱȱ noticeable material changes in the lives of its 4, 2013.) residents. despite the fact that residents’ opin- Locals are particularly frustrated by the ions are generally negative, no one can reason- unaccessible highway so close to their village, ably argue that people in Kazachiy Brod are and they worry about their access to water ȱěȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ after the Olympics are complete. People in akhshtyr’. ¢Ȃȱȱę¢ȱ£ǰȱȱ In contrast to Kazachiy Brod, akhshtyr’ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ does not enjoy direct access to an important the Olympics. On the contrary, by almost any paved road. Indeed, the residents of akhshtyr’ measure, their lives have grown dramatically traditionally have left their village and walked worse. across the river into Kazachiy Brod to access ȱȱȱȱȱęȱȱȱ ќћѐљѢѠіќћ and shopping. In context of Olympic development, this unequal relationship has become In examining the experiences of villagers ęǯȱ ȱ £¢ȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ in Kazachiy Brod and akhshtyr’, this paper Ĵȱ ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǰȱ Ĵȱȱ¡ȱȱȱȱȱȱ ¢Ȃȱęȱȱȱȱȱȱǯȱȱ ordinary life during mega-development in a rock that is used to build Olympic infrastruc- rural area. despite sharing a common spatial ture is taken from akhshtyr’, and the process bond and social history, the two villages have of drilling that rock is hugely disruptive to lo- diverged wildly since Olympic construction cal residents. further, the construction equip- began. People in Kazachiy Brod have legiti- ment and heavy trucks that are necessary for mate complaints about development even as this operation are responsible for destroying they build houses and businesses and ben- the village’s wells and removing their access ęȱȱȱȱǯȱ to potable water sources. finally, the newly- across the river, people in akhshtyr’ have en- built federal highway which could have inte- dured the loss of their water supply, the con- grated akhshtyr’ into the region runs past the struction of an illegal quarry, and the threat ȱ ȱȱȱȱěǯȱȱȱ ȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱĴȱ ¢ȱęȱȱȱȱǯȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ěȱ ȱ¢ȱȱęȱȱěȱ

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 44 Sven daniel Wolfe

in recent development between akhshtyr’ and Greene, S.J, 2003. Staged Cities: Mega- Kazachiy Brod is the original paved road. the events, Slum Clearance, and Global Capital. existence of this road in Kazachiy Brod con- ȱ ȱ ȱ [online]. available at: nects the village to certain fruits of Olympic . [accessed 27 Sep- left akhshtyr’ with no water, no reliable tran- tember 2013]. sit links, and the promise of an Olympic dump Hiller, H.H., 2000. Mega-Events, Urban once construction is complete. Boosterism and Growth Strategies: an analy- Using the opinions and reactions of local sis of the Objectives and Legitimations of the residents as the foundation for investigation, Cape town 2004 Olympic Bid. International this work focuses on the geographical and Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Vol. ȱ ěȱ ȱ ȱ 24.2. two villages in order to bring a more nuanced ¢ǰȱ ǯȱȱĴǰȱǯǰȱŘŖŗŗǯȱ£ȱ approach to the understanding of mega-event Public Space in Olympic Host Cities: the Spa- development in rural areas. Mega-events are tial Experiences of Marginalized youth in 2010 not only about infrastructure improvements, Vancouver and 2012 London. Sociology [e- ȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ǲȱ journal] 45(765). available through: European they are also about individual lives and land ¢ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ǀĴǱȦȦ in the context of dramatic upheaval. Examin- www.eu.spb.ru/library/electronic-resources> ing the micro level contributes to a more com- [accessed 28 October 2013]. plete picture of the complex changes inherent Manheim, J.B., 1990. Rites of Passage: the in mega-development. against the backdrop 1988 Seoul Olympics as Public diplomacy. The of events held in a spirit of international unity, Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 2. there should be no room for local people to Müller, M., 2012. Popular perception of ȱ£ǰȱĴǰȱȱǯ urban transformation through megaevents: understanding support for the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. Environment and Planning ђѓђџђћѐђѠ C: Government and Policy 2012, Vol. 30, pp.693- 711. ǰȱ ǯȱ ȱ Ĵǰȱ ǯǯǰȱ ŘŖŗŖǯȱ Swart, K. and Bob, U., 2004. the Seductive World Cup 2010 Report. accountancy South af- discourse of development: the Cape town ǰȱȱŗŖȱǽǾǯȱȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦ 2004 Olympic Bid. Third World Quarterly Vol. www.accountancysa.org.za/resources/ShowI- 25, No. 7. pp 1311-1324. ǯǵ ƽŘŖřşǭ ƽŗŖşŝǯǁȱ [accessed 21 September 2013]. ě¢ǰȱǯǰȱŘŖŗŖǯȱȬȱȱȬ spatial dynamics in Rio de Janeiro, 1919-2016. Journal of Latin American Geography [online]. ȱǱȱǀĴǱȦȦŗǯȦ Ȭ- ȦȦŘŖŖşȦŖşȦȬ ě¢ȬŘŖŗŖȬ- ga-Events-Rio-de-Janeiro.pdf>. [accessed 28 September 2013].

Euxeinos 12 (2013) 45 Sven daniel Wolfe

About the Author:

Sven daniel Wolfe is a master's student in Russian and Eurasian Studies at the European University at St. Petersburg, Russia. He is interested in the political, personal, and environmental impacts of mega-events, particularly focusing on the dramatic transformations of human communities and the land. He is currently writing his master's dissertation on the Sochi Olympics and will begin work on a Phd in 2014. e-mail: [email protected]

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