The Dobrudjan Question: Constitutional Nationalism and the Assimilation of a Border Region, 1878–1914

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Dobrudjan Question: Constitutional Nationalism and the Assimilation of a Border Region, 1878–1914 Chapter 11 The Dobrudjan Question: Constitutional Nationalism and the Assimilation of a Border Region, 1878–1914 Another major legal category excluded from full citizenship rights in Romania were the inhabitants of Northern and Southern Dobrudja. Their status was closely linked to the Ottoman imperial legacy in the Balkans and the interven- tion of the Great Powers. The province was occupied by the Ottoman Empire in the fifteenth century and was then subject to intense military colonization by Turks and Tatars from South Crimea and Asia Minor, which transformed it into an Islamic area. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Dobrudja was demographically linked with larger surrounding territories, attracting Romanian peasants from the Wallachian plains, Bulgarian peasants from the Balkan Mountains and southern Bessarabia, Cossacks from the Dnieper Delta, Lipovans from central Russia, and German colonists from southern Russia. Consequently, the province acquired a highly complex ethnic composition: the Danube Delta was populated by Slavic fishermen; the cities were largely inhabited by Italian, Jewish, Greek and Armenian merchants; the north was dominated by Bulgarians; the center and south by Turks and Tatars; and the right bank of the Danube was inhabited by Romanians. Military events further increased this ethnic diversity. Due to its strategic importance, Dobrudja served as a constant battlefield during the recurrent Russo-Turkish wars (1768–1878). These conflagrations triggered great fluctua- tions in the province’s population: reduced to 40,000 inhabitants as a conse- quence of the devastating 1828–1829 war, it rose to 100,000 by 1850.1 After the Crimean War (1853–1856), the province was populated with over 100,000 Tatars from Crimea, along with Circassians from Kuban and the Caucasus who fled persecution from the Russian authorities. They sought refuge in Dobrudja, where they were assigned military tasks and acted as a privileged Ottoman legal category of border warriors. Conversely, the 1877–1878 war led to a con- siderable Muslim emigration from the province, estimated at around 90,000 people.2 The figures regarding the Muslim population thus differ substantially: 1 Halil Inalcik, “Dobrudja,” The Encyclopedia of Islam, ed. B. Lewis, Ch. Pellat, J. Schacht (Leiden: Brill, 1991), vol. 2, 613. 2 Inalcik, “Dobrudja,” The Encyclopedia of Islam, vol. 2, 613. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004401112_013 458 Chapter 11 the highest estimate for the Dobrudjan population in 1879 included 134,662 Muslims and 87,900 Christians, while conservative estimates were as low as 56,000 Muslims and 54,726 Christians.3 According to official Romanian sources, in 1879 the three main ethnic groups in the province were Turks and Tatars, amounting to 32,033 persons; Romanians, totaling 31,177; and Bulgarians, num- bering 28,715, out of a total population of 106,943.4 After 1878, Dobrudja transitioned abruptly from its multicultural imperial heritage to the homogenizing order of the nation-state. By a decision of the July 1878 Treaty of Berlin, this former Ottoman province was divided between Romania, which acquired the larger Northern Dobrudja (15,536 km2, alterna- tively named Old Dobrudja), and Bulgaria, which incorporated the smaller Southern Dobrudja (7,609 km2, alternatively named New Dobrudja or the Quadrilateral) (see Map 3). In the ensuing period, Dobrudja became the object of an acute Romanian-Bulgarian territorial conflict: both states engaged in as- siduous and competing processes of national expansion and border-making in the province. At the same time, both countries aimed to unify Dobrudja under their rule. This territorial conflict generated a ‘Dobrudjan Question’ (Dobrudzhanski văpros in Bulgarian, Chestiunea dobrogeană in Romanian), which, mutatis mutandis, was not dissimilar to the question of Alsace and Lorraine in French-German relations.5 The 1878 annexation of Northern Dobrudja challenged Romania’s estab- lished regime of constitutional nationalism in several respects. First, it gen- erated a new category of citizens by annexation. Neither the country’s own legislation nor emerging international law provided specific provisions or 3 Abdolonyme Ubicini, “La Dobroudja et le Delta du Danube,” Revue géographique (1879): 246; A. Lorenz, “Diefenbach,” Völkerkunde Osteuropas (Darmstadt, 1880) 1: 18, cited in Dobrogea, cincizeci de ani de viață românească (Bucharest: Cultura națională, 1928), 224–225. 4 Statistica din România (Bucharest: 1879), 3. 5 On the geopolitical construction of the ‘Dobrudjan Question’ as a derivate of the larger Eastern Question, see Constantin Iordachi, “Diplomacy and the Making of a Geopolitical Question: The Romanian-Bulgarian Conflict over Dobrudja, 1878–1947,” in Roumen Daskalov, Diana Mishkova, Tchavdar Marinov, and Alexander Vezenkov, eds., Entangled Histories of the Balkans, vol. 4: Concepts, Approaches, and (Self-) Representations (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 291–393. On the link between the Eastern Question and territorial issues in the Balkans, see Edmund Hornby, The Eastern Question: A Scheme for the Future Government of Bulgaria (London: Eastern Question Association, 1878); Vladimir Yovanovitch, The Serbian Nation and the Eastern Question (London: Bell and Daldy, 1863); and Robert Machray, The Eastern Question Revived: Bulgar Claims on Rumania (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1939). On Dobrudja as the “Alsace and Lorraine of the Balkans,” see Joseph V. Poppov, La Dobroudja et les relations bulgaro-roumaines (Liège: Impr. Georges Thone, 1935)..
Recommended publications
  • World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives
    AP European History: Period 4.1 Teacher’s Edition World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives I. Long-term causes of World War I 4.1.I.A INT-9 A. Rival alliances: Triple Alliance vs. Triple Entente SP-6/17/18 1. 1871: The balance of power of Europe was upset by the decisive Prussian victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the creation of the German Empire. a. Bismarck thereafter feared French revenge and negotiated treaties to isolate France. b. Bismarck also feared Russia, especially after the Congress of Berlin in 1878 when Russia blamed Germany for not gaining territory in the Balkans. 2. In 1879, the Dual Alliance emerged: Germany and Austria a. Bismarck sought to thwart Russian expansion. b. The Dual Alliance was based on German support for Austria in its struggle with Russia over expansion in the Balkans. c. This became a major feature of European diplomacy until the end of World War I. 3. Triple Alliance, 1881: Italy joined Germany and Austria Italy sought support for its imperialistic ambitions in the Mediterranean and Africa. 4. Russian-German Reinsurance Treaty, 1887 a. It promised the neutrality of both Germany and Russia if either country went to war with another country. b. Kaiser Wilhelm II refused to renew the reinsurance treaty after removing Bismarck in 1890. This can be seen as a huge diplomatic blunder; Russia wanted to renew it but now had no assurances it was safe from a German invasion. France courted Russia; the two became allies. Germany, now out of necessity, developed closer ties to Austria.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Paounovsky
    THE B ULGARIAN POLICY TTHE BB ULGARIAN PP OLICY ON THE BB ALKAN CCOUNTRIESAND NN ATIONAL MM INORITIES,, 1878-19121878-1912 Vladimir Paounovsky 1.IN THE NAME OF THE NATIONAL IDEAL The period in the history of the Balkan nations known as the “Eastern Crisis of 1875-1879” determined the international political development in the region during the period between the end of 19th century and the end of World War I (1918). That period was both a time of the consolidation of and opposition to Balkan nationalism with the aim of realizing, to a greater or lesser degree, separate national doctrines and ideals. Forced to maneuver in the labyrinth of contradictory interests of the Great Powers on the Balkan Peninsula, the battles among the Balkan countries for superiority of one over the others, led them either to Pyrrhic victories or defeats. This was particularly evident during the 1912-1913 Balkan Wars (The Balkan War and The Interallied War) and World War I, which was ignited by a spark from the Balkans. The San Stefano Peace Treaty of 3 March, 1878 put an end to the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). According to the treaty, an independent Bulgarian state was to be founded within the ethnographic borders defined during the Istanbul Conference of December 1876; that is, within the framework of the Bulgarian Exarchate. According to the treaty the only loss for Bulgaria was the ceding of North Dobroujda to Romania as compensa- tion for the return of Bessarabia to Russia. The Congress of Berlin (June 1878), however, re-consid- ered the Peace Treaty and replaced it with a new one in which San Stefano Bulgaria was parceled out; its greater part was put under Ottoman control again while Serbia was given the regions around Pirot and Vranya as a compensation for the occupation of Novi Pazar sancak (administrative district) by Austro-Hun- - 331 - VLADIMIR P AOUNOVSKY gary.
    [Show full text]
  • 1768-1830S a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
    A PLAGUE ON BOTH HOUSES?: POPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THE SPREAD OF DISEASE ACROSS THE OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN BLACK SEA FRONTIER, 1768-1830S A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Andrew Robarts, M.S.F.S. Washington, DC December 17, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Andrew Robarts All Rights Reserved ii A PLAGUE ON BOTH HOUSES?: POPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THE SPREAD OF DISEASE ACROSS THE OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN BLACK SEA FRONTIER, 1768-1830S Andrew Robarts, M.S.F.S. Dissertation Advisor: Catherine Evtuhov, Ph. D. ABSTRACT Based upon a reading of Ottoman, Russian, and Bulgarian archival documents, this dissertation examines the response by the Ottoman and Russian states to the accelerated pace of migration and spread of disease in the Black Sea region from the outbreak of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1768-1774 to the signing of the Treaty of Hünkar Iskelesi in 1833. Building upon introductory chapters on the Russian-Ottoman Black Sea frontier and a case study of Bulgarian population movements between the Russian and Ottoman Empires, this dissertation analyzes Russian and Ottoman migration and settlement policies, the spread of epidemic diseases (plague and cholera) in the Black Sea region, the construction of quarantines and the implementation of travel document regimes. The role and position of the Danubian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia as the “middle ground” between the Ottoman and Russian Empires
    [Show full text]
  • New Perspectives on the Eastern Question(S) in Late-Victorian Britain, Or How „The Eastern Question‟ Affected British Politics (1881-1901).1
    Stéphanie Prévost. New perspectives on the Eastern Question(s) New perspectives on the Eastern Question(s) in Late-Victorian Britain, Or How „the Eastern Question‟ Affected British Politics (1881-1901).1 Stéphanie Prévost, LARCA, Université Paris-Diderot Keywords: Eastern Question, Gladstonian Liberalism, social movements, Eastern Question historiography. Mots-clés : Question d‘Orient, libéralisme gladstonien, mouvements sociaux, historiographie. In 1921, in the preface to Edouard Driault‘s second edition of La Question d’Orient depuis ses origines jusqu’à la paix de Sèvres, a work originally published in 1898, French historian Gabriel Monod postulated that ―the Eastern Question was the key issue in European politics‖ (v). In his 1996 concise introductory The Eastern Question, 1774-1923, Alexander L. Macfie similarly stated that ―for more than a century and a half, from the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-74 to the Treaty of Lausanne of 24 July 1923, the Eastern Question, the Question of what should become of the Ottoman Empire, then in decline, played a significant, and even at times a dominant, part in shaping the relations of the Great Powers‖ (1). Undoubtedly, the Eastern Question has always been deeply rooted in the intricacies of European diplomacy, more obviously so from the Crimean War onwards. After an almost three-year conflict (1853-6) first opposing Russia to the Ottoman Empire, then supported by France, Britain, Sardinia, Austria and Hungary, belligerents drafted peace conditions. The preamble to the 30 March, 1856 Treaty of Paris made the preservation of Ottoman territorial integrity and independence a sine qua non condition to any settlement – which was taken up in Article VII of the treaty as a collective guarantee.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Turks and Europe by Gaston Gaillard London: Thomas Murby & Co
    THE TURKS AND EUROPE BY GASTON GAILLARD LONDON: THOMAS MURBY & CO. 1 FLEET LANE, E.C. 1921 1 vi CONTENTS PAGES VI. THE TREATY WITH TURKEY: Mustafa Kemal’s Protest—Protests of Ahmed Riza and Galib Kemaly— Protest of the Indian Caliphate Delegation—Survey of the Treaty—The Turkish Press and the Treaty—Jafar Tayar at Adrianople—Operations of the Government Forces against the Nationalists—French Armistice in Cilicia—Mustafa Kemal’s Operations—Greek Operations in Asia Minor— The Ottoman Delegation’s Observations at the Peace Conference—The Allies’ Answer—Greek Operations in Thrace—The Ottoman Government decides to sign the Treaty—Italo-Greek Incident, and Protests of Armenia, Yugo-Slavia, and King Hussein—Signature of the Treaty – 169—271 VII. THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: 1. The Turco-Armenian Question - 274—304 2. The Pan-Turanian and Pan-Arabian Movements: Origin of Pan-Turanism—The Turks and the Arabs—The Hejaz—The Emir Feisal—The Question of Syria—French Operations in Syria— Restoration of Greater Lebanon—The Arabian World and the Caliphate—The Part played by Islam - 304—356 VIII. THE MOSLEMS OF THE FORMER RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND TURKEY: The Republic of Northern Caucasus—Georgia and Azerbaïjan—The Bolshevists in the Republics of Caucasus and of the Transcaspian Isthmus—Armenians and Moslems - 357—369 IX. TURKEY AND THE SLAVS: Slavs versus Turks—Constantinople and Russia - 370—408 2 THE TURKS AND EUROPE I THE TURKS The peoples who speak the various Turkish dialects and who bear the generic name of Turcomans, or Turco-Tatars, are distributed over huge territories occupying nearly half of Asia and an important part of Eastern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914
    1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914 At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkans were the most turbulent region in Europe. On the one hand were the Balkan peoples with their aims of creating their own national states with the broadest borders possible, and on the other, the ambitions of the Great Powers to gain spheres of influence in the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. This led to a continually strained and unstable situation. 1.1 Between the Two Wars: 1856-1877 The Crimean War proved to be the turning point in the relations between Russia and the Near East. After this first serious defeat of the Russian army in a war with the Ottoman Empire, Christians of the Near East and the Balkans looked more and more towards Europe. The image of Russia as the liberator of the Orthodox inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire faded and the authority of the Russian tsar was to a great extent lost. Russian diplomacy after 1856 focused totally on the restoration of Russia’s former authority. Of great significance in this process were the activities of Count N. P. Ignatiev, the ambassa- dor to Constantinople from 1864 to 1877.11 His idea of creating ‘Greater Bulgaria’, a large south-Slavonic state in the Balkans, as a base for Russian interests and further penetra- tion towards the Straits, received the support of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and coincided with the intentions of Tsar Alexander II. In 1870, the Russian government declared that it would no longer comply with the restrictions of the Paris Treaty of 1856.
    [Show full text]
  • Teaching of History of 19Th Century Russia in the Visegrád Group Countries
    European Journal of Contemporary Education, 2017, 6(2) Copyright © 2017 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o. All rights reserved. Published in the Slovak Republic European Journal of Contemporary Education ISSN 2304-9650 E-ISSN 2305-6746 2017, 6(2): 341-351 DOI: 10.13187/ejced.2017.2.341 www.ejournal1.com WARNING! Article copyright. Copying, reproduction, distribution, republication (in whole or in part), or otherwise commercial use of the violation of the author(s) rights will be pursued on the basis of Russian and international legislation. Using the hyperlinks to the article is not considered a violation of copyright. The History of Education Teaching of History of 19th century Russia in the Visegrád Group Countries Miroslav Kmeť a , a Matej Bel University, Slovakia Abstract The study focuses on the content and extent of teaching of Russian history, or history of Russian culture and civilization, in the teaching of history in the states of the Visegrád Group (i.e. in Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia). In each of these states, the subject of history (sometimes in different names) has a different status, time subsidy, and content in the framework programs. The study therefore examines the extent to which content and performance standards – concerning the history of Russia in the 19th century – are set out in state educational programs (plans) and their presentation in selected secondary school textbooks. The author comes to the conclusion that the history textbooks in the states of Visegrád Group reflect the basic facts of Russian history of the 19th century, but it is evident that since the 1990s, more and more facts from general history have gradually disappeared in favour of national history.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Serbian Uprising (1804-1813) and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of the Eastern Question
    LAWRENCE P. MERIAGE The First Serbian Uprising (1804-1813) and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of the Eastern Question Throughout the nineteenth century a major international issue facing the Great Powers of Europe was the volatile "Eastern Question." As the Ottoman Em­ pire grew steadily weaker, the question of the future disposition of its extensive territories (some 238,000 square miles in Europe alone in 1800) provoked an intense and prolonged rivalry among those European states with vested political and economic interests in the Near East. With its military power in decline and its frontiers menaced by powerful neighbors, the Ottoman Empire seemed on the verge of collapse at the beginning of the nineteenth century despite its imposing imperial edifice. Moreover, a new dimension was added to the dangers already threatening the territorial integrity of the empire when a militant movement for provincial reform among the Serbian population of the pashalik (province) of Belgrade evolved into an armed insurrection against the imperial government. This challenge to Ottoman authority by indigenous Balkan forces touched in varying ways and degrees the interests of the several powers—France, Russia, Austria, and Britain—directly involved in the affairs of the Near East. Indeed, the reactions of these powers toward the "First Serbian Uprising" (1804-13) revealed for the first time the broad outlines of the classic patterns of nineteenth- century Great-Power diplomacy in the Near East. In this regard, the uprising foretold the opening of a new era in the history of the Eastern Question. Western scholars, however, have failed to appreciate this significant develop­ ment.1 Historical investigation of the nineteenth-century origins of the Eastern Question has, for the most part, focused on the Greek Revolution (1821-30), while in turn treating the Serbian uprising primarily as a symptom of the internal disintegration of the Ottoman Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H
    Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2011 Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H. Hawley Jr. (Richard Howard) Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION By RICHARD H. HAWLEY, JR. A Dissertation submitted to the Political Science Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011 Richard H. Hawley, Jr. defended this dissertation on August 26, 2011. The members of the supervisory committee were: Heemin Kim Professor Directing Dissertation Jonathan Grant University Representative Dale Smith Committee Member Charles Barrilleaux Committee Member Lee Metcalf Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii To my father, Richard H. Hawley, Sr. and To my mother, Catherine S. Hawley (in loving memory) iii AKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who made this dissertation possible, and I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all of them. Above all, I thank my committee chair, Dr. Heemin Kim, for his understanding, patience, guidance, and comments. Next, I extend my appreciation to Dr. Dale Smith, a committee member and department chair, for his encouragement to me throughout all of my years as a doctoral student at the Florida State University. I am grateful for the support and feedback of my other committee members, namely Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Port Cities of the Western Black Sea Coast and the Danube
    Black Sea Project Working Papers vol. Ι PORT CITIES OF THE WESTERN BLACK SEA COAST AND THE DANUBE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE LONG NINETEENTH CENTURY edited by Constantin Ardeleanu & Andreas Lyberatos Corfu 2016 Thales programme. Reinforcement of the Interdisciplinary and/or inter-institutional Research and Innovation Ionian University: “Black Sea and Port Cities from the 18th to the 20th centuries. Development, Convergence and Interconnections to the World Economy” ISBN: 978-960-7260-56-7 volume 1b.indd 1 30/11/2016 1:01:40 μμ Black Sea Project Working Papers Series 1. Constantin Ardeleanu and Andreas Lyberatos (eds), Port-Cities of the Wes tern Shore of the Black Sea: Economic and Social Development, 18th – Early 20th Centuries, Black Sea Working Papers, vol. 1. 2. Evrydiki Sifneos, Oksana Iurkova and Valentina Shandra (eds), Port-Cities of the Northern Shore of the Black Sea: Institutional, Economic and Social De- velopment, 18th – Early 20th Centuries, Black Sea Working Papers, vol. 2. 3. Gelina Harlaftis, Victoria Konstantinova and Igor Lyman (eds), The Port-Cities of the Eastern Coast of the Black Sea, Late 18th – Early 20th Centuries, Black Sea Working Papers, vol. 3. 4. Mikhail Davidov, Gelina Harlaftis, Vladimir Kulikov and Vladimir Mo- rozan, The Economic Development of the Port-Cities of the Northern and Southern Black Sea Coast, 19th – Beginning of the 20th Century. Trans- port, Industry and Finance, Black Sea Working Papers, vol. 4. 5. Edhem Eldem, Vangelis Kechriotis, Sophia Laiou (eds), The Economic and Social Development of the Port–Cities of the Southern Black Sea Coast, Late 18th – Beginning of the 20th Century, Black Sea Working Papers, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of Ethnicity in Southern Bessarabia: Tracing the Histories Of
    The Making of Ethnicity in Southern Bessarabia: Tracing the histories of an ambiguous concept in a contested land Dissertation Zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophie (Dr. phil.) vorgelegt der Philosophischen Fakultät I Sozialwissenschaften und historische Kulturwissenschaften der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, von Herrn Simon Schlegel geb. am 23. April 1983 in Rorschach (Schweiz) Datum der Verteidigung 26. Mai 2016 Gutachter: PD Dr. phil. habil. Dittmar Schorkowitz, Dr. Deema Kaneff, Prof. Dr. Gabriela Lehmann-Carli Contents Deutsche Zusammenfassung ...................................................................................................................................... iii 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................................. 1 1.1. Questions and hypotheses ......................................................................................................................... 4 1.2. History and anthropology, some methodological implications ................................................. 6 1.3. Locating the field site and choosing a name for it ........................................................................ 11 1.4. A brief historical outline .......................................................................................................................... 17 1.5. Ethnicity, natsional’nost’, and nationality: definitions and translations ............................
    [Show full text]
  • Leia Boudet 1 Pan-Slavism, State, and Society: Responses to the Balkan Crises on the Eve of the Russo- Turkish War, 1875-1877 &Q
    Leia Boudet Pan-Slavism, State, and Society: Responses to the Balkan Crises on the Eve of the Russo- Turkish War, 1875-1877 "There has taken place and is taking place an unprecedented affair. War is being conducted apart from the government by the Russian people itself... and the Slavic Committee of Moscow which is treasury and commissariat. I began recruitment [of volunteers] without any Permission... Society won for itself this right." - Ivan Aksakov As Ivan Aksakov penned these words in September 1876, he was at the center of a Pan- Slavist campaign to generate support, both humanitarian and military, for the "liberation" of the orthodox Slavs in Ottoman Europe. 1 In June of that year, Serbia and Montenegro had declared war on the Ottomans in response to their ruthless suppression of revolts in their Balkan provinces. When these revolts had broken out the previous summer, a host of civil societies in the Russian Empire began raising money and supplies for refugees and insurgents. Among those societies, the undisputed leader was the Slavic Benevolent Committee chaired by Aksakov himself. Founded in Moscow in 1858, the committee opened new offices in the empire's provincial capitals in the wake of the Balkan revolts. From those offices, it dispatched representatives tasked with soliciting donations from the countryside. These representatives met with groups from all social estates ( soslovie ), hoping to persuade them that it was their duty to aid their oppressed Slavic brethren. With the donations they collected, committee directors arranged transportation for doctors, nurses, and other aid workers to the rebelling Ottoman provinces.
    [Show full text]