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Redalyc.MIGRANTES Y PEREGRINOS DE LA LUZ DEL MUNDO: RELIGIÓN POPULAR Y COMUNIDAD MORAL TRANSNACIONAL Nueva Antropología ISSN: 0185-0636 [email protected] Asociación Nueva Antropología A.C. México Fortuny Loret de Mola, Patricia MIGRANTES Y PEREGRINOS DE LA LUZ DEL MUNDO: RELIGIÓN POPULAR Y COMUNIDAD MORAL TRANSNACIONAL Nueva Antropología, vol. XXV, núm. 77, julio-diciembre, 2012, pp. 179-200 Asociación Nueva Antropología A.C. Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=15929703009 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Esta revista forma parte del acervo de la Biblioteca Jurídica Virtual del Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas de la UNAM www.juridicas.unam.mx http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx MIGRANTES Y PEREGRINOS DE LA LUZ DEL MUNDO: RELIGIÓN POPULAR Y COMUNIDAD MORAL TRANSNACIONAL Patricia Fortuny Loret de Mola* Resumen: El artículo analiza el ritual central (Santa Cena) de una iglesia evangélica mexicana. La fiesta atrae fieles nacionales, que son al mismo tiempo inmigrantes en Estados Unidos. Mien- tras la teología de la religión equivale a una denominación pentecostal, las prácticas reproducen múltiples rasgos y contenidos que encontramos en la religión popular. El análisis del ritual de- muestra que la comunidad religiosa constituye el eje motriz del trasnacionalismo de los migran- tes creyentes. En esta fiesta los seguidores de la minoría religiosa expresan su oposición al catoli- cismo dominante, al tiempo que exhiben su relación antagónica con las clases sociales hegemónicas de Guadalajara, Jalisco, lugar donde se originó la fe. El tiempo y espacio extraordi- narios de la Santa Cena es útil para entender las inversiones simbólicas como las explica Victor Turner, las relaciones de poder, así como la posición de la Iglesia y de los fieles no privilegiados u oprimidos, frente al resto de la sociedad mexicana. Palabras clave: ritual, religión popular, comunidad moral transnacional, creyentes migrantes. Abstract: The article analyzes the central ritual (Holy Supper) of a Mexican evangelical church. The celebration attracts faithful who are both American citizens and immigrants in the United States. While the theology of religion amounts to a Pentecostal denomination, multiple practices and contents of popular religion can be found. The analysis of the ritual shows the religious com- munity is the prime mover of transnationalism among migrant believers. On this feast day, the followers of the religious minority express their opposition to dominant Catholicism, exhibiting their antagonistic relationship with the hegemonic social classes in Guadalajara, Jalisco, where the faith originated. As Victor Turner explains, the extraordinary time and place of the sacra- ment is useful to understand the symbolic investment, power relations, and the position of the Church and the underprivileged or oppressed faithful against the rest of Mexican society. Keywords: ritual, popular religion, transnational moral community, migrant believers. INTRODUCCIÓN * Profesora-investigadora titular C del cie- sas-Unidad Peninsular. Miembro del Sistema a Luz del Mundo (lldm) es una Nacional de Investigadores, nivel II. Línea de iglesia evangélica mexicana que investigación: migración internacional y re- Lposee el contingente más nume- ligión. El presente artículo es una versión ac- roso de creyentes después de la Iglesia tualizada de Fortuny (2005: 169-209). Aquí he católica. A partir de 1970 comenzó a incorporado a la discusión teórica diversos auto- res en torno a conceptos centrales del trabajo tener una importante expansión en los que coadyuvan a una discusión más amplia del niveles regional (centro-occidente), na- fenómeno en cuestión. 179 Esta revista forma parte del acervo de la Biblioteca Jurídica Virtual del Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas de la UNAM www.juridicas.unam.mx http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx 180 Patricia Fortuny Loret de Mola cional e internacional que nos permite desarrollado en torno a dos figuras considerarla una iglesia trasnacional, carismáticas, los apóstoles Aarón y pues constituye un sistema religioso Samuel. El paradigma pentecostal se cuya organización trasciende fronteras caracteriza por la frecuencia e intensi- y transita por encima de especificida- dad de la experiencia religiosa que se des nacionales, políticas y culturales, expresa a través del hablar en lenguas, formando una red de comunidades uni- el profetismo, testimonios, revelaciones ficadas por una ideología, misma que y otras vigorosas prácticas religiosas. La queda fuertemente vinculada a un úni- Iglesia también promueve un profundo co gobierno o autoridad (Hervieu-Léger, ascetismo entre sus fieles sin separarlos 1997: 104 énfasis del autor). Además de del “mundo” real, puesto que al mismo ser translocal, es decir, situada en innu- tiempo impulsa el desarrollo educativo, merables localidades que atraviesa con social y económico de la membrecía. su práctica y doctrina, es una iglesia Vittorio Lanternari, en su conocida global, establecida en diversas nacio- obra sobre movimientos religiosos entre nes-Estado, que mantiene su sede en la los pueblos oprimidos, considera que, en colonia Hermosa Provincia de en Gua- las instituciones protestantes, la libre dalajara, Jalisco. La Hermosa Pro- interpretación de la Biblia juega un pa- vincia es un espacio sagrado habitado pel clave en la formación de nuevas igle- por cerca de 90% de creyentes; aquí se sias —aunque esto no es exclusivo de ubica el gran templo de la comunidad, los predicadores protestantes (Lanter- así como la casa del apóstol Samuel, las nari, 1965: viii). Este es el caso de la principales oficinas burocráticas de la iglesia en cuestión, ya que un campesi- organización, escuelas de diversos nive- no mexicano (Aarón Joaquín Flores) se les, así como un pequeño hospital (en avocó en la década de 1920 a fundar un forma coloquial y afectuosa, los fieles movimiento pentecostal a partir de las llaman al centro físico y simbólico de su enseñanzas de las Escrituras que reci- creencia “La Provincia”). Funciona bió de dos predicadores evangélicos. El para sus seguidores de la misma mane- resultado de sus esfuerzos es una orga- ra que el Vaticano lo hace entre los ca- nización religiosa global, con un proyec- tólicos de todo el mundo. to holístico que rebasa la esfera de lo La Iglesia cuenta con alrededor de sagrado e incluye lo social, económico y un millón y medio de fieles en México y político. El éxito de esta organización se más de cinco millones en cerca de 40 debe tanto a los cambios internos reali- países del mundo (De la Torre, 2007: 85- zados en su estructura y doctrina, como 86). Por su origen y manifestaciones del al factor político-social, que fue de- Espíritu Santo, forma parte de los movi- terminante al hacer posible el desarro- mientos religiosos pentecostales (auto- llo de una iglesia no-católica en el cora- ridades y miembros de la comunidad zón de la región más católica del país.1 religiosa se reconocen como evangélicos y/o cristianos); no obstante, constituye 1 El Estado mexicano laico, tuvo en el pasado, una iglesia única en su tipo, que se ha el interés por crear una iglesia católica nacional Esta revista forma parte del acervo de la Biblioteca Jurídica Virtual del Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas de la UNAM www.juridicas.unam.mx http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx Migrantes y peregrinos de La Luz del Mundo 181 En este artículo me interesa, por un y en Guadalajara, Jalisco, de donde lado, construir una interpretación del procede la mayoría de los informantes. ritual de la Santa Cena —que cruza la Hice investigación etnográfica sobre historia, la sociología de la religión y este movimiento religioso entre 1989 y la literatura—, y por otro analizar la 2002 en distintas ciudades de México y influencia que ejercen los fieles mi- Estados Unidos; además, trato de con- grantes que retornan del “país del nor- servar cierto grado de contacto con cre- te” para asistir a la celebración. En la yentes y autoridades de la Iglesia para primera sección analizo los elementos estar al corriente de su crecimiento, así que hacen a este ritual popular; en la como de los cambios que experimen- siguiente discuto el concepto de comu- tan. nidad moral trasnacional, donde muestro los ejes fundamentales que POPULAR vinculan a los creyentes “norteños” o peregrinos con sus congéneres en la Acudir a la Santa Cena implica una celebración. En el último apartado de- peregrinación o desplazamiento de un construyo el ritual como peregrinación lugar a otro, una transición que signifi- desde una perspectiva transdisciplina- ca un tiempo fuera de tiempo, “en la ria, que me permita dilucidar el caso que los individuos abandonan volunta- estudiado en sus diversos significados riamente las estructuras y patrones de individuales, colectivos y más allá de la vida normal y la cambian por un paisa- comunidad religiosa. je sacro en donde reina lo insólito”, lo Los sujetos de estudio se eligieron mágico (Shadow y Shadow, 1994: 25). entre los creyentes y migrantes que Además, la Santa Cena es el ritual durante el verano se desplazan de central del calendario litúrgico y se ex- Houston, Texas, a la “Hermosa Provin- tiende a una semana, entre el 8 y el 15 cia” para asistir a la Santa Cena. Utili- de agosto. Durante estos días se efec- cé como método de trabajo la etnogra- túan multitudinarias ceremonias cívi- fía multisituada
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