Federalism and Nationalism in Polish Eastern Policy
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'Politics of History'?
35 Professor Jan Pomorski Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Lublin, Poland ORCID: 0000-0001-5667-0917 AD VOCEM WHAT IS ’POLITICS OF HISTORY’? CONCERNING POLAND’S RAISON D’ÉTAT* (ad vocem) Abstract The term ‘politics of history’ can be encountered in the narratives created by three distinct types of social practice: (1) the social practice of research (‘politics of history’ is the subject of the research, and not the practice); (2) the social practice of politics (‘politics of history’ is practiced, and may be either an instrument for gaining and retaining power, and/or an instrument for realising the state’s raison d’état); (3) the social practice of memory (where the practice of ‘politics of history’ also has a place, and is synonymous with ‘politics of memory’). The author argues that political raison d’état requires Poland to pursue an active politics of history which should be addressed abroad, and proposes that its guiding ideas should be based on three grand narratives: (1) the fundamental role of ‘Solidarity Poland’ in the peaceful dismantling of the post-Yalta system in Europe, (2) the Europe of the Jagiellonians, and (3) the Europe of the Vasas, as constructs simultaneously geopolitical and civilisational, in which Poland performed an agential function. Keywords: politics of history as a subject of research, politics of history as a subject of practice, politics of history as raison d’état Institute of National Remembrance 1/2019 36 “Whoever does not respect and value their past is not worthy of respect by the present, or of the right to a future.” Józef Piłsudski “Polishness – it is not Sarmatian-ness, it is not confined to the descent from pre-Lechite peasants and warriors; nor it is confined to what the Middle Ages made of them later. -
An Emigre—Historian
ORGANON 32:2003 Piotr Wandycz (Yale, U. S. A.) AN EMIGRE — HISTORIAN How and where does one commence a scholarly autobiography? Perhaps the best precept is to be found in Alice in Wonderland: Begin at the beginning, the King said, and go on till you come to the end: then stop. Thinking of the beginnings my thoughts go back to my family, an intelligentsia Polish family with broad intellectual interests. My mother wrote children’s books, her sister (Mieroszewska) was a painter, and so was my brother, my sister had a Ph. D. in art history from the Jagiellonian University. To avoid possible confusion I should add that they were my half-brother and half-sister and their family name was Mars. However, being extremely close to one another we never used the term half. My brother’s influence during my formative years was particularly strong. My father was by education a chemist and he became a leading figure in the Polish oil industry. But by inclination he remained a humanist with a deep knowledge of music and literature. The tradition of Young Poland weighed heavily on my parents and to some extent was passed on to me. So was an attachment to the past - perhaps a romanticized vision of it. Ideologically, my parents were adherents of Piłsudski - my father was a legionary of the First Brigade - and I remember them crying at the news of the Marshal’s death. My uncle (father’s brother) was in POW. In the late 1930s, however, when the sanacja split internally and began to move to the right, my parents became critical of the regime and looked up to general Kazimierz Sosnkowski and the nascent Democratic Clubs. -
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia Politologica XIV (2015)
Folia 181 Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia Politologica XIV (2015) WoKół polItyKI zagRanIcznej Andrzej Janociński Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie Recepcja myśli politycznej Juliusza Mieroszewskiego... w polskiej polityce wschodniej po 1989 roku Uwagi wstępne Juliusz Mieroszewski był jednym z najbardziej interesujących polskich pisarzy po- litycznych i publicystów XX wieku. Krzysztof Pomian zaliczył go do najoryginalniej- szych twórców myśli politycznej w obszarze Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Poglą- dy Mieroszewskiego na demokrację jako wartość samą w sobie oraz realistyczne formułowanie celów w polityce były wyznacznikami jego sposobu myślenia i świad- czyły o nowatorstwie w myśli politycznej publicysty „Kultury” (zob. Pomian 1999, s. 36). Na łamach paryskiego periodyku publikował najistotniejsze swoje przemyśle- nia związane z m.in. polską polityką zagraniczną. Zadebiutował tam w 1949 roku, a stałą współpracę rozpoczął w roku 1950 i kontynuował ją aż do śmierci. Zamieścił ponad 450 artykułów. Pod piórem Juliusza Mieroszewskiego dojrzewała i ewolu- owała myśl polityczna „Kultury”, szczególnie część dotycząca stosunków Polski z są- siadami, oraz prognozy rozwoju sytuacji międzynarodowej. Janusz Korek, badacz paryskiej „Kultury”, przedstawił Mieroszewskiego jako głównego publicystę i ty- tuował go osobą numer dwa w „niewidzialnej redakcji” miesięcznika (Korek 2000, s. 25). Ocena ta była ważna dlatego, że w kwestii polskiej polityki wschodniej po 1989 roku nie dopatrzymy się nowatorskiej koncepcji u przedstawicieli którejkolwiek z partii politycznych. „Ich myśl polityczna w tym zakresie była dziedzictwem trzech różnych wizji stosunków Polski ze wschodnimi sąsiadami. Dwie z nich pochodzą z okresu międzywojennego, a trzecia jest dorobkiem emigracyjnym z kręgu pary- skiej «Kultury»” (Surmacz 2002, s. 86). Trzecie źródło koncepcji stosunków Polski z jej wschodnimi sąsiadami wska- zuje na obecność w polskiej polityce zagraniczne pierwiastka paryskiej „Kultury”. -
A Farewell to Giedroyc
Warsaw, January 2017 A farewell to Giedroyc Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz The plans for the future of TV Belsat presented by Foreign Minister Witold Waszczykowski are a good excuse for an overall reflection on Poland’s eastern policy as it is being conducted today. The proposal to drastically reduce Belsat’s funding and pass those savings on to funds for a new Polish-language channel to be broadcast abroad, including officially to Belarus, should not be seen as a one-off deci- sion. It is a symptom of a fundamental turn-around: the departure from the assumptions that have guided nearly 25 years of Poland’s policy towards its Eastern European neighbours. Symbolically, this change can be described as ‘a farewell to Giedroyc’. No free Poland without a free Ukraine Despite various twists and turns, the Third Republic’s eastern policy has constantly drawn on several fundamental principles1. The roots of these principles lay in the concept, formulated in the 1960s by Mieroszewski and Giedroyc, of how to approach Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus (ULB for short), which were then parts of the USSR2. These principles can be summarised as follows: Poland’s freedom is closely linked to the sovereignty (de facto independence from Russia) of our eastern neighbours. If Stefan Batory Foundation 1 In Polish historiography, periods of the statehood of the Republic of Poland (Pol. Rzeczpospolita Polska) are un- officially numbered as follows: the First Republic (Pol.I. Rzeczpospolita, from the mid-15th century until the final partition of 1795), the Second Republic (Pol. II. Rzeczpospolita, 1918–1945) and the Third Republic (Pol. -
The Reconstruction of Nations
The Reconstruction of Nations The Reconstruction of Nations Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 Timothy Snyder Yale University Press New Haven & London Published with the assistance of the Frederick W. Hilles Fund of Yale University. Copyright © by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections and of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Snyder, Timothy. The reconstruction of nations : Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, ‒ / Timothy Snyder. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN --- (alk. paper) . Europe, Eastern—History—th century. I. Title. DJK. .S .—dc A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. For Marianna Brown Snyder and Guy Estel Snyder and in memory of Lucile Fisher Hadley and Herbert Miller Hadley Contents Names and Sources, ix Gazetteer, xi Maps, xiii Introduction, Part I The Contested Lithuanian-Belarusian Fatherland 1 The Grand Duchy of Lithuania (–), 2 Lithuania! My Fatherland! (–), 3 The First World War and the Wilno Question (–), 4 The Second World War and the Vilnius Question (–), 5 Epilogue: -
The University of Arizona
Erskine Caldwell, Margaret Bourke- White, and the Popular Front (Moscow 1941) Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Caldwell, Jay E. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 05/10/2021 10:56:28 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/316913 ERSKINE CALDWELL, MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE, AND THE POPULAR FRONT (MOSCOW 1941) by Jay E. Caldwell __________________________ Copyright © Jay E. Caldwell 2014 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2014 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Jay E. Caldwell, titled “Erskine Caldwell, Margaret Bourke-White, and the Popular Front (Moscow 1941),” and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Dissertation Director: Jerrold E. Hogle _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Daniel F. Cooper Alarcon _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Jennifer L. Jenkins _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Robert L. McDonald _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 11 February 2014 Charles W. Scruggs Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. -
Parisian Culture's Views on Eastern Europe As a Factor
POLISH POLITICAL SCIENCE VOL XXXIV 2005 PL ISSN 0208-7375 ISBN 83-7322-481-5 PARISIAN CULTURE’S VIEWS ON EASTERN EUROPE AS A FACTOR IN CONTEMPORARY POLISH FOREIGN POLICY by Iwona Hofman When analyzing events which unfolded in the Ukraine during the fi nal months of 2004 and the involvement of Polish politicians and public opinion in the strug- gle for the preservation of the democratic character of presidential elections, a question arises regarding the connection of their actions with the political projects of Jerzy Giedroyć, the founder and sole editor of an infl uential magazine and a centre of political thought, which was Culture , published in Maisons-Laffi tte, near Paris, in the years 1947–2000. Historians and political scientists rightly emphasize the fact that the „Eastern doctrine”, also known as the ULB doctrine (from the abbreviation of „Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus”), has been a constant element of Polish foreign policy since 1989. Generally speaking, Giedroyć was convinced that nationalist impulses would eventually destroy the Russian empire from within, and a sovereign Poland would gain three new neighbours in the East: Ukraine, Lithu- ania and Belarus. " is process was expected to take place in the near future, as foreseen by Culture contributors who called on the émigrés from Eastern Europe to work together in laying solid foundations for the future partnership. Restricted in his political activities, Jerzy Giedroyć believed that words could be translated into actions. He also realized that a magazine whose program is characterized by far-reaching visions based on dismantling the European order shaped in Yalta, must fi rst of all fi ght national prejudices and stereotypes, present true history and show the common fate of the then enslaved nations. -
0X0a I Don't Know Gregor Weichbrodt FROHMANN
0x0a I Don’t Know Gregor Weichbrodt FROHMANN I Don’t Know Gregor Weichbrodt 0x0a Contents I Don’t Know .................................................................4 About This Book .......................................................353 Imprint ........................................................................354 I Don’t Know I’m not well-versed in Literature. Sensibility – what is that? What in God’s name is An Afterword? I haven’t the faintest idea. And concerning Book design, I am fully ignorant. What is ‘A Slipcase’ supposed to mean again, and what the heck is Boriswood? The Canons of page construction – I don’t know what that is. I haven’t got a clue. How am I supposed to make sense of Traditional Chinese bookbinding, and what the hell is an Initial? Containers are a mystery to me. And what about A Post box, and what on earth is The Hollow Nickel Case? An Ammunition box – dunno. Couldn’t tell you. I’m not well-versed in Postal systems. And I don’t know what Bulk mail is or what is supposed to be special about A Catcher pouch. I don’t know what people mean by ‘Bags’. What’s the deal with The Arhuaca mochila, and what is the mystery about A Bin bag? Am I supposed to be familiar with A Carpet bag? How should I know? Cradleboard? Come again? Never heard of it. I have no idea. A Changing bag – never heard of it. I’ve never heard of Carriages. A Dogcart – what does that mean? A Ralli car? Doesn’t ring a bell. I have absolutely no idea. And what the hell is Tandem, and what is the deal with the Mail coach? 4 I don’t know the first thing about Postal system of the United Kingdom. -
Poland and the Ukrainian Crisis of 2004 Wiatr, Jerzy J
www.ssoar.info A Small Power’s Strategy: Poland and the Ukrainian Crisis of 2004 Wiatr, Jerzy J. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Wiatr, J. J. (2005). A Small Power’s Strategy: Poland and the Ukrainian Crisis of 2004. Politics in Central Europe, 1, 93-103. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61272 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. -
Digitization of the Resources of the Literary Institute in Paris
Artykuły Kognitywistyka i Media w Edukacji 2018, nr 2 Ewelina Górka Digitization of the resources of the Literary Institute in Paris Abstrakt Digitalizacja zasobów Instytutu Literackiego w Paryżu Instytut Literacki został założony w 1946 r. w Rzymie. Jak wskazano w powołują- cym go rozkazie, głównym celem było prowadzenie akcji wydawniczej w dziedzinie kulturalnej, literackiej i społecznej, a także zbieranie dorobku piśmiennictwa pol- skiego. Inicjatorem tego przedsięwzięcia i redaktorem był Jerzy Giedroyc. W okre- sie funkcjonowania Instytutu Literackiego, tj. w latach 1947–2000, ukazało się 637 numerów miesięcznika „Kultura”, 171 numerów kwartalnika „Zeszyty Historyczne” oraz książki: 26 publikacji w latach 1947–1952 i 378 książek w serii „Biblioteka Kul- tury”. Oprócz wskazanych wyżej publikacji, w archiwum Instytutu Literackiego za- chowała się bardzo duża liczba innych książek, czasopism polskich i zagranicznych, wycinków prasowych oraz dokumentów, listów i fotografii. Ich zebranie i uporząd- kowanie, a także wykonanie wersji elektronicznej było możliwe m.in. dzięki projek- tom: „Inwentarz Archiwum Instytutu Literackiego Kultura” oraz „Digitalizacja Ar- chiwum Instytutu Literackiego”. W artykule została zwrócona uwaga na proces digitalizacji zasobów Instytutu Lite- rackiego. Cyfrowe wersje oryginalnych tekstów źródłowych mogą bowiem posłu- żyć dalszym badaniom na temat spuścizny Jerzego Giedroycia. Wskazany dostęp to także ułatwienie do podejmowania dalszych prac i ochrona dokumentów, zwłasz- cza rękopisów, w związku z niszczeniem i upływem czasu. Jako przykład ilustrują- cy tę tezę w artykule posłużono się przykładem Jerzego Pomianowskiego, jedne- go ze współpracowników paryskiej „Kultury”, wskazując sposoby przeprowadzania wstępnej kwerendy źródłowej, tak ważnej dla realizacji tematu badawczego. Słowa kluczowe: Instytut Literacki, Jerzy Giedroyc, digitalizacja Digitization of the resources of the Literary Institute in Paris 151 The Literary Institute was founded in 1946 in Rome. -
MAKING SENSE of CZESLAW MILOSZ: a POET's FORMATIVE DIALOGUE with HIS TRANSNATIONAL AUDIENCES by Joanna Mazurska
MAKING SENSE OF CZESLAW MILOSZ: A POET’S FORMATIVE DIALOGUE WITH HIS TRANSNATIONAL AUDIENCES By Joanna Mazurska Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in History August, 2013 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Professor Michael Bess Professor Marci Shore Professor Helmut W. Smith Professor Frank Wcislo Professor Meike Werner To my parents, Grazyna and Piotr Mazurscy II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to the members of my Dissertation Committee: Michael Bess, Marci Shore, Helmut Smith, Frank Wcislo, and Meike Werner. Each of them has contributed enormously to my project through providing professional guidance and encouragement. It is with immense gratitude that I acknowledge the support of my mentor Professor Michael Bess, who has been for me a constant source of intellectual inspiration, and whose generosity and sense of humor has brightened my academic path from the very first day in graduate school. My thesis would have remained a dream had it not been for the institutional and financial support of my academic home - the Vanderbilt Department of History. I am grateful for the support from the Vanderbilt Graduate School Summer Research Fund, the George J. Graham Jr. Fellowship at the Robert Penn Warren Center for the Humanities, the Max Kade Center Graduate Student Research Grant, the National Program for the Development of the Humanities Grant from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education, and the New York University Remarque Institute Visiting Fellowship. I wish to thank to my friends at the Vanderbilt Department of History who have kept me company on this journey with Milosz. -
Foreword: Ksawery Pruszyn´Ski
Foreword: Ksawery Pruszyn´ski We, Polish people, have special reasons to promote the State of Israel. We have fought for too long time for a state of our own not to under- stand such a fight, when undertaken by others. We know unfortu- nately better than many other nations what it means for a nation to have a state of its own. Our nation knows the gas chambers like the Jewish people did and our nation has not forgotten, like some others, the sad lesson of this war. —Ksawery Pruszyński, speech delivered at the UN as chairman of the United Nations Subcommittee Number One on Palestine in November 19471 n his relatively brief life, Ksawery Pruszyński (December 4, 1907–June 13, I1950) embodied the tragic fate of Poland in the first half of the twentieth century. He was born into a noble family near the village of Wolica Kierekieszyna (today Volytsya-Kerekeshyna) on the Zbrucz River in southern Volhynia (Ukraine). The founder of the village was a Tartar, Kierekiesza, and the area was characterized by its mixture of religions and ethnicities. As Pruszyński himself put it: I came into the world at a crossroad of worlds and times, cultures and beliefs, languages and races, classes and nations, on a snowy December day in a blizzard, when a sleigh was sent for the Jewish “barber”—the doctor was already there, but courtesy required the presence of the barber.2 1 This speech is reproduced as it was delivered in Pruszyński’s characteristic English. 2 Quoted in Józef Hen, Nie boję się bezsennych nocy (Czytelnik: Warzsawa, 2001), 23.