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Karol Modzelewski
NAUKA 2/2019 • 7–14 doi:10.24425/nauka.2019.126188 ANDRZEJ FRISZKE * Karol Modzelewski 28 kwietnia 2019 roku umarł Karol Modzelewski, wybitny działacz ruchu na rzecz wolności Polski, wieloletni więzień polityczny, wybitny historyk mediewista, członek rzeczywisty Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Urodził się w Moskwie w 1937, roku wielkiej czystki, która pochłonęła jego natural- nego ojca. Miał dwa lata, gdy matka poznała właśnie wypuszczonego z więzienia pol- skiego komunistę Zygmunta Modzelewskiego. Związali się już na całe życie, a Zygmunt usynowił Karola. Czas wojny sowiecko-niemieckiej Karol spędził w domu dziecka, w 1945 roku rodzice zabrali go do Polski, w której Zygmunt był wiceministrem, potem ministrem spraw zagranicznych i należał do władz partii. Wychowywał się więc w domu komunistycznego dygnitarza, a zarazem w atmosferze intelektualnej. Matka była tłu- maczką literatury, ojciec pod koniec życia rektorem Instytutu Nauk Społecznych przy KC; zmarł, gdy Karol miał 17 lat. Karola Modzelewskiego ideowo i politycznie ukształtował rok 1956. Najpierw de- stalinizacja, która zmuszała do postawienia zasadniczych pytań o przyczyny zbrodni Stalina i stworzonego przezeń systemu. Potem polski Październik, który spędził z robot- nikami na warszawskim Żeraniu, w mobilizacji przeciw neostalinowcom w partii i groź- bie sowieckiej interwencji zbrojnej. Zrodzone wtedy poczucie silnej więzi z robotni- kami, ich zdolnością do kreowania lepszej przyszłości, było może najważniejsze w wybo- rze drogi życiowej. Październik uczynił z niego postać znaną w środowisku warszawskiej młodzieży zaangażowanej politycznie. Odwrót od Października, który przyniósł już rok 1957, uczynił z niego oponenta reżimu Gomułki. Już od tego czasu kierowały Karolem dwie pasje – historyka Średniowiecza i działa- cza politycznego o temperamencie rewolucjonisty. Najpierw oddał się tej pierwszej, kończąc studia i odbywając roczne stypendium we Włoszech. -
Lecture 27 Epilogue How Far Does the Past Dominate Polish Politics Today? 'Choose the Future' Election Slogan of Alexander K
- 1 - Lecture 27 Epilogue How far does the past dominate Polish politics today? ‘Choose the future’ Election slogan of Alexander Kwaśniewski in 1996. ‘We are today in the position of Andrzej Gołota: after seven rounds, we are winning on points against our historical fatalism. As rarely in our past - today almost everything depends on us ourselves... In the next few years, Poland’s fate for the succeeding half- century will be decided. And yet Poland has the chance - like Andrzej Gołota, to waste its opportunity. We will not enter NATO of the European Union if we are a country beset by a domestic cold war, a nation so at odds with itself that one half wants to destroy the other. Adam Michnik, ‘Syndrom Gołoty’, Gazeta Świąteczna, 22 December 1996 ‘I do not fear the return of communism, but there is a danger of new conflicts between chauvinism and nationalist extremism on the one hand and tolerance, liberalism and Christian values on the other’ Władysław Bartoszewski on the award to him of the Heinrich Heine prize, December 1996 1. Introduction: History as the Means for Articulating Political Orientations In Poland, as in most countries which have been compelled to struggle to regain their lost independence, an obsessive involvement with the past and a desire to derive from it lessons of contemporary relevance have long been principal characteristics of the political culture. Polish romantic nationalism owed much to Lelewel’s concept of the natural Polish predilection for democratic values. The Polish nation was bound, he felt, to struggle as ‘ambassador to humanity’ and, through its suffering, usher in an era on universal liberty. -
Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, Authoritarianism. the Politics of Public Education in Poland
Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, Authoritarianism. The Politics of Public Education in Poland Hana Cervinkova Maynooth University, Ireland Paweł Rudnicki University of Lower Silesia, Wroclaw, Poland Abstract We focus on describing some of the effects of austerity capitalism in the public educational sector in Poland, a country that was a part of the Soviet bloc from WWII and experienced dramatic transformation after 1989. This transformation from “communism” to “democracy” involved all spheres of the life of society and individuals and meant a dramatic re-orientation of the social, political and economic imaginary. We see the current post-transformation moment in Poland as characterized by the dominance of three fundamental tendencies: predatory neoliberalism, creeping authoritarianism and nationalist neoconservatism. For the purposes of this text, we will begin with a short discussion of neoliberalism as it took over post-communist Central Europe during the last decade of the 20th century and onwards. We will focus especially on privatization as a key dimension of neoliberal transformation intertwined as it was with strong neoconservative tendencies, centering in our discussion on the effects of these trends on Polish public education. Keywords: Poland, public education, neoconservatism, neoliberalism, authoritarianism, nationalism 1 | P a g e Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, Authoritarianism. The Politics of Public Education in Poland Introduction The writing of this text takes place in a difficult period in the modern history of Poland. A little over three years ago, on August 6, 2015 Andrzej Duda, the candidate of the right-wing nationalist party Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) took over as the Polish President. His victory paved the way for the party’s triumph in the general elections in November 2015. -
'Politics of History'?
35 Professor Jan Pomorski Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Lublin, Poland ORCID: 0000-0001-5667-0917 AD VOCEM WHAT IS ’POLITICS OF HISTORY’? CONCERNING POLAND’S RAISON D’ÉTAT* (ad vocem) Abstract The term ‘politics of history’ can be encountered in the narratives created by three distinct types of social practice: (1) the social practice of research (‘politics of history’ is the subject of the research, and not the practice); (2) the social practice of politics (‘politics of history’ is practiced, and may be either an instrument for gaining and retaining power, and/or an instrument for realising the state’s raison d’état); (3) the social practice of memory (where the practice of ‘politics of history’ also has a place, and is synonymous with ‘politics of memory’). The author argues that political raison d’état requires Poland to pursue an active politics of history which should be addressed abroad, and proposes that its guiding ideas should be based on three grand narratives: (1) the fundamental role of ‘Solidarity Poland’ in the peaceful dismantling of the post-Yalta system in Europe, (2) the Europe of the Jagiellonians, and (3) the Europe of the Vasas, as constructs simultaneously geopolitical and civilisational, in which Poland performed an agential function. Keywords: politics of history as a subject of research, politics of history as a subject of practice, politics of history as raison d’état Institute of National Remembrance 1/2019 36 “Whoever does not respect and value their past is not worthy of respect by the present, or of the right to a future.” Józef Piłsudski “Polishness – it is not Sarmatian-ness, it is not confined to the descent from pre-Lechite peasants and warriors; nor it is confined to what the Middle Ages made of them later. -
A Farewell to Giedroyc
Warsaw, January 2017 A farewell to Giedroyc Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz The plans for the future of TV Belsat presented by Foreign Minister Witold Waszczykowski are a good excuse for an overall reflection on Poland’s eastern policy as it is being conducted today. The proposal to drastically reduce Belsat’s funding and pass those savings on to funds for a new Polish-language channel to be broadcast abroad, including officially to Belarus, should not be seen as a one-off deci- sion. It is a symptom of a fundamental turn-around: the departure from the assumptions that have guided nearly 25 years of Poland’s policy towards its Eastern European neighbours. Symbolically, this change can be described as ‘a farewell to Giedroyc’. No free Poland without a free Ukraine Despite various twists and turns, the Third Republic’s eastern policy has constantly drawn on several fundamental principles1. The roots of these principles lay in the concept, formulated in the 1960s by Mieroszewski and Giedroyc, of how to approach Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus (ULB for short), which were then parts of the USSR2. These principles can be summarised as follows: Poland’s freedom is closely linked to the sovereignty (de facto independence from Russia) of our eastern neighbours. If Stefan Batory Foundation 1 In Polish historiography, periods of the statehood of the Republic of Poland (Pol. Rzeczpospolita Polska) are un- officially numbered as follows: the First Republic (Pol.I. Rzeczpospolita, from the mid-15th century until the final partition of 1795), the Second Republic (Pol. II. Rzeczpospolita, 1918–1945) and the Third Republic (Pol. -
Karol Modzelewski
GWZO – Leibniz-Institut für Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Europa Karol Modzelewski Gesellschaftspsychologie einer Revolution. Die Solidarność als Massenbewegung, ihre Niederlage während des Kriegsrechts, und wie ihr Mythos als Deckmantel für die Transforma- tionsprozesse in Polen genutzt wurde Herausgegeben von Christian Lübke und Adamantios Theodor Skordos OSKAR-HALECKI-VORLESUNG 2014 Jahresvorlesung des GWZO Böhlau Verlag Wien Köln Weimar Open Access: Wo nicht anders festgehalten, ist diese Publikation lizenziert unter der Creative-Commons-Lizenz Namensnennung 4.0; siehe http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/ Die Publikation wurde einem anonymen, internationalen Peer-Review- Verfahren unterzogen Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.de abrufbar. © 2018 by Böhlau Verlag GmbH & Cie, Lindenstraße 14, D-50674 Köln Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Umschlaggestaltung: hawemannundmosch, berlin Korrektorat: Constanze Lehmann, Berlin Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISBN 978-3-412-51474-7 Inhalt 5 Einführung Christian Lübke . 7 Vorwort zur Oskar-Halecki-Vorlesung von Karol Modzelewski am 21. Oktober 2014 Wolfgang Templin . 13 Gesellschaftspsychologie einer Revolution. Die Solidarność als Massenbewegung, ihre Niederlage während des Kriegsrechts, und wie ihr Mythos als Deckmantel für die Transformationsprozesse in Polen genutzt wurde Karol Modzelewski . 17 Anmerkungen Adamantios Theodor Skordos . 31 Abkürzungsverzeichnis . 53 Literatur . 55 6 Karol Modzelewski (*1937). Der renommierte polnische Historiker und politische Op- positionelle der Zeit der Volksrepublik Polen war Professor für mittelalterliche Ge- schichte an den Universitäten Breslau und Warschau. -
Parisian Culture's Views on Eastern Europe As a Factor
POLISH POLITICAL SCIENCE VOL XXXIV 2005 PL ISSN 0208-7375 ISBN 83-7322-481-5 PARISIAN CULTURE’S VIEWS ON EASTERN EUROPE AS A FACTOR IN CONTEMPORARY POLISH FOREIGN POLICY by Iwona Hofman When analyzing events which unfolded in the Ukraine during the fi nal months of 2004 and the involvement of Polish politicians and public opinion in the strug- gle for the preservation of the democratic character of presidential elections, a question arises regarding the connection of their actions with the political projects of Jerzy Giedroyć, the founder and sole editor of an infl uential magazine and a centre of political thought, which was Culture , published in Maisons-Laffi tte, near Paris, in the years 1947–2000. Historians and political scientists rightly emphasize the fact that the „Eastern doctrine”, also known as the ULB doctrine (from the abbreviation of „Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus”), has been a constant element of Polish foreign policy since 1989. Generally speaking, Giedroyć was convinced that nationalist impulses would eventually destroy the Russian empire from within, and a sovereign Poland would gain three new neighbours in the East: Ukraine, Lithu- ania and Belarus. " is process was expected to take place in the near future, as foreseen by Culture contributors who called on the émigrés from Eastern Europe to work together in laying solid foundations for the future partnership. Restricted in his political activities, Jerzy Giedroyć believed that words could be translated into actions. He also realized that a magazine whose program is characterized by far-reaching visions based on dismantling the European order shaped in Yalta, must fi rst of all fi ght national prejudices and stereotypes, present true history and show the common fate of the then enslaved nations. -
Digitization of the Resources of the Literary Institute in Paris
Artykuły Kognitywistyka i Media w Edukacji 2018, nr 2 Ewelina Górka Digitization of the resources of the Literary Institute in Paris Abstrakt Digitalizacja zasobów Instytutu Literackiego w Paryżu Instytut Literacki został założony w 1946 r. w Rzymie. Jak wskazano w powołują- cym go rozkazie, głównym celem było prowadzenie akcji wydawniczej w dziedzinie kulturalnej, literackiej i społecznej, a także zbieranie dorobku piśmiennictwa pol- skiego. Inicjatorem tego przedsięwzięcia i redaktorem był Jerzy Giedroyc. W okre- sie funkcjonowania Instytutu Literackiego, tj. w latach 1947–2000, ukazało się 637 numerów miesięcznika „Kultura”, 171 numerów kwartalnika „Zeszyty Historyczne” oraz książki: 26 publikacji w latach 1947–1952 i 378 książek w serii „Biblioteka Kul- tury”. Oprócz wskazanych wyżej publikacji, w archiwum Instytutu Literackiego za- chowała się bardzo duża liczba innych książek, czasopism polskich i zagranicznych, wycinków prasowych oraz dokumentów, listów i fotografii. Ich zebranie i uporząd- kowanie, a także wykonanie wersji elektronicznej było możliwe m.in. dzięki projek- tom: „Inwentarz Archiwum Instytutu Literackiego Kultura” oraz „Digitalizacja Ar- chiwum Instytutu Literackiego”. W artykule została zwrócona uwaga na proces digitalizacji zasobów Instytutu Lite- rackiego. Cyfrowe wersje oryginalnych tekstów źródłowych mogą bowiem posłu- żyć dalszym badaniom na temat spuścizny Jerzego Giedroycia. Wskazany dostęp to także ułatwienie do podejmowania dalszych prac i ochrona dokumentów, zwłasz- cza rękopisów, w związku z niszczeniem i upływem czasu. Jako przykład ilustrują- cy tę tezę w artykule posłużono się przykładem Jerzego Pomianowskiego, jedne- go ze współpracowników paryskiej „Kultury”, wskazując sposoby przeprowadzania wstępnej kwerendy źródłowej, tak ważnej dla realizacji tematu badawczego. Słowa kluczowe: Instytut Literacki, Jerzy Giedroyc, digitalizacja Digitization of the resources of the Literary Institute in Paris 151 The Literary Institute was founded in 1946 in Rome. -
POLISH INDEPENDENT PUBLISHING, 1976-1989 a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate Scho
MIGHTIER THAN THE SWORD: POLISH INDEPENDENT PUBLISHING, 1976-1989 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. By Siobhan K. Doucette, M.A. Washington, DC April 11, 2013 Copyright 2013 by Siobhan K. Doucette All Rights Reserved ii MIGHTIER THAN THE SWORD: POLISH INDEPENDENT PUBLISHING, 1976-1989 Siobhan K. Doucette, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Andrzej S. Kamiński, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation analyzes the rapid growth of Polish independent publishing between 1976 and 1989, examining the ways in which publications were produced as well as their content. Widespread, long-lasting independent publishing efforts were first produced by individuals connected to the democratic opposition; particularly those associated with KOR and ROPCiO. Independent publishing expanded dramatically during the Solidarity-era when most publications were linked to Solidarity, Rural Solidarity or NZS. By the mid-1980s, independent publishing obtained new levels of pluralism and diversity as publications were produced through a bevy of independent social milieus across every segment of society. Between 1976 and 1989, thousands of independent titles were produced in Poland. Rather than employing samizdat printing techniques, independent publishers relied on printing machines which allowed for independent publication print-runs in the thousands and even tens of thousands, placing Polish independent publishing on an incomparably greater scale than in any other country in the Communist bloc. By breaking through social atomization and linking up individuals and milieus across class, geographic and political divides, independent publications became the backbone of the opposition; distribution networks provided the organizational structure for the Polish underground. -
TRANSFORMATIONS Comparative Study of Social Transfomtions
TRANSFORMATIONS comparative study of social transfomtions CSST WORKING PAPERS The University of Michigan Ann Arbor CONSTRAINTS ON PROFESSIONAL POWER IN SOVIET-TYPE SOCIETY: INSIGHTS FROM THE SOLIDARITY PERIOD IN POLAND Michael D. Kennedy and Konrad Sadkowski CSST Working CRSO Working Paper #13 Papert371 November 1988 CONSTRAINTS ON PROFESSIONAL POWER IN SOVIET-TYPE SOCIETY: INSIGHTS FROM THE SOLIDARITY PERIOD IN POLAND* Michael D. Kennedy Konrad Sadkowski Department of Sociology Department of History The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1382 December 17, 1987 *Michael Kennedy wishes to acknowledge the support of fellowships from the International Research and Exchanges Board and the Joint Committee on Eastern Europe of the American Council of Learned Societies and Social Science Research Council, both of which facilitated the collection and interpretation of some of the data in this paper. A grant from the Center for Russian and East 'European Studies of the University of Michigan and a Rackham Faculty Research Grant from the University of Michigan also provided research support for this paper. We also wish to thank Andrzej Krajewski and T. Anthony Jones for their helpful comments on this paper. Please direct correspondence to Michael Kennedy. Forthcoming in T. Anthony Jones (ed.), Profess ions in Social ist Societies. Temple University Press. CONSTRAINTS ON PROFESSIONAL POWER IN SOVIET-TYPE SOCIETY: INSIGHTS FROM THE SOLIDARITY PERIOD IN POL AND^ One of the nightmares facing marxism is that socialist revolution might put a force other than a universal proletariat into power. One Polish participant in the Russian Revolution, Waclaw Machajski, thought that the Bolshevik-inspired transformation of society led to the rule of the East European intellectual stratum, the intelligentsia, rather than of the working class. -
THE ROAD from GDANSK: HOW SOLIDARITY FOUND HAVEN in the MARKETPLACE by GARY FIELDS
THE ROAD FROM GDANSK: HOW SOLIDARITY FOUND HAVEN IN THE MARKETPLACE by GARY FIELDS If the purpose of history is to link past and present, then the recently-concluded presidential theatrics in Poland offer a provocative challenge to historical imagination. Buried beneath the reporting on Poland's first contested election in forty-five years lies a story yet to be told by those who would uncover the lineages of the present. The broad outlines are familiar. Two moments in recent history-1980 and 1990- are joined in the person of one individual: the electrician who scaled the walls of the Lenin Shipyard to lead one of history's most dramatic labor uprisings and the politician who has now assumed the right of coronation. But the~historical space between these moments remains a mystery. How did the labor militant of 1980 become the president of 1990, with aspira- tions to govern Poland "like a sheriff'] and enforce what almost overnight became the supreme law of the land, the law of the market? In September 1981, at Solidarity's First National Con- gress in Gdansk, Edward Lipinski of the Workers' Defense Committee (KOR) electrified the delegates and spectators when he declared that the forces opposed to socialism in Poland came not from Solidarity but from the Polish govern- Gary Fields, an urban planner and visiting lecturer in the Department of City Planning at the University of California at Berkeley, attended Solidarity's First Nation- al Congress in Gdansk in 19~1Iand was also in Poland in September 1989 when the Solidarity government came to power. -
What Went Wrong with the Transformation? Social Failures of the New System1 Tadeusz Kowalik
Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociolog y 3:2(6) Autuum 2012 © Warsaw School of Economics; Collegium of Socio-Economics; Department of Economic Sociolog y What Went Wrong with the Transformation? Social Failures of the New System1 Tadeusz Kowalik Abstract Professor Tadeusz Kowalik (1926-2012) was the most outstanding Polish economist of social-de- mocratic convictions in the post-1989 period. In the very first issue of WFES [vol. 1, no 1 (1)] we published his significant paper pertaining to the relation between economy and sociology (‘Is Co- operation of Sociologists and Economists Possible and if so When?’). In the preface to the previous issue [vol. 3, no 1 (5)] we announced an article containing a synthetic presentation of Professor Kowalik’s most essential views on political economy featured in selected works published in his final years. In this issue of WFES we hold our word and deliver the article as promised. 1 The paper is intended as a tribute of the Editorial Board to the memory of Tadeusz Kowalik. The paper aims to summarize Kowalik’s thoughts on transformation in Poland conceived in his ¿ nal years. In particular, a book www.polskatransformacja.pl (published in English as From Solidarity to sellout: the restoration of capitalism in Poland) and a chapter (‘Social features of the new system’) from the book, whose title would translate into English as Economic systems. Effects and Defects of the Reforms and Systemic Changes are hereinafter quoted. Translation and adaptation by Krzysztof Kozáowski, Jan Czarzasty, and Horacy DĊbowski. The subtitles in the paper added by the Editors.