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BACHELOR OF ARTS (HONOURS) IN HISTORY (BAHI)

BHI-07 History of India IV (c.1206-1526)

BLOCK – 1

SULTANATE: POLITICAL STRUCTURES

UNIT-1 SURVEY OF SOURCES: (A) PERSIAN TARIKH TRADITION, (B) VERNACULAR HISTORIES; (C) EPIGRAPHY UNIT-2 CONSOLIDATION OF THE SULTANATE OF DELHI: BALBAN, ALAUDDIN KHALJIS AND MAHAMMAD-BIN TUGHLUQS UNIT-3 THEORIES OF KINGSHIP: THE RULING ELITES: ULEMA, SUFIS AND THE IMPERIAL MONUMENTS

UNIT 1: SURVEY OF SOURCES: (A) PERSIAN TARIKH TRADITION, (B) VERNACULAR HISTORIES, (C) EPIGRAPHY

Structure 1.0 Objectives 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Persian Literatures 1.3 Vernacular Historical Literatures 1.4 Inscriptions 1.5 Let Us Sum Up 1.6 Key Words 1.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

1.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to:

 describe and discuss the varied Persian literary sources for the study of medieval India,  discuss the vernacular literary accounts that throw light on the medieval times and,  explain the various epigraphic sources of medieval India during Delhi Sultanate.

1.1 INTRODUCTION

The unit will introduce us to the varied sources available for the extensive study of the medieval period under Delhi Sultanate. The medieval India is rich with abundant sources left by the natives as well as the foreigners. Besides the invaluable accounts of the native and the foreign travellers, coins and inscriptions have also been featured as they provide a clear glimpse into the different aspects of medieval life. This unit will discuss the various sources that help us to reconstruct the history of medieval India under Delhi Sultanate.

1.2 PERSIAN LITERATURES

The early writings in Persian on the history of Turks who came to India are traceable to 12th Century. As far as Delhi Sultanate is concerned we have a continuity of available texts in Persian till the end of the Sultanate Many of the authors were

1 attached to the court as officials while a few were independent scholars not associated with any official position. In general, the available histories put forward the official version of events, rather than a critical evaluation of the policies and events. It is rare that one comes across any critical reference to the reigning Sultan. Even the style is also generally eulogising or flattering to the Sultan under whose reign it is written. In most cases, the authors borrowed freely from the earlier works to trace the earlier period. We have referred to the constraints faced by various scholars while discussing individual works.

Hasan Nizami

Hasan Nizami wrote Taj-ul-Massir which throws light on the history of the Delhi Sultanate and especially on the reign of Qutbuddin Aibak. It gives the details about the military exploits of Aibak and about the reigns of Iltutmish till 1217 CE.

Minhaj-us-Siraj

The compilation by Minhaj-us-Siraj of his Tabaqat-i Nasiri was epoch making in the history of history-writing. Minhaj-us-Siraj (hereafter mentioned as Minhaj) was also an emigrant scholar from Khorasan. His approach to the history of Islam and Muslim rulers from the early Islamic period up to his own time, the year 1259 CE, seems to have been influenced by his professional training as a jurist and association with the rulers of central Asia and India. He belonged to a family of scholars who were associated with the courts of the Ghurid Sultans of Firozkuh and Ghazna. He himself served under different Ghurid Princes and nobles before his migration to India. In 1227, he came to India and joined the court of Nasiruddin Qubacha. He was appointed the head of the Firuzi Madrassa (government college) in Ucch, the Capital of Sultan Nasiruddin Qubacha. In 1228 CE, he joined the service of Sultan Iltutmish after Qubacha’s power had been destroyed and his territories of Sind and Multan were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate. He served as Qazi (Judicial officer) of Gwalior under Iltutmish. Sultan Razia (1236-40 CE) summoned him to Delhi and appointed him the head of Madrassa-i Nasiri in Delhi. Later on, he rose to the position of the Chief Qazi of the Sultanate during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud.

It was during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud that he decided to write the history of Islam upto his own time. In an attempt to distinguish his work from those of Fakhr-i Mudabbir and Hasan Nizami, Minhaj adopted the Tabaqat System of history-writing. The first two writers had produced their works in unitary form, in which each reign was treated as a unit. In the Tabaqat form, each dynasty of rulers is presented in a separate tabaqa (i.e. section) and was brought to completion in 1259. The sections (tabaqat) twentieth and twenty-first devoted to India, describe the history of the Sultans from Aibak to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah and careers of the leading nobles of Iltutmish respectively. In both the sections he displays his ability to convey critical information on issues.

Isami

The Futuh-us Salatin of Isami is a versified history of the Muslim rulers of India. It begins with the account of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna’s reign (999-1030 CE) and comes to a close with that of the foundation of the Bahmani Sultanate in the Deccan by Alauddin Bahaman Shah, a rebel against Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, in 1350. Though much is not known about the author, yet it may be added that his ancestors served the Delhi court since the time of Sultan Iltutmish. Ziauddin Barani includes one of the Isami family in the list of the leading nobles of Sultan Balban. Isami, himself was brought up by his grandfather, Izuddin Isami, a retired noble. he was still in his teens when his family was forcibly shifted to Daulatabad in 1327 CE. His grandfather died on the way and the young Isami was filled with hatred against Sultan Muhammad Tughluq. The hostility towards Sultan Mohammad Tughluq is quite evident in his account and needs to be treated with caution.

The early part of Isami’s narrative is based on popular legends and oral traditions which had reached to him through the time. His account of the early Sultans of India is also based on popular tales with historical facts available to him through earlier works. But the details of historical events from the reign of Sultan Alauddin Khalji are much more authentic and can be of corroborative and supplementary importance. In this part Isami supplements the information contained in Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi about the siege operations conducted by the military commanders of the Delhi Sultanate in different regions during the Khalji and the Tughluq period. Isami’s description of the foundation of Daulatabad by Muhammad bin Tughluq as the second most important city and his account of socio-economic growth of Delhi under Alauddin Khalji and other cities is graphic and insightful. Barani has precedence on Isami only in his analysis of cause and effect, connected with historical events.

Ziauddin Barani

Barani is, no doubt, the doyen of the Indo-Persian historians of medieval India. Born in an aristocratic family and associated with the royal court of Delhi for generations, he was obviously concerned with the fate of the Delhi Sultanate. He seems to have believed that it was his duty to present through his Tarikh-i Furuzshahi an intellectual composition for the enlightenment of the ruling elite of his times.

Barani’s Tarikh begins with the accession of Sultan Balban to the throne of Delhi in 1266 CE and comes to a close with the account of first six years of Sultan Firuzshah Tughluq’s reign, i.e. the year 1356 CE. Barani’s Tarikh is unique to the Persian history writing tradition prevalent till his times. It is for the first time that he tries to analyse the cause and effect of the events and developments taking place in polity and economy. In his account of the economic policies and measures of Alauddin Khalji he provides an analysis with causes and formulation of the policies and their impacts.

Barani also declares that the job of the historian is not only to eulogise the deeds and good works of the rulers but also to present to readers a critical account of the shortcomings and drawbacks of policies. Moreover, the scope of history is considerably widened by Barani with the inclusion of details about the cultural role performed by intellectuals, scholars, poets, and saints. Barani’s style of history writing inspired the historians of the subsequent period, many of whom tried to follow his ideas.

The rare manuscript copy of the Sirat-i Firuzshahi, available in the Khuda Bakhsh library, Patna, does not contain the name of its author. It reads as an official history of Firoz Shah’s reign up to the years 1370-71 CE. It contains, besides the details of military and hunting expeditions led by Sultan Firozshah, interesting information about religious sects, sufis, ulema, socio-ethical matters, science and technology such as astronomy, medicines, pharmacology, etc. It is really a compendium of many-sided activities, accomplishments and contribution made by the Sultan to the works of public utility. The construction of canals and water reservoirs, the foundation of the new cities with forts and repair of old monuments are described in detail.

Firozshah Tughluq

The Futuhat-i Firuzshahi was originally an inscription fixed on the wall of the Jama Mosque of Firozshah’s capital. Later on, it was copied and preserved in the form of a book. Through this, the Sultan wanted to disseminate to general public about reforms and projects he undertook for public welfare.

Shams Siraj Afif

Shams Siraj Afif, another historian of the period seems to have served the Sultan during the last years of Firozshah’s reign. He tells us that his great grandfather, Malik Shihab Afif worked as revenue officer in the province of Dipalpur under Ghazi Malik during the reign of Alauddin Khalji. His father and uncle supervised the management of Firozshah’s karkhanas. As Chaos and anarchy began to prevail after the death of Firozshah (1388 CE), he seems to have retired and devoted himself to writing the history of the Sultanate from the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq Shah (1320-1324 CE). He refers to many volumes of his works, each devoted to the reigns of the individual Sultans. Of these only one, devoted to the reign of Firozshah has survived the ravages of time. It seems to have been completed after the sack of Delhi by Timur in 1398 CE. This work of his is full of nostalgia and portrays Firozshah as a saintly ruler whose presence on the throne saved Delhi from every calamity. Because of this reason, he has written this volume in the form of manaquib (collection of virtues) like that of the spiritual biography of a saint. The name Tarikh-i Firozshahi has been given to it by the editors of the Text.

Other important Persian works of this period are Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi by Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi in 1434 CE, Maasir-i Mahmudshah by Shihab Hakim, Maasir-i Mahmudshahi by Abdul Husain Tuni, Tarikh-i Muhammadi by Muhammad Bihamad Khani etc.

1.3 VERNACULAR HISTORICAL LITERATURES

The one novelty of Delhi Sultanate in literary field was the beginning of literature in different regional languages of India and the texts are useful for reconstructing the history of this period. Some of the famous works are discussed below.

The Prithviraj Raso is a braj-bhasha epic poem about the life of the 12th century Indian king Prithviraj Chauhan (1166-1192 CE). It is attributed to Chand Bardai, who according to the text was a court poet of the king. According to tradition, the last canto, which narrates the death of Chand Bardai and Prithviraj, is said to have been composed by Chand Bardai's son Jalhan.

Hammira Mahakavya is a 15th century Indian Sanskrit epic poem written by the Jain scholar Nayachandra Suri. It is a legendary biography of the 13th century Chahamana king Hammira. While not entirely accurate from a historical point-of-view, the text provides valuable information about the medieval history of north-western India. Much of the text describes Hammira's ancestry and his conquests of the neighbouring Hindu kingdoms. The last third part describes his conflict with Alauddin Khalji. The text attributes Hammira's defeat against Alauddin to betrayal by his officers. Madalapanji is the temple chronicle of Lord Jagannath of Puri. It describes the historical events of Odisha related to Lord Jagannath or Jagannath Temple. Though the actual date of starting of Panjis is not known, but it is believed that it might be started from 12th or the 14th century CE. The book is a classic and literary master piece of the Oriya language first order, parallel to which very few vernacular of India possess. It can be compared with Rajvansham of Sri Lanka, Rajtarangini of Kashmir or Burunji of Assam. The earliest use of prose can be found in the Madalapanji or the Palm-leaf Chronicles of the Jagannatha temple at Puri, which dating back to the 12th century.

Other important texts are Surjana charita kavya written by Chandrasekhar, it is a valuable source of information of the chauhan ruler, and Rasamala the stories in Bengali verse provide history of muslim rule in Bengal.

1.4 INSCRIPTIONS

Monumental works of the Sultanate period reveal the trend of intermingling of Hindu and Muslim architectural traditions and structural designs throw light on the socio-cultural outlook of the sovereigns and nobles of that age. The three scripts

5 belonging to the early medieval period of South India that have been found are- Grantha, Tamil and Vatteluttu. While the first was used for writing Sanskrit, the other two were used for writing Tamil. Donative records in Tamil have been found in the South. Donative records include the grant of royal land or installation of religious images inscribed on the walls, gateways and railings, in stone or copper plates

Inscriptions manage to capture the historical moments as a record of a specific event. The inscriptions are found in the Mosque/temple walls or columns or a stone slab. The inscriptions of South India throw light on the practice of religious donations. Some scholars believe that the inscriptions often refer to different groups belonging to different background contrary to the textual facts that talk of elite composition in matters of land grants. The inscription mentions the peasants, warriors, their wives, daughters besides the priestly class and the royalty. The inscriptions also reveal much detail about the political and social structure through the religious grants, which can be of great social significance.

Noboru Karasimha used inscriptions specially the stone inscriptions to understand different village communities. Inscriptions help in building a chronological structure of the regional kingdoms, along with deepening our knowledge of the functioning of the religious institutions and role of patronage besides other things.

Epigraphic records have been found in Delhi composed by the merchant families. There is a reference to Palam Baoli inscription of 1276 CE composed by Pandita Yogisvara written in Sanskrit. The Sarban stone inscription in Sanskrit found in Delhi refers to the construction of a well in the Sarban village. The terms "Mlechcha" and "Turuska" were seen to be used in the inscription.

The Muslim inscriptions generally state the name of the builder, and the details of the building along with the name of the reigning king under whose patronage or protection the building was constructed. Nevertheless, the importance of these inscriptions has to be recognized as they provide us the missing links in the reconstruction of the succession lists of public officials and families, although their use in the linking up of historical events is very limited. While inscriptions serve as a primary source and are durable, they alone cannot provide a whole picture of an event and hence need to be supplemented or corroborated by textual data and facts. Muslim inscriptions of this period have been published in the Epigraphia Indo- Moslemica (1907-38), Epigraphia Indica and other antiquarian journals.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Write a note on important Persian literature of Sultanate period......

......

2) Discuss the vernacular literatures which throw light on history of Sultanate period.

......

1.5 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we have traced different sources of the Sultanate period. We have discussed different Persian literatures, literatures written in local or vernacular language, and epigraphic records. However, all these sources have their own limitation and sometime contrary to each other therefore we have to be very careful while taking into account all these sources for studying the Sultanate period.

1.6 KEY WORDS

Indigenous : Belonging to or native to a particular land in a region.

Tabaqa : Section

Manaquib : Collection of virtues

1.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Sub. 1.2

2) See Sub. 1.3

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Barani, Ziauddin, (2015), Tarikh- Firoz Shahi, eng. tr. Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli (New Delhi: Primus Books). 2. Chattopadhyaya, D.P. (2011). History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization in Vol III, Part I, Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500. Delhi. India: Pearson Longman.

3. Maiti, P., and Saha, P.K. (2000). Medieval India (1206 A.D.-1707 A.D.). Calcutta, India: Sreedhar Publishers. 4. Mehta, J.L. (1986). Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India, Vol-I and III. New Delhi: Sterling Publisher Pvt. Ltd. 5. Naqvi, Hamida Khatoon, (1986) Agricultural, Industrial and Urban Dynamics under the Delhi Sultans – 1206-1555 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers). 6. Salma, A. F. (2011). A Comprehensive History of Medieval India: From the twelfth to the Mid-Eighteenth Century. Delhi, India: Dorling Kindersley (India) Pvt. Ltd. 7. Siddiqui, I.H., (2011, reprint) Delhi Sultanate: Urbanization and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books). 8. Singh, V. (2009). Interpreting Medieval India Vol. I. Early Medieval Delhi Sultanate and Regions (circa 750-1550). New Delhi, India: MacMillan. 9. Verma, H.C., (1986) Dynamics of Urban Life in Pre-Mughal India (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal).

UNIT 2 : CONSOLIDATION OF THE SULTANATE OF DELHI: BALBAN, ALAUDDIN KHALJIS AND MAHAMMAD-BIN TUGHLUQS.

Structure 2.0 Objectives 2.1 Introduction 2.2 India from 7th to 12th Century: An Overview 2.3 Initial Conquests up to Circa 1190 CE 2.4 The Ghorian Invasions 1192-1206 2.5 Conflict and Consolidationbetween 1206-1266 2.6 Consolidation under Balban (1266-1287) 2.7 Consolidation under Alauddin Khaljis (1296-1316) 2.7.1 West and Central India 2.7.2 North-West and North India 2.7.3 Deccan and Southward Exploration 2.8 Consolidation under Mahammad-bin Tughluqs (1325-1351) 2.8.1 The South 2.8.2 East India 2.8.3 North-West and North

2.9 Let Us Sum Up 2.10 Key Words 2.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

2.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will be able to know about:  the political and socio-economic condition of India during the centuries preceding the Turkish conquest,  the stages in which Northern India was conquered, and  consolidation of Delhi Sultanate under Balban, Alauddin Khaljis and Mahammad-bin Tughluqs

2.1 INTRODUCTION

The most important problem of the Sultanate in its early stages, and even later, was to consolidate the conquered territories. The initial surge of occupation under the early Turkish Sultans died down about the middle of the thirteenth century. Now the

9 primary objective, of the later Sultans becomes the consolidation of the Sultanate. Thus, in this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading to the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate at the beginning of the 13th century, and consolidation of Delhi Sultanate under Balban, Alauddin Khaljis and Mahammad- bin Tughluqs.

2.2 INDIA FROM 7TH TO 12TH CENTURY: AN OVERVIEW

The five centuries or so preceding the Turkish invasions have been described by Indian historians as 'feudal'. Though the use of this concept in characterising the era has been subjected to some criticism, the political and socio-economic realities of India during this time answer to many of the general, and some of the specific, features of feudalism. The central essential feature of feudalism in India (as in other parts of the world where it came into vogue) was the grant of land by the king among his officers and certain sections of society. In return, the grantees (or feudatories, vassals) were under obligation to serve the king and supply him with men and materials whenever he called for them. A portion of the revenue collected by the feudatory went to the king by way of annual tribute. The remainder was used by them to maintain armed levies which were put at the disposal of the king in times of war. The more powerful feudatories were permitted to grant land, in turn, thus creating their own sub-feudatories and in the process giving birth to a hierarchy of commands and obligation. In India, the feudatories came to adopt various titles. The more important ones called themselves mahasamantas, mahamandaleshvara, etc. The lesser ones took the titles of raja, ranaka, samanta, thakura, bhoghika, etc. The origins of this system-the alienation of rights over land by the king-have been traced back to the land grants made to Brahmans from the 2nd century onwards. These Brahmans, who were the beneficiaries of these grants not only collected the land tax, but also looked to the maintenance of law and order. From the 7th century onwards, the practice was extended to other sections of society also. In particular, the officers of the king were granted land in lieu of cash salaries, with time there was a tendency for these grants to become hereditary, leading to the disappearance of the distinction between royal officials and 'feudatories', hereditary feudatories being appointed to royal offices, and officials being granted the titles and, presumably, the privileges of feudatories. From 7th century the ruling class was inevitably ruralised. The tendency reinforced an environment in which urban life had steadily declined (since the Mauryas) along with commerce as witnessed by the extreme paucity of coins for the period under consideration. In such conditions, the officials and aristocracies lived off the land'. Dislocation of centralised political power, the appearance of landed magnates and crystallisation of warrior castes, notably the Rajputs, Were the natural fallout of this environment.

2.3 INITIAL CONQUESTS UP TO CIRCA 1190 CE

The period between the 9th and 11th century saw the emergence of 'warrior castes'-- military ruling clans which ultimately coalesced into a single caste, that of the Rajputs, the term being derived from the Sanskrit word rajaputra. The four Rajput clans that claimed a special status during his time were the Pratiharas, the Chalukyas, the Chauhans (also called Chahamanas), and the Solankis.

In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni were the actual precursors of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in 1000 CE, when the Shahiya king. Jaypala was routed, the incursions became almost an annual feature of Mahmud and came to an end only with his death in 1030 CE. After taking Multan, he occupied Punjab. Later, Mahmud made incursions into the Ganga-Yamuna doab. The major interest of Mahmud in India was its fabulous wealth, vast quantities of which (in the form of cash, jewellery, and golden images) had been deposited in temples. From 1010 to 1026 CE, the invasions were thus directed to the temple-towns of Thaneswar, Mathura, Kannauj and, finally Somnath. The ultimate result was the breakdown of Indian resistance, paving the way for Turkish conquests in the future. More importantly, the aftermath of the campaigns had exposed the inadequacy of Indian politics to offer a unit4 defence against external threats.

Within a short time of Mahmud's death, his empire met the fate of other empires. Newly emerging centre of powers, formed around growing clusters of Turkish soldier adventurers, replaced the older ones. The Ghaznavid possessions in Khurasan and Transoxiana were thus annexed, first by the Seljuqs, and later by the Khwarizm Shah. In their own homeland, Afghanistan, their hegemony was brought to an end by the principality of Ghor under the Shansabani dynasty. However, in the midst of these buffeting, the Ghaznavid rule survived in Punjab and Sind till about 1175 CE.

The extent of the Ghaznavid territory in the north-west India is difficult to ascertain. Towards the north, it included Sialkot and probably, Peshawar. The southern limits war steadily pushed back by the Chauhan Rajputs who re-established control over portions of Punjab.

In the initial phase of invasions, Muhammad Ghori's military objective was to gain control over Punjab and Sind. Unlike earlier invaders, he decided to enter the Indus plains through the Gomal pass and not through the more common Khyber pass further north. By 1179 CE, Peshawar, Uchh and Multan were seized. Later, Lahore was attacked. Muhammad Ghori now pressed his conquests further into India. Within a short time, military operations cam6 to be directed against the Rajput kingdoms controlling the Gangetic plains. The Chauhans faced the most acute pressure as they ruled the territory from Ajmer to Delhi-the gateway to Hindustan. Bhatinda was besieged in 1191. The garrison quickly surrendered, but the Chauhans, under Prithviraj, speedily retrieved it after inflicting a humiliating defeat on the Ghorians. In the following year, Muhammad Ghori returned with a larger force. At

11 the famous battle of Tarain, fought in 1192 CE, he conclusively defeated the Chauhans. All places of military importance-Hansi, Kuhram, Sarsuti were immediately occupied and garrisoned. Muhammad Ghori returned to his projects in Central Asia, leaving behind 'an occupation army at Indraprasth (near Delhi) under the command of Qutbuddin Aibak'. The latter was given wide powers to extend and consolidate the conquests.

Check Your Progress 1 1) What were Mahmud Ghazni's main objectives for invading India? ...... 2) Briefly mention the initial conquests of Muhammad Ghori in India......

2.4 THE GHORIAN INVASIONS 1192-1206

The battle of Tarain proved to be a watershed in the history of India. It paved the way for the ascendancy of the Turks. From this date onwards, the Rajput power entered the phase of irreversible decay. For some time to come, the Ghorians did not think it convenient to immediately take over the administration of all the conquered territories. Wherever it seemed feasible, they allowed the Rajputs to continue, provided Turkish suzerainty was acknowledged. Thus Ajmer, for instance, was allowed to be retained by Prithviraj's son as a vassal ruler. This uneasy balance, however, was often disturbed by the recurrent conflicts between the imperial designs of the Ghorians and local rulers.

Under Aibak's leadership, the Turks continued to make territorial advance in all directions. After having refortified Hansi towards the end of 1192 CE, Aibak crossed the Yamuna to establish a military base in the upper Doab, Meerut and Baran (modem Bulandshahr) capitulated in 1192 CE. In 1193 CE Delhi was occupied. Its location and historical tradition made it most suitable as a capital for Turkish power in India. It was both close to the Ghorid stronghold in Punjab as well as conveniently placed for sending expeditions towards the east. In 1194 CE Aibak crossed the Yamuna for the second time and captured Kol (Aligarh).

The above military successes encouraged Muhammad Ghori to confront king Jayachandra of the Gahadavala dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar (between Etah and Kanpur). Jayachandra, eventually lost. Afterwards, Turkish military stations were placed at Bharas, Asni and other important towns. However, the capital city of Kannauj could not be occupied until 1198-99 CE.

The other important areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend their sway were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-96 CE, and Badaun in 1197-98 CE. The opening of the 13th century saw action against the 'last surviving imperial Rajputs'-the Chandellas of Bundekhand. Around 1202 CE, Kalinjar, Mahoba and Khajuraho were occupied and grouped into a military division.

From 1203 CE onwards, the Turks made forays into the eastern provinces of the Indian subcontinent with varying degrees of success. Magadha was conquered for the 'Sultanate' by Bakhtiyar Khalji and his tribesmen. Under him, the Turkish intrusions could also penetrate Bengal (ruled by the Lakshmanas).

In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their hegemony over a very considerable part of Northern India. But, as yet, they stood on shaky ground. Areas once conquered tended to slip out of control. It took several decades before their control found firm ground.

2.5 CONFLICT AND CONSOLIDATION BETWEEN 1206-1266

The period from 1206 to 1290 CE constitutes the formative and the most challenging period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged, multi- cornered conflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed Rajput resurgence.

Muhammad Ghori's sudden death in 1206 CE resulted in a tussle for supremacy among his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz, Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already been deputed as the 'viceroy' of Muhammad Ghori and the overall commander of the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title of sultan was conferred upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back to this event. Subsequent, developments made this a reality.

Early in his brief reign of four years, Aibak (1210 CE) moved his capital to Lahore in order to frustrate Yalduz's ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm Shah steadily advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz's attempt to establish himself in India.

Aibak was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the Turks had slipped

13 out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had 'withheld tribute and repudiated allegiance'. Iltutmish's quarter century reign (1210-1236 CE) was distinguished by a concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate's authority on areas that had been lost. In 1215 CE, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 CE Iltutmish wrested the province of wore from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor.

Within three years of this event, the Mongols, under Chengiz Khan's leadership, appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalduddin Mangbarni (the son of the Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab. The Mongols remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans.

While the Mongol presence had upset Iltutrnish's plan of consolidation on the north- west, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh and faced the brunt of Mangbarni's invasion. As a consequence, lltutmish was able to seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. About 1228 CE, he launched a two-pronged attack on Multan and Uchh. Defeated, Qubacha drowned himself in the Indus. Unified control over the north-west now became possible for the Delhi Sultanate. In Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana and Thangir. After 1225 CE, Iltutmish could turn towards the east. Apart from sporadic military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and Bihar continued to evade the authority of the Sultanate. A modern historian assesses the Sultan's achievement as follows:

"to him the Sultanate owed the first outline of its administrative system. He laid the foundations of an absolutist monarchy that was to serve later as the instrument of a military imperialism under the Khaljis. Aibak outlined the Delhi Sultanate and its sovereign status; litutmish was unquestionably its first king."

Territory of Slave Dynasty

Iltutmish's death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks. In a period of some thirty years, four rulers, (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied the throne. The most prominent group to decide the course of high politics during these years is identified as the turkan-i chihilgani bandagan Shamsi (the 'forty' Turkish slave "officers" of Iltutmish). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauddin Barani, has left behind concise and insightful account of these critical years:

"During the reign of Shamsuddin - (Iltutmish),.... owing to the presence of peerless maliks, wazirs....educated, wise and capable, the court of the Sultan (Shamsuddin) had become stable.... But after the death of the Sultan.... his 'forty' Turkish slaves got the upper hand.... So owing to the supremacy of the Turkish slave officers, all these men of noble birth.... were destroyed under various pretexts during the reigns of the successors of Shamsuddin...."

In the main, Barani's account is borne out by contemporary developments. Between 1235-1266 CE political developments revolved round a conflict between the crown and a military aristocracy determined to retain its privileged position with the balance often increasingly tilting in favour of the latter.

In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question. Political instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs and local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around Punjab.

2.6 CONSOLIDATION UNDER BALBAN (1266-1287)

Balban was undoubtedly one of the main architects of the Delhi Sultanate, particularly of its form of government and institutions. He asserted and enhanced the power of the monarchy. The accession of Balban in 1266 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler. Balban addressed himself to two major objectives: i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaborate court ceremonials, and inculcation of Sassanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary folks, converting him into a symbol of awe; (ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions were put down with determination and administrative procedures were streamlined. According to Balban, the Sultan was God’s shadow on earth (Zil-i-Ilahi) and the recipient of divine grace (Nibyabat-i-Khudai). He ruled in an autocratic manner and worked hard to elevate the position of the Sultan.

Balban’s experience as the regent made him understand the problems of Delhi Sultanate. He knew that the real threat to the monarchy was from the nobles called the Forty. He was convinced that only by enhancing the power and authority of the monarchy he could solve this problem. He killed every member of Iltutmish’s family and gave a deadly blow to Chahalgani.

Balban introduced rigorous court discipline and new customs such as sijada (prostration) and paibos (kissing the Sultan’s feet) to prove his superiority over the nobles. In order to impress the people with the strength and awe of his government, Balban maintained a magnificent court and also introduced the Persian festival of Nauroz. He refused to laugh and joke in the court, and even gave up drinking wine so that no one may see him in a non-serious mood. He spared only the most obedient nobles and eliminated all others by fair or foul means. Haybat Khan, the governor of Oudh, was punished for killing a man who was drunk. Sher Khan, the governor of Bhatinda, was poisoned. He was deeply racist and excluded non-Turks from administration. He stood forth as the champion of Turkish nobility. Indian Muslims were not given important posts in the government. He appointed spies to monitor the activities of the nobles.

When Balban became the Sultan, his position was not secure. Many Turkish chiefs were hostile to him, the Mongols were looking forward for an opportunity to attack the Sultanate, the governors of the distant provinces were trying to become independent rulers while Indian rulers were also ready to revolt at the smallest opportunity. The law and order situation in the area around Delhi and in the Doab region had deteriorated. In the Ganga–Yamuna doab and Awadh, the roads were infested with the robbers and dacoits, because of which the communication with the eastern areas had become difficult. Some of the Rajput zamindars had set up forts in the area, and defied the government. The Mewatis had become as bold as to plunder people up to the outskirts of Delhi.

To deal with these elements, Balban adopted a stern policy. He organised a strong centralised army, both to deal with internal disturbances, and to repel the Mongols who had entrenched themselves in the Punjab and posed a serious threat to the Delhi Sultanate. He separated the Diwan-i-unzarat (Finance Department) from the Diwan- i-Arz (Military Department). He reorganised the Diwan-i-Arz and deployed the army in different parts of the country to put down rebellion. The disturbances in Mewat, Doab, Awadh, and Katihar were ruthlessly suppressed. Balban also secured control over Ajmer and Nagaur in eastern Rajputana, but his attempts to capture Ranthambore and Gwalior failed. Instead of expanding his kingdom, Balban paid more attention to the restoration of law and order. Balban took severe action against the Mewatis and prevented such robberies. Robbers were mercilessly pursued and put to death. As a result, the roads became safe for travel.

In 1279 CE, encouraged by the Mongol threats and the old age of the Sultan, the governor of Bengal, Tughril Beg, revolted, assumed the title of Sultan and had the khutba read in his name. Balban sent his forces to Bengal and had Tughril beheaded. Subsequently he appointed his own son Bughra Khan as the governor of Bengal. By all these harsh methods, Balban controlled the situation. He called himself Nasir- amir-ul-momin (Caliph’s right hand man) and instructed the ulemas to confine themselves to religious affairs and not to interfere in political activities. He

16 administered justice with extreme impartiality. For instance, Malik Baqbaq, the governor of Badaun, was publicly flogged for his cruelty towards his servants.

Followed the policy of Blood and Iron, Balban developed an efficient spy system and kept himself well-informed by appointing spies in every department. He strengthened frontiers against the Mongols but even he could not fully defend northern India against the attacks of the Mongols. Moreover, by excluding the non- Turkish from positions of power and authority and by trusting only a very narrow racial group, he made many people dissatisfied.

However, in the north-west, the Mongols reappeared and Balban sent his son, Prince Mahmud, against them. But the prince (Khan-i-Shahid) was killed in the battle and his death was a smashing blow to Balban. He died in 1287 CE.

2.7 CONSOLIDATION UNDER ALAUDDIN KHALJIS (1296- 1316)

The first of the Khalji Sultansi Jalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to undertake any large-scale expansionist programme. His six years reign was gripped by the internal contradiction of having to reconcile between the policies of the Sultan and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of problem came in the unfortunate assassination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin and successor, had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century.

2.7.1 West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at Delhi, undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299 CE. This also happened to be the first project of territorial expansion under him. Possibly Alauddin was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade had always lured invaders.

The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of Alauddin's best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey-the province was plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.

In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was that of Malwa in 1305 CE, It was an extensive region and was governed from the capital Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful minister Koka Pradhan. The imperial army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually succeed and the fort of Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa, after its fall, was given for administration to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought Ujjain, Dhar and Chanderi, too, under his control.

Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin's army had been besieging Siwana for five or six years beginning 1304-05 CE without much success. The fort was finally captured in 1309 CE. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and the territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg. In the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Kamaluddin Gurg.

Territory of Khalji Dynasty

2.7.2 North-West and North India Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the prospects of revolt by the surviving member of Jalaluddin's family who had fled to Multan. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job of eliminating Arkali Khan at Multarl. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Delhi. Multan once again came under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan expedition was not an act of territorial expansion but formed part of the policy of consolidation.

In 1300 CE, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai Hamir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take the command of the campaign. The siege lasted for over six months. Ultimately, the women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort were opened by Hamir Dev who died fighting.

In pursuance of the same policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor in 1303. After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of surrender to the Sultan on his own. The heir apparent Khizr Khan was assigned the governorship of the territory. But soon the fort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the sister of the earlier ruler of Chittor, who remained loyal to Delhi till the end of Alauddin's reign. By the end of the first decade of Alauddin's rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate had expanded to cover almost the whole of north, west and central India.

2.7.3 Deccan and Southward Exploration

Devagiri in the Deccan had already tasted Alauddin's plunder in 1296 CE during his tenure as the governor of Kara. The next military campaign in the Deccan was planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Devagiri in 1306-7 CE. An immediate cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the mud tribute to Delhi in 1296 CE.

The command of the Deccan campaign was given to Malik Kafur, and directions were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only a feeble resistance was provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the imperial army under the assurance of personal safety. His, son, however fled with a part of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan and restored to the throne of Devagiri in return for the assurance of regular and prompt payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan. The Rai also gave his daughter in Furriage to the Sult4n. It appears that Alauddin's policy was not to annex Devagiri but main it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the kingdom.

Malik Kafur's careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan's confidence in his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with the responsibility to make forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition of wealth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have been the prime motive in sending these expeditions. Accordingly, in October 1309 be imperial army began its southward march under the command of Malik Kafur. Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Kharzain-ul Futuh. Enroute a surprise assault was made by Malik Kafur on the fort at Sirpur (in Adilabad District). The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal and the fort was captured by the Imperial army.

By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of Warangal.

On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai Rudra Dev decided to surrender. He agreed to part with his treasures and pay an annual tribute as token of submission.

Warangal was a spectacular success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of 20,000 horses, 100 elephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious stones Men on thousand camels. The province was not territorially annexed but accorded the status of a protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning of June 1310 CE. Sultan's avarice now knew no bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the north of the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military campaign in the far south.

The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal. Malik Kafur was once again commanding imperial army and was instructed to capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones. The Port was besieged in February 1311 CE and the very next day a message seeking peace came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the terms included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute.

Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kapur decided to move further south. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma'bar in a little less than a month's time reached-Madura, the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already led. The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur. There were 512 elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.

Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns were aimed at achieving two basic objectives: (i) a formal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these regions, and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life. His policy of not annexing the conquered territories but accepting the acknowledgement of the Sultan's suzerainty speaks of Alauddin's political sagacity.

Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur's return from Ma'bar, developments in the Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dev, the ruler of Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 CE and was succeeded by his son Bhillama. Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of Delhi and declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to suppress the rebellion and instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik Kafur was soon called back and asked to handover charge of the province of Ainul Mulk. In January 1316 CE, after Alauddin's death, even Ainul Mulk was called back to Delhi, leaving the affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji, the successor of Alauddin, wanted to march to Devagiri soon after his accession, but was advised by his nobles to take some more time so as to consolidate his position in Delhi. In the second year

20 of his reign in April 1317 CE, Mubarak started for the campaign. The march was uneventful. Devagiri offered no resistance, and the Maratha chiefs submitted before the Sultan. The province was annexed to the Sultanate.

2.8 CONSOLIDATION UNDER MAHAMMAD-BIN TUGHLUQS (1325-1351)

2.8.1 The South

The political condition in the Deccan was not assuring in any way. The acceptance of Alauddin's suzerainty and the promise of loyalty by the ruler of the South was only nominal Fresh military expeditions were certainly needed for the reinforcement of imperial authority in Devagiri and Telingana. Devagiri, had been annexed to the sultanate by Mubarak Khalji. But the southern states beyond Devagiri had completely overthrown whatever little semblance of imperial authority remained there. The Telingana, therefore, claimed Ghiyasuddin's immediate: attention.

In 1321 CE, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) started for the south with a large army. Without much resistance in the way he reached Warangal. After two sieges, each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to surrender. But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the fort was occupied, plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made a prisoner and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under direct imperial administration.

In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma'bar to submission and set up direct imperial administration there. The region of Telingana was thus made a part of the Delhi Sultanate and divided into several administrative units. The local talent was abundantly employed in the administration and acts of vandalism against the vanquished were forbidden.

2.8.2 East India

The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars in the South. Bhanudeva-II, the ruler of Jajnagar in Odisha, had given support to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter. Ulugh Khan, therefore, after leaving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324 CE, Marched against Jajnagar. A fierce battle took place in which victory sided with Ulugh Khan. He plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar was annexed and made a part of the Sultanate.

Bengal was another kingdom in the east which had always been a hotbed of sedition. Its governors would not miss any opportunity of asserting independence. In 1323-24 CE a fratricidal quarrel brae out in Lakhnauti after the death of Feroz Shah, the ruler of this independent principality. Some nobles from Lakhnauti came to Ghiyasuddin for help who responded and decided to march to Bengal in person. After reaching

Tirhut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed Bahram Khan with a host of other officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces confronted each other near Lakhnauti. In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi easily pushed back Bengal army and pursued them for some distance. One of the warring groups led by Nasiruddin was conferred a tributary status at Lakhnauti.

2.8.3 North-West and North

The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi when Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the throne in 1320 CE. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to the heartland. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself first to the task of restoring the exchequer and the administration. But soon after that came the question of restoring prestige and authority in the outlying parts of the empire.

Since Alauddin's expedition to Multan north-western frontier of the Sultanate had remained fixed. Subsequent Sultans were mostly occupied with the affairs of the South and Gujarat. It was after Muhammad Tughluq acceded to the throne that attention was paid to the north-west frontier. Soon after his accession, Muhammad Tughluq led campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was a sequel to the invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 CE and was aimed at securing north-western frontier of the Sultanate against future Mongol attacks. On his way to Kalanaur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to march and conquer Kalanaur and Peshawar. The task seems to have been accomplished without much difficulty. The Sultan settled the administrative arrangement of the newly conquered regions and marched back to Delhi.

Sometime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq planned the conquest of the Qarachil region identified as the modem Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh. It formed part of the plan to fortify north and north-west frontier. For this purpose, he enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and was then instructed to return. But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the instruction and marched ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned to tell the tale of the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous waste of resources and erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughluq.

A little before Qarachil expedition, Muhammad Tughluq had launched an ambitious project of bringing Khurasan under submission. A large army of soldiers numbering about 3,70,000 was recruited for this purpose and the soldiers were paid a year's salary in advance. Large sum was also invested in the purchase of costly equipments

22 for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as an unrealistic scheme and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial loss. The authority of the Sultan also suffered a serious setback and a series of rebellions followed that hollowed the most extensive of the empire of Delhi Sultanate

Empire of Muhammad Bin Tuglaq (1321-1351 CE)

Check Your Progress 2

1) Explain Alauddin's policy with regard to the kingdoms in the Deccan and far south.

......

2) Why was Qarachil expedition a disaster?

......

2.9 LET US SUM UP

This Unit began with the description of India political scenario on the eve of Turkish invasion. India was not a unified political unit but divided into number of small states ruled by kings and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad Ghori tried to subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhau at the battle of Tarain. This laid the foundation of the Turkish rule in India. Following this for nearly a half century all efforts of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards consolidating early territorial gains by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base of the Sultanate. The next phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the opening of the fourteenth century under the Khaljis and Tughluqs.

2.10 KEY WORDS

Avarice : Greed for wealth Booty : Things captured from an enemy in war Buffetings : Shocks Forays : Sudden attacks Horseshoe : Horse were nailed to protect their hoofs Jauhar : The practice of committing mass self-immolation by women in case of imminent defeat at the hand of enemy followed in some Indian kingdom Vandalism : Destruction of public and private property 2.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1 1) See Section 2.3 2) See Section 2.3 Check Your Progress 2 1) See Section 2.7.3 2) See Section 2.8.3

SUGGESTED READINGS

10. Barani, Ziauddin, (2015), Tarikh- Firoz Shahi, eng. tr. Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli (New Delhi: Primus Books). 11. Chattopadhyaya, D.P. (2011). History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization in Vol III, Part I, Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500. Delhi. India: Pearson Longman. 12. Maiti, P., and Saha, P.K. (2000). Medieval India (1206 A.D.-1707 A.D.). Calcutta, India: Sreedhar Publishers.

13. Mehta, J.L. (1986). Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India, Vol-I (1000-1526). New Delhi: Sterling Publisher Pvt. Ltd. 14. Naqvi, Hamida Khatoon, (1986) Agricultural, Industrial and Urban Dynamics under the Delhi Sultans – 1206-1555 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers). 15. Salma, A. F. (2011). A Comprehensive History of Medieval India: From the twelfth to the Mid-Eighteenth Century. Delhi, India: Dorling Kindersley (India) Pvt. Ltd. 16. Siddiqui, I.H., (2011, reprint) Delhi Sultanate: Urbanization and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books). 17. Singh, V. (2009). Interpreting Medieval India Vol. I. Early Medieval Delhi Sultanate and Regions (circa 750-1550). New Delhi, India: MacMillan. 18. Verma, H.C., (1986) Dynamics of Urban Life in Pre-Mughal India (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal).

UNIT 3 : THEORIES OF KINGSHIP: THE RULING ELITES: ULEMA, SUFIS AND THE IMPERIAL MONUMENTS

Structure 3.0 Objectives 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Nobility 3.3 Ulema in the Political and Socio-Religious Realm 3.4 Sufis 3.5 Imperial Monuments 3.6 Let Us Sum Up 3.7 Key Words 3.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 3.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to know about;  the changing nature of kingship under different Sultanate rulers,  role of nobles, Ulemas, and Sufis in the state affairs, and  imperial monuments constructed during Delhi Sultanate.

3.1 INTRODUCTION

The ideal of kingship in the Delhi sultanate was derived from the Islamic world whereby the rulers claimed divine origin for themselves. The ruler was the representative of god, thus he was to be obeyed and respected due to divine origin of kingship. During the reign of Iltutmish, the position of the sultan was not considered much higher than that of an exalted noble. He treated the great Turkish nobles as his equals and professed his shyness to sit on the throne. However, Balban was fully aware of its dangerous implications. He had, therefore, to place the monarchy at a higher level than the nobility. He proclaimed himself as the vice-regent and the shadow of god on earth. He believed that the king’s heart is the mirror of divine attributes.

The same idea was followed by Alauddin Khalji also. He also dreamt himself to be another prophet but his advisors brought him back to reality. Nevertheless, he assumed the title of Sikander-i-sani (the second Alexander) and kept away Ulema from his decision making periphery.

However, this trend was softened by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, who was soft on Ulema and extremely social with nobles. The same was reversed by Firuz shah, who strictly worked in guidance of Ulema and weakened the monarchy. Under Lodis, kingship assumed the racial basis. They believed in superiority of their races and this lowered the dignity of the Sultans. The sultan was a despot and bound by no law. He was not subject to any ministerial or other checks. The people had no rights but only obligations. Only two pressure groups existed with varying impacts in various times viz. nobility and Ulema.

3.2 NOBILITY

Qutbuddin ascended the throne without any conflict since the Muizzi (Muizuddin Ghori, The Ghorid ruler) nobles accepted him as their superior and offered their loyalty to him. Iltutmish’s accession to the throne of Delhi constituted an important landmark in the growth of Turkish nobility in India. This reflected the power of the nobles to select their leaders through armed strength. Now heredity and nomination the principles of sovereignty and leadership were relegated to the background. Nobles in Delhi acquired prominence in selecting the ruler and Delhi became the hub of political activity of Turkish rule. Iltutmish is credited with the establishment of a sovereign Turkish state in India and the nobility in his time consisted of efficient administrators who though slaves were imbued with merit and ability. After Iltutmish the hereditary principle again resurfaced with the accession of Ruknuddin Firoz, Raziya and Bahram Shah. During this phase the tussle between the Turkish and Tajik (Arab and Persians) nobles became intense. After Iltutmish’s death (1235) till the accession of Balban (1269), the Chihalgani slaves (group of 40 nobles of which Balban was also a part) decided the succession issue. Balban tried to restore the supremacy of the crown by crushing the power of the Turkish nobility. Balban’s accession demonstrated that the hereditary principle was no longer relevant. Both Qutbuddin and Iltutmish considered the nobles at par with themselves. Balban made a major departure. He maintained a distance from the nobility and believed in divine theory of kingship. He traced his ancestry to the mythical king Afrasiyab of Ajam (non-Arab lands). Balban tried to weaken the power of the Shamsi (Shamsuddin Iltulmish) nobles. The accession of Jalaluddin Khalji (1290) to the throne established that heredity was not always the basis of the sovereignty and kingship. Ability and force were also important factors in the succession to the throne.

During the rule of Khaljis and Tughlaqs the doors of nobility were opened to people of diverse backgrounds and it was no more the preserve of the Turks only. According to M. Habib “During the period of slave kings membership of the higher bureaucracy was dangerous for an Indian Musalman and impossible for a Hindu. But the Khilji revolution seems to have brought about a change. Amir Khusrau in his Khazainul Futuh tells us that Sultan Alauddin sent an army of thirty thousand horsemen under a Hindu officer, Malik Naik, the Akhur-bek Maisarah, against the Mongols, Alibeg, Tartaq and Targhi. The position of low-born men (whether Hindus

27 or Muslims) in the government of Mohammad bin Tughlaq was the natural culmination of a process covering a century and a half.” Barani criticises Mohammadbin Tughlaq and says “…. He assigned the Diwan-i-Wizarat (Ministry of Revenue) to Pera Mali (the Gardner), the lowest of the low born and mean born men of the Hind and Sind and placed him over the heads of maliks, amirs, walis and governors (maqta‘s)”. During the Lodi period except for the reigns of Sikandar Lodi and Ibrahim Lodi, tribal concept of equality of the Afghans determined the official attitude towards the nobility.

3.3 ULEMA IN THE POLITICAL AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS REALM

But before proceeding to study the various administrative offices and institutions at work in the Delhi Sultanate, it is important to understand that bureaucratic administration was only one important way in which the centre made its authority and presence felt in the larger political realm. An institutional feature of the political discourse of the Delhi Sultanate was the presence of the Ulema [theologians] both at the court, and in the provinces through the offices of the Qazi and officials manning the educational institutions.

There has been a lot of debate amongst historians about the nature of the state in the Delhi Sultanate. It seems reasonable to assume in the light of the available evidence that politics and religion functioned in separate areas despite appearing to complement one another. The Ulema as a group consisted of persons who performed the role of the preachers and guardians of Islamic religion, and [at least in the initial stages of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate] most of the them had come from outside the subcontinent. Traditionally, they were committed to upholding the Islamic religious order, and thus acted as socio-moral censors for the Muslim community at large. The Ulema rose as a powerful political faction and on account of the high judicial positions held by them they could sway the king and the nobility in their favour. They held important positions in the administrative system particularly in the judiciary. Prof. Habib points out “…Under these conditions wise kings adopted a policy of compromise and moderation. They paid lip homage to the Shari’ at and admitted their sinfulness if they were unable to enforce any of its provisions; they kept the state controlled mullahs disciplined and satisfied; over the whole field of administration concerning which the Shari’ at is silent or nearly silent, they made their own laws; if the traditional customs of the people were against the Shari’ at, they allowed them to override the Shari’ at under the designation of Urf. Thus state laws called Zawabit grew under the protection of the monarchy. If these laws violated the Shari’ at the principle of necessity or of istihasan (the public good) could be quoted in their favour. And the back of the shari’ at was broken for the primary reason that it had provided no means for its own development”.

At the centre, the Ulema functioned as the religious benchmark of the political empire — apart from acting as judges (mostly in civil cases), alims were sometimes

28 appointed as principals of madrasas (educational institutions) such as Minhajuddin Siraj, the author of the Tabaqat-i Nasiri, who was appointed to head the Nasiriyya Madrasa in Delhi. Through these formal and informal channels, the primary aim of the Ulema was to spread the religious Word, and uphold the Islamic religio-moral order as far as was possible. This was often a contentious issue since the Sultan’s ultimate objective was never the glorification of Islam but the success of the political life of the Sultanate. Given the fact that the majority of the subject population was non-Muslim, the sultan was more keen to act in a politically tactful way rather than solely uphold the banner of religion.

This brought the interests of the Ulema and the sultan in direct clash on frequent occasions, and the reign of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq is particularly significant in this regard. Muhammad bin Tughluq had appointed a number of non-Muslims in royal service since they were meritorious, and alims like and Ziauddin Barani strongly condemned it in their writings. Fakhr-i-Mudabbir’s Adabu’l Harb Was’h Shujaa’t written in the honour of Sultan Iltutmish also lays emphasis on the noble birth of state officials. Mohammad Tuqhlaq's policies show that the upholding of religious ideals was not always the priority of the Sultan. Moreover, the interests of the Sultan and the Ulema and the learned hardly coincided.

The Ulema preached obedience to the Word of God, among common people, nobles and even to the sultan. Thus, as a corollary, they were an important instrument of social control since the message of obedience that they imposed on the Muslim subject population, as well as others engendered notions of obedience and hierarchy which worked towards formulating a royal political discourse. Of course, the sultan did not depend solely on the abstractions of religion for administrative control, but instituted a number of other offices to establish his control in the core areas and extend his control over the larger political realm.

3.4 SUFIS

With the exception of the early Chishti sufis and the Chishtis of the Shahpur Hillock in the Bijapur Kingdom, the sufis belonging to most of the other silsilah, including the later Chishtis, were involved in the affairs of the state and accepted state endowments. There are instances of expression of disagreement by Chishti sufis over the policies pursued by individual Sultans as during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq. While the sufis belonging to other sufi groups served the state machinery by becoming an integral part of it, the early Chishtis helped the state by creating a milieu in which people belonging to different classes and religious communities could live in harmony.

The sufis, including the great Chishti masters of the early period, never questioned the existing political system and the class structure. At the most, they advised the state officials to bow leniency in collecting land revenue from the peasants. On the other hand, they did not forbid their ordinary followers from seeking state favours

29 and involvement in the affairs of the court. It was perhaps due to these limitations of the otherwise radical sufi order that the later transition within the Chishti silsilah to the acceptance of state patronage and involvement in court politics was a smooth.

3.5 IMPERIAL MONUMENTS

Qutbuddin Aibak constructed the Qutb-ul-Islam mosque at Delhi and another mosque at Ajmer called the Dhai Din Ka Jhonpra. The first was raised at the site of a destroyed temple and the other at the site of a destroyed college of Sanskrit. Therefore, both these mosques have the imprint of both the Hindu and the Muslim art. Sultan Iltutmish and Alauddin Khalji added further to the Quwat-ul-lslam mosque.

The construction of Qutb Minar was originally planned by Aibak but it was completed by Iltutmish. The planning of Qutb Minar was purely Islamic as it was originally intended to serve as a place for the muazzin to call Muslims to prayer though, afterwards, it became famous as a tower of victory. Iltutmish constructed its four storeys and it rose to a height of 225 feet. But, its fourth storey was damaged by lightning during the reign of Firoz Tughluq who replaced it by two smaller one and raised its height to 234 feet. Qutb Minar is an impressive building and Fergusson regarded it ‘as the most perfect example of a tower known to exist anywhere in the world.’ Besides completing the Qutb Minar, Iltutmish constructed a tomb on the grave of his eldest son, known as Sultan-Ghari, nearly three miles away from the Qutb Minar.

He also built a single compact chamber near the Qutb Minar which was probably, the tomb on his own grave and, also, Hauz-i-Shamsi, Shamsi-ldgah, the Jami Masjid at Badaun and the Atarkin-ka-Darwaza at Nagaur (Jodhpur). He further made additions to Quwat-ul-Islam and Dhai Din Ka Jhonpra. Balban built his own tomb and the Red palace at Delhi. His own tomb, though in a dilapidated condition now, marked a notable landmark in the development of Indo-Islamic architecture. Alauddin Khalji had better economic resources at his command and therefore, constructed beautiful buildings. His buildings were constructed with perfectly Islamic viewpoint and have been regarded as some best examples of Islamic art in India.

He had a plan to build a minor and a big mosque near the Qutb Minar which he could not pursue because of his death. Yet, he found the city of Siri, built a palace of thousands of pillars within it, Jamait Khan mosque at the shrine of Nizam-ud-din Auliya and the famous Alai Darwaza at the Qutb Minar. His city and the palace has been destroyed but the Jamait Khan mosque and the Alai Darwaza still exist which have been regarded as beautiful specimens of Islamic art. According to Marshall, ‘the Alai Darwaza is one of the most treasured gems of Islamic architecture.’ Alauddin also constructed a magnificent tank known as Hauz-i-Alai or Hauz-i-Khas near his newly constructed city of Siri in the vicinity of the old city of Delhi.

The Tughluq Sultans did not construct beautiful buildings. Probably, the primary cause of it was their economic difficulties. Besides, they were puritanical in their taste and therefore, avoided ornamentation in their buildings. Ghiyasuddin constructed the new city of Tughluqabad east of the Qutb area, his own tomb and a palace. Ibn Batuta wrote about his palace ‘that it was constructed of golden bricks which, when the sun rose, shone so dazzlingly that no one could gaze at it steadily.

However, now his palace and the city stand destroyed while his tomb constructed of red stone gives the impression of a small strong fort but lacks splendour. Muhammad Tughluq constructed the new city of Jahanpanah near the city of old Delhi, the fort of Adilabad and some other buildings at Daultabad. But, all his buildings have been destroyed.

The remains of only two buildings, the Sathpalahbanda and the Bijai-Mandal alone are found. Firoz Tughluq constructed many buildings but all of them were just ordinary and weak. Among his notable buildings were the new city of Firozabad near the old city of Delhi, the palace-fort known as Kotla Firoz Shah within it, a college and his own tomb near Hauz-i-Khas.

During his time, a noble at the court, Khan-i-Jahan Jauna Shah constructed the tomb of his father, Tilangani, the Kali Masjid and the Khirki Masjid in the city of Jahanpanah. A beautiful building known as Lal-Gumbad was constructed by Nasir- ud-din Muhammad Tughluq Shah at the grave of Kabir-ud-din Auliya.

Among the buildings constructed by Lodi and Sayyid Sultans, some notables are the tombs of Mubarak Shah Sayyid, Muhammad Shah Sayyid and Sikandar Lodi and a mosque known as Moth-ki-Masjid by the prime minister of Sikandar Lodi at Delhi.

Among buildings raised by the Sultans of the Delhi cities, palaces and forts have been destroyed. Only some tombs, mosques and minars have existed so far. The buildings which are left, of course, are not marvellous, yet fairly good specimens of early indo-Islamic architecture in India and the best among them are the Qutb Minar and the Alai Darwaza.

Check Your Progress

1) Discuss the involvement of nobles in the political affairs of Delhi Sultanate......

2) Write a short note on imperial monuments constructed during Delhi Sultanate......

......

3.6 LET US SUM UP

With the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate an altogether new system of administration was introduced at the top level with only minor changes at the local pargana and village level. The sultan enjoyed enormous powers not only over his subjects but also over nobles and officials. In Delhi and its immediate environs the power and authority of Sultan was most visible and it can therefore be considered as the core region. In the outlying, distant territories and provinces also the authority of Sultan prevailed but it was limited depending on the officers governing the provinces. During the initial phase of the Sultanate the nobles shared authority with the Sultan but from the time of Balban and to the period of Khalji and Tughlaq rule the Sultan emerged as all powerful. The Ulema or the learned sections had only a limited role in the administrative process.

3.7 KEY WORDS

Amir : Officer Chaudhuri : Head of Hundred villages or pargana Jama : Estimated Revenue Khot : Village officia1/revenue collector Khutba : A sermon recited in mosques on Fridays wherein the name of the ruler was included 3.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress

1) See Section 3.2 2) See Section 3.5