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Introduction Notes Introduction 1. Gellner differentiates nations from states and holds that both can emerge independent of each other. See Gellner, E. 2008. Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press. 2. During the inter-war period and war years documentary was used for propa- gandist purposes to shape favourable public opinion towards the war. Leni Riefenstahl’s spectacular representations of Germany around the time of the Nazi ascendance to power, and Britain’s charged propaganda documentaries during the war both come to mind here. Propagandist documentary has also been mobilized to celebrate national development and planning pro- grammes, for example, Dziga Vertov’s dynamic representations of the Soviet Union’s five-year plans through his kino-pravda series and other full-length documentaries. The vast body of investigative, activist and exposé documen- taries has questioned nations, their institutions and ideological discourses. 3. Corner, J. 1996. The Art of Record: A Critical Introduction to Documentary. New York: Manchester University Press. 4. I take my cue here from Noel Carroll who, while discussing objectivity in relation to the non-fiction film, argues that documentary debate has been marred by con- fusions in the use of language that conflate objectivity with truth (Carroll 1983: 14). While I agree with Carroll that lack of objectivity does not necessarily mean bias, as a practitioner I am inclined to hold documentary making and reception as subjective experiences exercising subjects’, makers’ and the audiences’ ideo- logical stances, knowledge systems and even aesthetic preferences. 5. Governmental and semi-governmental funding bodies such as Prasar Bharati (Broadcasting Corporation of India), Public Service Broadcasting Trust and the Indian Foundation for the Arts offer financial support for documentary makers and Indian filmmakers have also secured funding from international agencies such as the European Union’s cultural funds. 6. Paromita Vohra elaborates on this stating that ‘It may be an overstatement, but there are periods when imaginative, idiomatic forms flower and periods when more reality-based or classical forms again become prominent. It is not that one is supplanted by the other, but rather that these two formal approaches coexist with different intensity and visibility. In addition, it seems, each domi- nates the other in alternation. For instance, you see the 1960s as a time when formal approaches multiply in Films Division under Bhownagary. These then lose traction and are replaced by vérité and agit-prop forms, searching for a cinema that will be ‘a voice for the people’. With the coming of video, and then digital formats, you see again a proliferation of forms using fictional elements, which then give way to an emphasis, currently fuelled by European broadcaster funding, on character-driven, observational documentaries which will have the seamlessness of pure fiction while being made up of purely documentary mate- rial’ (Rajagopal and Vohra 2012: 17). 243 244 Notes 7. For example, Rahul Roy, Anjali Monteiro and K.P. Jayashankar. 8. Based on marketing strategies and audiences, Ashish Rajadhyaksha asserts that it is the parallel cinema and the popular Hindi movie that make up the ‘megalith’, Indian cinema. He states: … the Indian cinema megalith since 1960 has been effectively catego- rized in popular discourse as two things: the ‘Hindi movie’ and ‘Satyajit Ray’: the former being the song-dance-action stereotype made in over twelve languages and representing the most enviable of all national possessions, a cultural mainstream, and the latter a highly generalized category involving a variety of different directors generically celebrated as being culturally rooted in their context. Both categories have been sustained as much by marketing strategies as by a committed and articu- late brand of cinephilia accompanying each of them. (Rajadhyakasha 1997: 678) 9. Dada Save, as he was called, went on to shoot many short actuality films, including documentation of such newsworthy events as the 1901 return of an Indian student from Cambridge who had earned a distinction in Mathematics, R. P. Paranjpaye, and the 1903 Delhi Durbar celebrating the coronation of Edward VII (Barnouw and Krishnaswamy 1980: 6). 10. Some of the names associated with the topicals include: Hiralal Sen, F.B. Thanawala, Jyotish Sarkar, Bulchand Karamchand, Dwarkadas Sampat, and J.F. Madan. 11. Short films became the staple for travelling cinema or bioscope shows. 12. To secure audiences, legislations such as the Defence of India Act 1943 made it mandatory for exhibitors to screen government-approved films, up to twenty minutes in length in each film programme. In 1943, the British government also launched the Indian News Parade (INP), whose screenings were compulsory in cinema halls. 13. IFI elicited productions from Indian film companies such as the Prabhat Film Company and Wadia Movietone. Musical Instruments of India, In Rural Maharashtra and Tree of Wealth are among the films produced during this time that document the cultural heritage and crafts of India. 14. Sanjit Narwekar elaborates: The one positive effect of the War was that the documentary and its techniques filtered into the country, gaining considerable impetus due to the presence of such stalwarts as Jack and Winifred Holmes, Tom Stobart, Alexander Shaw and later Sinclair Road. A number of filmmakers like Paul Zils, Dr. P. V. Pathy, A Bhaskar Rao and Krishna Gopal were discovered and many others like V. M. Vijaykar, Clement Baptista, Homi Sethna were trained. (Narwekar 1992: 22) 15. The documentary fraternity echoed this understanding as this comment by one documentary commentator, Madhusudan indicates: The function of a documentary in a largely illiterate society like ours imparting information through visuals is of prime importance. This is Notes 245 even more so in a formally democratic country again like ours, where each regardless of his mental equipment has a vote with the awesome power to influence your destiny. The potential of documentary in building public opinion is immense and also one which has remained largely untapped. (Chanana eds. 1987: 39) 16. In Life to those Shadows (1990), Burch extensively discusses the socio- economic and socio-ideological determinations of the IMR within the context of the French, British and American cinemas. 17. Some of these films can be accessed online at The Colonial Film Project website: http://www.colonialfilm.org.uk/production-company/information- films-of-india. The colonial film project is a combined project of universi- ties (Birkbeck and University College London) and archives (British Film Institute, Imperial War Museum and the British Empire and Commonwealth Museum). 18. A number of short documentaries produced by the Films Division between 1950 and 1965 can be accessed at the Library of Congress’s Indian Film Collection, Washington, DC. 19. For more details on the bureaucratic operations of the Films Division see Barnouw and Krishnaswamy, 1980. 20. They secured funding from private and semi-private sponsors such as Burmah-Shell, Technical Co-operation Mission (a wing of the International Co-operation Mission of the USA), Art Films of Asia and National Education and Information Films of India. A Short Film Guild was also formed compris- ing such figures as D.B.D. Wadia, Harnam Motwane and Paul Zils, who had played a key role in the initial years of the documentary movement under the Films Division. Zils was crucial in the founding of the journal entitled, Indian Documentary. 21. Sumita Chakravarty eloquently elaborates on the value of realism in Indian cinema stating that: … in postindependence India a major source of tension affecting the social and national consciousness was (and continues to be) the problem of holding onto established norms and value systems while the nation made the challenging and vaunted transition from feudalism to industrialism, from colonialism to democracy, from economic backwardness to mate- rial advancement… Since the Indian sensibility tends to view complex issues as manifestations of moral choices, popular culture represented the felt experience of social change in terms of individual morality, of right and wrong, and ‘resolved’ them in various ways. Realist cinema could then explore the mixture of technological optimism (faith in the camera to reflect reality) and cultural pessimism, the idealization of village and community life in the face of mounting migrations to the city, material deprivation and the promise of easy wealth, widening class, regional and communal divisions eclipsing the vision of an unfractured national iden- tity. (Chakravarty 1993: 99) In relation to the institutionalized documentary form of the Films Division, Ashish Rajadhyaksha notes that it was influenced by the realism of the epic 246 Notes melodrama of Hindi cinema from the 1950–60s. According to Rajadhyaksha, the realism of epic melodrama offered a cultural product that made compre- hensible the profound changes in Indian society following independence: mass migrations of partition and urban expansionism (Nowell-Smith eds. 1997: 681). 22. Indira Gandhi’s government had imposed military rule to combat what was projected as nation-wide anarchy. 23. While the framework of national cinemas facilitates claiming cultural authenticity and rootedness, film scholars assert that the category has to be opened up to resist perpetuating a sense of cultural and/or textual essen- tialism through film, and foregrounding
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