Identifying Tunisia's Binding Constraints to Broad-Based Growth

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Identifying Tunisia's Binding Constraints to Broad-Based Growth A joint study by The African Development Bank The Government of Tunisia The Government of the United States 2013 ???? Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia Contributors African Development Government of Government of Bank Tunisia United States Team Members Coordinating ministry Lead agency Ministry of Regional Develope- Vincent Castel ment and Planing Millennium Challenge Team Leader Corporation (MCC) Principal Program Coordinator Team Members for Tunisia, ORNA Rached Ben Saleh Team Members Kaouther Abderrahim Team Leader, Director, MDRP Economist,ORNA Theresa Osborne Sofiene Gaaloul Team Leader, Lead Economist, Statistician / Sous Directeur, Samia Mansour MDRP MCC Economist, EDRE Anis Nacibi Omar Parbhoo Gilles Nancy Economist, MDRP Economist, Department of Professor, Aix-Marseille Univer- State sity – Centre de recherche de Dridi Nasreddine développement économique et MDRP Don Sillers recherche international (DEFI) Mourad Abdesslem Banque Centrale de Tunisie Senior Economist, United Management States Agency for International Mustapha Bouzayene Development (USAID) Jacob Kolster Director, Institut National de la Statistique (INS) Regional Director for Egypt, With capable assistance Libya and Tunisia, ORNA Hayet Jouini from Statistician, INS Steve kayizzi-Mugerwa Cynthia Berning Director Research Department, Helel Yamen EDRE Chef de service, INS MCC Shimeles Abebe Fadia Bougacha Brad Cunningham Division Manager, EDRE Statistican, INS MCC Kaouther Chibani With capable contribution Statistician, INS Jerrod Mason from USAID Bouslema Nejib Daniel Gurara Lead Economist, Institut Tunisien Senior Research Economist, de la Competitivité et des Jeremy Streatfeild EDRE Études Quantitatives (ITCEQ) MCC Emanuele Santi Raoudha Hadhri Principal Country Economist for Statistician, ITCEQ Tunisia, ORNA Haithem Hammami Statistician, ITCEQ Koffi Marc Kouakou Statistician, ESTA Safa Mkaouer Statistician, ITCEQ Mohamed Safouane Ben Aissa Mokhtar Kouki Economist, ESTA Professor Ecole Supérieure de la statistique et de l’analyse de l’information (ESSAI). 4 Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia Contents 1. Executive Summary 8 1.1. Introduction 8 1.2. Methodology of Growth Diagnostics 10 1.3. The Binding Constraints to Growth in Tunisia 13 1.4. Summary of Evidence 16 2. Overview of Tunisia’s Growth Experience 23 2.1. Tunisia’s Economic Growth and Policies 1961-2010 24 2.2. The Year 2011: Revealing failures in the growth model 38 2.3. Conclusion 48 3. Finance: Does Costly Finance Represent a Bin ding Constraint to Tunisia’s Growth? 50 3.1. Introduction 50 3.2. Financial and Banking Sector: Recent Evolution 51 3.3. Tests of the Constraint 57 3.4. Other Indicators of Access 67 3.5. Conclusion 70 3.6. Technical Annex to the Finance Chapter 71 4. Do Macroeconomic Risks and Distortions Pose a Binding Constraint to Growth in Tunisia? 74 4.1. Macroeconomic Policies before the Revolution 75 4.2. Growth Acceleration Analysis 80 4.3. Tunis ia’s Macro Situation in the Aftermath of the Revolution 83 4.4. Conclusion 86 4.5. Technical Annex to the Macro Chapter: Overcoming Growth Challenges— Looking for Drivers and Obstacles of Growth Accelerations 87 5 Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia 5. Do Micro Risks and Distortions Pose a Binding Constraint to Growth? 93 5.1. Introduction 93 5.2. Weak Micro Appropriability 96 5.3. Corruption, Weak Property Rights, and Barriers to Entry 99 5.4. Taxation 109 5.5. The Regulatory and Fiscal Costs of Employing Workers 116 5.6. Trade Barriers and Micro Distortions 132 5.7. Conclusion 136 Box 5.A. Youth Unemployment and Labor Market Regulation in Tunisia 138 6. Are Market Failures in Innovation a Binding Constraint to Growth in Tunisia? 143 6.1. Introduction 143 6.2. Transformation and Innovation Performance 144 6.3. Government Policies to Address Market Failures in Innovation 152 6.4. Alternative Drivers of Tunisia’s Mixed Performance in Innovation 154 6.5. Conclusion 155 7. Does a Shortage of Human Capital Represent a Binding Constraint to Tunisia’s Growth? 157 7.1. Demograp hic trends 157 7.2. Health 158 7.3. Schooling and Workforce Training 160 7.4. Labor Market Outcomes: Employment, Unemployment, and Migration 170 7.5. Conclusion 177 7.6. Annex to Chapter 7 179 8. Is a Lack of Adequate Infrastructure a Binding Constraint to Growth in Tunisia? 186 8.1. General Quality and Supply of Infrastructure 186 8.2. Transportation Infrastructure 187 8.3. Energy 195 6 Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia 8.4. Water and Sanitation 197 8.5. Communications Infrastructure 198 8.6. Conclusion 200 8.7. Annex to Chapter 8 201 9. Does a lack of natural capital represent a binding constraint to Tunisia’s growth? 205 9.1. Introduction 205 9.2. Mineral Wealth 205 9.3. Land Resources 207 9.4. Water Resources 209 9.5. Distance to Markets 212 9.6. Conclusion 214 References 217 7 Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia ???? 8 Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia 1. Executive Summary 1.1 Introduction was expanding employment fast enough to absorb the growing supply of In January of 2011, the people of Tunisia university graduates, leading to rapidly took to the streets to protest the existing rising rates of unemployment among 23-year-old regime, thus igniting the Tunisia’s most educated young people. Tunisian Revolution and inspiring a wave Increasing economic dissatisfaction was of popular upheaval in the Arab world. reinforced by a lack of political freedom To some observers the sudden and by increasing high-level corruption, outpouring of discontent was a surprise. which had a corrosive effect on the Tunisia had achieved a notably solid business climate. In the end, the record of economic growth, which revolution was sparked by a conflict averaged near ly 5 percent per year over between a small, informal fruit vendor the previous decade. Growth had in and the police in a region particularly turn helped reduce the rate of poverty to lacking in business and employment below 5 percent nationally by 2005 opportunities. The fruit vendor’s position (source: official INS statistics).1 Yet this of economic disenfranchisement and apparent success obscured inherent loss of dignity prompted his tragic self- weaknesses in the country’s development immolation, with well-known and far model. Unemployment remained reaching consequences. Yet the stubbornly high and youth seemingly mundane precipitating events unemployment kept rising. Regional were also emblematic of both the disparities in economic growth, income importance of small informal activities to and wealth created what many today earn a living, and of the lack of freedom consider to be “two Tunisias”—one to engage in and retain the fruits of one’s relatively affluent, along the coastal endeavors in pre-revolutionary Tunisia. regions, and another in the lagging interior regions. Standards of living for Today, Tunisia faces several major many Tunisians stagnated, while few economic, social, and political opportunities existed either to invest or challenges as it attempts to create a work in private enterprises. Meanwhile, more democratic, accountable political neither the public nor the private sector system and an economic policy regime 1 Details are provided in Chapter 2: Overview of Recent Economic Trends. 9 Towards a New Economic Model for Tunisia that can foster greater prosperity for a ingredient of a successful revision of broader segment of its population. Tunisia’s development model is a clear Short-term risks have emerged since the understanding and resolution of the revolution—in particular frequent strikes most binding impediments to the and social unrest due to pent-up country’s broad-based growth.4 economic demands of the population, and elevated macroeconomic fragility. This study attempts to identify these These risks must be managed so that constraints, both as they were they do not undermine the economic manifested in the years leading up to the and social progress already achieved. revolution and today. The methodology Charting a successful course requires starts from the widely accepted rebalancing the role of the state to proposition that private sector ensure an acceptable measure of equity investment and entrepreneurship are and economic security along with ultimately the keys to sustained adequate and necessary freedom for the economic growth. Many useful studies private sector to play its role of have been conducted recently on the innovating, investing, and creating Tunisian economy (for example, ADE employment opportunities.2-3 At the (2012), Erdle (2011), AfDB (2012), ILO same time, an economic strategy that (2011)), providing important details on a fails to address the specific underlying variety of economic issues. However, sources of the country’s previous the methodology adopted in this study economic failures is unlikely to succeed. has the singular advantage of casting a The revolution has relieved the country clear, focused light on the most binding of a corrupt and autocratic leader, but constraints among the many economic many of the underlying structural issues issues under discussion, and allowing for that have inhibited more broad-based greater prioritization of the most critical growth remain. Thus, an essential constraints to address as part of a 2 One debate of special relevance to Tunisia and other countries of the Arab world concerns the desired level of equity (or economic equality) and what is meant by this—equity of opportunity, or equity of outcomes. 3 It should be stressed that the conceptual framework on which this report rests clearly
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