The Gambia's Support of Terror Financing Key Findings • Former
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ICC-ASP/18/25 Assembly of States Parties
International Criminal Court ICC-ASP/18/25 Distr.: General Assembly of States Parties 29 November 2019 Original: English Eighteenth session The Hague, 2-7 December 2019 Report of the Bureau on complementarity I. Background ................................................................................................................. 2 II. General findings .......................................................................................................... 2 III. The President of the Assembly of States Parties, and the Secretariat ......................... 4 IV. The Court .................................................................................................................... 6 V. Broader efforts of the international community .......................................................... 6 VI. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 9 Annex I: Draft resolution language for the omnibus resolution ................................... 10 Annex II: Draft language for inclusion in the annex on mandates of the omnibus resolution ....................................................................................................... 12 Annex III: Summaries of 2019 meetings ......................................................................... 13 25E291119 ICC-ASP/18/25 I. Background 1. At its 7 February 2019 meeting, the Bureau re-appointed Australia and Romania as ad country focal points for the topic of complementarity. As such, Australia and -
Assessment of ECOWAS Interventions in Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso and the Gambia
International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume II, Issue IV, April 2018|ISSN 2454-6186 Assessment of ECOWAS Interventions in Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso and the Gambia Charles Akale1, Kingsley Chigozie Udegbunam2*, Julie Sanda3 1Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defense College, Abuja, Nigeria 2Social Sciences Unit, School of General Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria 3Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja, Nigeria *Corresponding author: Kingsley Chigozie Udegbunam he increase in violent hostilities on the African continent ECOWAS MECHANISM FOR CONFLICT PREVENTION, T since the 1990s can be attributed to the withdrawal of MANAGEMENT, RESOLUTION, PEACEKEEPING AND super power strategic interest in Africa following the end of SECURITY the Cold War. The end of the Cold War dramatically The ECOWAS conflict management framework provides for changed the global strategic landscape. Although threat of regional intervention in political crisis in members states. big power and regional conflicts diminished, the security ECOMOG has been adopted as the regional intervention landscape became characterized by political fragmentation. force. Intervention became popular in the 1990s when In the Third World particularly West Africa has experienced ECOWAS deployed ECOMOG forces into Liberia to prevent many conflicts arising from a multiplicity of causes such as the overthrow of the unpopular government of President bad governance among others. The intensity and carnage that Samuel Doe by the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) attended these conflicts, coupled with the inactions of the led by Charles Taylor. ECOMOG intervention can take the “big powers”, reinforced the need for an “African solution” form of peacekeeping or peace enforcement. -
Multi-Faceted Mediation in the Guinea-Bissau Civil War ______
76 MULTI-FACETED MEDIATION IN THE GUINEA-BISSAU CIVIL WAR ___________________________________________ Dr Simon Massey Coventry University (UK) An exchange of gunfire in Bissau city between soldiers loyal to President and mutinous troops supporting the recently dismissed army chief of staff Brigadier Ansumane Mané in the early morning of 7 June 1998 heralded the start of 11 months of civil conflict. ‘It was not a huge war’, the Economist noted, ‘but for the 1m people…of Guinea-Bissau, it was devastating…Hundreds of people were killed, the city was destroyed and hundreds of thousands fled into the countryside’.1 The primary reason for the fighting - irrevocable splits within the government and leading Partido Africano da Independencia da Guiné-Bissau e Cabo Verde (PAIGC) - sat amidst a web of geopolitical machinations and posturing. Guinea-Bissau became the locus for mediation based, for a large part, on political opportunism. These efforts resulted in a peace operation with ostensible humanitarian motives which, nonetheless, was also marked by strong political impulses. As William Zartman has remarked, ‘Africa does not lack mediators’.2 In the case of the war in Bissau the gamut of potential intermediaries – regional, African and extra-African – offered assistance. This confusion of good offices led to rival mediation efforts whose polarisation mirrored that on the battlefield. The background to the conflict What led to civil war? By 1998, Guinea-Bissau had moved far away from the original revolutionary vision of political society articulated by cofounder of the PAIGC Aristides Perreira – ‘the model which our party builds is one in which participation at the base is guaranteed in all decisions, and at every level, by a democratic organisation and method’.3 A disparate population had disengaged from 1 Economist, 15 May 1999, p.48. -
The International Criminal Court, Elite Theory, and African States Withdrawal Notifications
The International Criminal Court, Elite Theory, and African States Withdrawal Notifications: South Africa, The Gambia, and Burundi Theresa Whitely Dr. Ivan Ivanov POL5000 Independent Research Thesis April 30, 2020 Table of Contents_______________________________________________________________ Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1-2 Understanding ICC’s Eroding Authority ............................................................................. 3-11 National Wealth and ICC Membership .................................................................................... 4-6 Democracy ............................................................................................................................... 6-8 ICC Bias Against African Nations ......................................................................................... 8-10 Table 1: Summary of Explanations about States’ Motivations to Withdraw from ICC ..............11 Theory and Methods ............................................................................................................. 11-16 Case Study .............................................................................................................................. 16-26 South Africa ......................................................................................................................... 17-21 The Gambia ......................................................................................................................... -
Gambia, a Complicated but Hopeful Road to Democracy Visit Web Receive Newsletter
Opinion Paper 07/2018 18 January 2018 Pilar Requena del Río* Gambia, a complicated but hopeful road to democracy Visit Web Receive Newsletter Gambia, a complicated but hopeful road to democracy Abstract: A year ago, a peaceful change from dictatorship to democracy took place in a small African state, The Gambia. It was probably one of the most forgotten countries although it was suffering since 22 years under the fierce and terrible dictatorship of Yahya Jammeh. Since January 19th 2017 Adama Barrow, elected December 1st 2016, is the president. The dictator initially accepted defeat but then refused to relinquish power until the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, threatened to intervene militarily. Since then, the country faces a new stage of development, freedom, equality, justice and reconciliation amidst major challenges and a still fragile security situation. Keywords: The Gambia, dictatorship, democracy, ECOWAS, security, justice, reconciliation, Yahya Jammeh, Adama Barrow *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense . Opinion Paper 07/2018 1 Gambia, a complicated but hopeful road to democracy Pilar Requena del Río Introduction The Gambia is the smallest country in mainland Africa and one of the poorest in the world. With only 2 million inhabitants, mostly Muslims, it is a narrow strip along the river of the same name, surrounded mostly by Senegal. A legend says that an English warship sailed upstream launching cannon shots to port and starboard. The borders were traced where the projectiles fell. The English put a wedge in the middle of a Senegal controlled by the French. -
Realising Inclusivity: the Role of the United Nations in Promoting
Realising Inclusivity The role of the United Nations in promoting inclusion at the country level © 2021 Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation All rights reserved. The opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, its Board of Trustees or its International Honorary Committee. Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Övre Slottsgatan 2, 753 10 Uppsala, Sweden [email protected] <www.daghammarskjold.se> Photos: Adobe Stock Images unless otherwise specified. Printed by X-O Graf Tryckeri AB (Uppsala, Sweden) ISBN: 978-91-985372-7-7 Realising Inclusivity The role of the United Nations in promoting inclusion at the country level Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................6 Acronyms and abbreviations ....................................................................................... 7 Foreword ......................................................................................................................8 Summary ................................................................................................................... 10 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 12 Part I. Realising Inclusivity: From Policy Recognition to Practice ............................. 16 Policy recognition for inclusive peacebuilding ...........................................................17 Understanding United Nations -
Gambia: Political Opinion
Country Policy and Information Note Gambia: Political opinion Version 2.0 March 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country information The COI within this note has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve our material. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this note, please email the Country Policy and Information Team. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
Executive Database 10 September 2020 Nb
EXECUTIVE DATABASE 10 SEPTEMBER 2020 NB: THIS DATABASE IS BASED ON INFORMATION RECEIVED FROM SA MISSIONS POLITICAL DESKS FOREIGN MISSIONS COUNTRY HEAD OF STATE DATE OF HEAD OF GOVERNMENT DATE OF MINISTER OF FOREIGN CAPITAL CITY INAUGURATION (PRIME MINISTER) APPOINTMENT AFFAIRS African Union HE Mr Matamela Cyril 12/02/2020 HE Mr Moussa Faki 14/03/2017 Addis Ababa (AU) Ramaphosa Mahamat Chairperson Chairperson of the African Union Commission0 Islamic Republic HE Mr Ashraf Ghani 29/09/2014 Chief Executive 29/09/2014 HE Haroon Kabul of Afghanistan Chakhansuri (acting) President Mr Abdullah Abdullah Minister of Foreign Affairs 23/01/2020 Republic of HE Mr Ilir Rexhep Metaj 24/07/2017 HE Mr Edi Rama 15/09/2013 HE Mr Edi Rama Tirana Albania President Prime Minister Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs 21/01/2019 Gent Cakaj Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs (with full responsibility as a Minister) 22/01/2019 Democratic HE Mr Abdelmadjid Tebboune 19/12/2019 HE Mr Abdelaziz Djerad 28/12/2019 HE Ms Sabri Boukadoum Algiers People’s President Prime Minister presiding Minister of Foreign Affairs Republic of over the Council of and International Algeria Ministers Cooperation Head of Government 02/04/2019 Principality of HE Bishop Joan Enric VIVES I 16/05/2019 HE Mr Xavier Espot 17/07/2017 HE Mrs Maria Ubach Font Andorra La Andorra SICILIA Zamora Vella Minister of Foreign Affairs (Co-Prince of Andorra) Prime Minister (Letters to each HE Mr Emmanuel Macron Co-Prince) (Co-Prince of Andorra) Republic of HE Mr João Manuel 26/09/2017 HOS is -
The Senegambia Confederation In
Aka: The Continued Search for Appropriate Structures for Governance an AkaCameraReady final (Do Not Delete) 7/5/2017 10:05 AM CALIFORNIA WESTERN INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 47 SPRING 2017 NUMBER 2 THE CONTINUED SEARCH FOR APPROPRIATE STRUCTURES FOR GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY: THE SENEGAMBIA CONFEDERATION IN HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE PHILIP C. AKA*† * Professor of Political Science, Chicago State University; Adjunct Professor of Law, Indiana University Robert H. McKinney School of Law—Indianapolis; Member of the Illinois Bar; former Vice Chair, ABA Committee on International Human Rights; and Corresponding Editor, International Legal Materials (ILM); S.J.D., IU Robert H. McKinney School of Law—Indianapolis; Ph.D., Howard University; LL.M. (summa cum laude), IU Robert H. McKinney School of Law— Indianapolis; J.D., Temple University Beasley School of Law; M.A., University of North Texas; B.A. (magna cum laude), Edinboro University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Aka has written extensively on issues related to minority populations in Africa and the United States, including human rights. His recent publications germane to these topics include HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA’S EXTERNAL RELATIONS: BUILDING THE RECORD OF MORAL SUPERPOWER (Lexington Books, 2017), and Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Practice in Humanitarian Action: Eight Steps to Humanitarian Wellness in Nigeria, 24 WILLAMETTE JOURNAL OF INT’L LAW & DISPUTE RESOLUTION 1 (Fall 2016). † This Article evolved from a contribution to a festschrift for Professor Sulayman S. Nyang on his retirement following a distinguished academic career at 109 Published by CWSL Scholarly Commons, 2017 1 California Western International Law Journal, Vol. -
Freedom in the World 2019
Democracy in Retreat FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2019 Highlights from Freedom House’s annual report on political rights and civil liberties This report was made possible by the generous support of the Achelis & Bodman Foundation, the Jyllands-Posten Foundation, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the William & Sheila Konar Foundation, the Lilly Endowment, and the Fritt Ord Foundation. Freedom House is solely responsible for the report’s content. Freedom in the World 2019 Table of Contents Democracy in Retreat 1 Freedom in the World Methodology 2 Unpacking 13 Years of Decline 4 Regional Trends 9 Freedom in the World 2019 Map 14 Countries in the Spotlight 16 The Struggle Comes Home: Attacks on Democracy in the United States 18 The United States in Decline 23 Recommendations for Democracies 26 Recommendations for the Private Sector 28 The following people were instrumental in the writing of this booklet: Christopher Brandt, Isabel Linzer, Shannon O’Toole, Arch Puddington, Sarah Repucci, Tyler Roylance, Nate Schenkkan, Adrian Shahbaz, Amy Slipowitz, and Caitlin Watson. This booklet is a summary of findings for the 2019 edition of Freedom in the World. The complete analysis, including narrative reports on all countries and territories, can be found on our website at www.freedomhouse.org. ON THE COVER Cover image by KAL. FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2019 Democracy in Retreat In 2018, Freedom in the World recorded the 13th consecutive year of decline in global freedom. The reversal has spanned a variety of countries in every region, from long-standing democracies like the United States to consolidated authoritarian regimes like China and Russia. -
Responding to the Challenge of Fragility and Security in West Africa
Responding to the Challenge of Fragility and Security in West Africa By Alexandre Marc, Neelam Verjee, and Stephen Mogaka Fragility, Conflict, and Violence Group World Bank January 2015 1 This paper aims to provide an analysis of the major trends in conflict and violence across West Africa since 1960, with an overview of the causes and the duration of conflicts and violence in the subregion. A key conclusion of the paper is that the subregion has on average experienced fewer conflict events and fatalities as a result of conflict than have the other subregions on the continent. In particular, West Africa experienced significantly less conflict and violence between 1970 and 1990 than Africa’s other subregions, especially Southern Africa, which became a pawn in the Cold War. A resurgence of violence and conflict in West Africa since 2010 has sparked concerns that emerging threats could undermine the subregion’s future development, and derail hard-won economic gains at a time when the growth outlook appears very encouraging. The spike in violence and conflict, and the rise of religious extremism—in particular in Mali and in northern Nigeria—has proven disruptive for the subregion, while drug trafficking and maritime piracy have rapidly taken root in West Africa and contributed to locking some countries like Guinea-Bissau into fragility traps. The challenge for the countries in the subregion is to transform their security institutions to effectively address these emerging threats. West Africa has often been perceived as one of Africa’s most violent subregions. Indeed, as various conflicts battered the region through the 1990’s, the examples of countries such as Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire were held up as a signpost for the future of the planet.1 Recent events in West Africa have pivoted the world’s attention back to the risk of conflict and fragility in the region.