Language Shift Through Erosion: the Case of the French-Flemish ‘Westhoek’
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Language Shift Through Erosion: The Case of the French-Flemish ‘Westhoek’ Roland Willemyns Fa c u lte it d e r Le tte re n e n W ijsb e g e e rte , V rije Un iv e rsite it, 1 0 5 0 Bru sse ls, P le in la an 2 , Be lg iu m Thispaperdiscussestheconsequencesof‘languageshiftthrougherosion’onthebasis ofananalysisofthedevelopmentofthesituationinFrenchFlanders.Thispartof northernFranceusedtobepartofDutch-speakingFlandersuntil1678,whenitwas annexed by theFrench crown.Although the language shiftprocessstartedalmost immediatelyitonlygainedmomentumaftertheFrenchRevolution,asaconsequence ofadeliberateFrenchificationpolicyandlegislationonthepartoftheFrenchauthori- ties.Recentinquiriesandresearchrevealthatwearecurrentlywitnessingtheultimate stagesoflanguageloss,precedingthecompleteextinctionofDutchasanativelanguage inFrance.Thefinalpartofthepaperattemptstosketchthetheoreticallanguage-in- contactframework,breakingdownthechronologicalevolutionintodiglossic,bilin- gualand(almost)monolingualphases,takingintoaccountthegeographic,socialand functionalvariablesbywhichlanguageshiftandlossischaracterised. Introduction TheoverwhelmingmajorityofnativespeakersofDutchinEuropelivesin eitherBelgium(6millions)orinTheNetherlands(15millions).Yet,asmallgroup of them istobe found in northernFrance, andalthoughlanguage shift has reduceditssizedramaticallyduringthelasttwocenturies,itisstillcommon practicetolocatetheutmostwesternpartoftheRomance-Germaniclanguage borderintheFrench‘DépartementduNord’,betweenthetownsofGraveline andDunkirk.Thispaperwillfocusonthelinguisticevolutioninthiszoneof contactbetweenFrenchandDutchandwillmainlyconcentrateontheso-called ‘Westhoek’—thepartofFranceinthe‘arrondissements’ofDunkirk(Dutch: Duinkerke;French:Dunkerque)andHazebroekwhereDutchisstillspoken. ItisgenerallyacceptedthattheRomance-Germaniclanguageborderinthe Netherlandsinitspresentconfigurationwasestablishedsometimeduringthe 11th–12thcenturies (Gysseling,1976).Itappearstohaveremainedrelatively stableeversince,andthecasesoflanguageshiftthatdidoccurwerebutrarelya consequenceoflanguagebordershiftproper(Willemyns,1996). Howeverimportantthenotionof‘languageborder’maybe,itstillisaconcept whichisveryhardtodefine.Asisthecasewiththerelatednotionof‘dialect border’,onemightevenarguethatlanguagebordersdonotreallyexist,since obviouslylanguageterritoriesarerarelyseparatedbyaclear-cutline.Usually, thereissomekindoftransitionalzone,anddemarcationlines,therefore,tendto be rather fuzzy. Moreover, it is obvious that in zones of transitiona social variable,ratherthanageographicone,maybedecisiveforlinguistic‘affiliation’. Dialectgeographers,whoareveryfamiliarwiththisparticularkindofproblem usuallycopewithitbyusingwhatGoossens(1968)callsan‘intuitiveconsensus’, whichmaydifferfromoneregiontoanother.Asfaraslanguagebordersare 0143-4632/97/010054-13$10.00/0 ©1997R.Willemyns JOURNALOFMULTILINGUALANDMULTICULTURALDEVELOPMENT Vol.18,No.1,1997 54 La n g u a g e Sh ift Th rough E ro sio n 5 5 concernedwemayhavenochoicebuttoproceedinthesameway.Inthecaseof FrenchFlanders,thereisageneralconsensusamongscholarstoconsiderthe isogloss often used in dialect geographic studies as ‘the’ language border between the Romance and the Germanic dialects in the region (see map in Ryckeboer,1990). Up to 1963the same methodologicalproblem used to exist as far as the languageborderinBelgiumwasconcerned.Inthatyearthelanguageborderwas definedbylawandeventuallylaiddownintheconstitution(1970)andthusmade virtuallyunchangeable.IntheBelgiancasethenotionof‘languageborder’is usedinasociolinguisticsense,meaningthatitseparatestworegionsinwhich either Dutch or French is the official language, disregarding any possible bilingualcommunicationwhichmayactuallyoccurinthetransitionzone.From 1970on, the language border coincided with the border separating the two administrativeregionsofBelgium,viz.FlandersandWallonia(Willemyns,1996). As far as language shift in border regions is concerned, two essentially differenttypeshavetobediscerned: · languageshiftresultinginachangeofthelocationoftheborder,meaning eitherthatplaceswhichusedtobepartofthetransitionzonehave,inthe courseoftime,definitelymovedintothemonolingualzoneoneitherside oftheborderorthatformerly‘monolingual’placeshaveacquiredanofficial bilingualstatus; · languageshiftresultingin‘erosion’,meaningthatthecontactsituationhas decisivelybeenchangedinthecourseofhistoryalthoughthe‘language border’(inthetraditionalsense)hasnotchangeditscourse.SouthTirol (Egger,1977),Alsace-Lorraine(Hartweg,1985;Bister-Broosen,1996;Stroh, 1993), Brussels (De Vriendt & Willemyns, 1987; Witte & Baetens Beardsmore,1987)andFrenchFlanders(Pée,1957)aresomeoftheplaces wherethisoccurred,andineachandeveryoneofthemwewitnessapartial gallicisationofformerGermanicterritory. Political change is a well documented initiator of language shift and is responsibleforshiftoccurringalongthewesternsectionoftheFrench-Dutch languageborderinwhatisnowknownasFrenchFlanders(Dutch:Frans-Vlaan- deren;French:laFlandrefrançaise).PartofwhatisnowthenorthofFranceused tobeanintegralpartoftheCountyofFlanders,includingsuchmajorcitiesas Lille,Douai,Cambrai,Arras,Calais,andDunkirk.Acenturies-longtug-of-war resultedinafrequentshiftingbackandforthofpartsofthisterritorybetween FranceandtheLowCountries.Fromthe13thcenturyon,majorpartsofitwere graduallyintegratedintotheFrenchlanguageterritory(Pée,1957). Thisarticlestartswithanoverviewofthehistoricandpoliticaleventswhich madethisevolutionpossible,followswithanattempttosketchthemostrecent stateofaffairs,andconcludeswithsomeobservationsonthemechanismsof languageshiftandlossastheyoccurinFrenchFlanders. Historical Overview Untilthe11thcenturytheborderbetweenGermanicandRomancefluctuated anditis,therefore,uselesstoreferto‘Germanicised’or‘Romanicised’territories 5 6 J o u rn a l of M u ltilin g u a l an d M u ltic u ltu ral D e v e lo p m e n t asa‘loss’or‘gain’ofeitherlanguageterritory.Onlychangeshavingoccurred afterthattimemaybeconsideredassuch.Eventhenwehavetodistinguish,on theonehand,betweenpartswhereDutchdisappearedalongtimeago,where thelanguage,consequently,is‘dead’(Gysseling,1976)and,ontheotherhand, partswhereinmorerecenttimesDutchhassufferedalossoffunction.Inthe latterparts,Frenchisnowusedasthelanguageofculture,andastheusualmeans ofsocialcommunication,whereasDutchhasonlysurvivedinadialecticalform withaveryrestrictedcommunicativevalue.Inthatparticularregionwehave, moreover, to distinguish between communes where even the local Flemish dialectisasgoodasdead,andotherswhereithasretainedsomefunctionswithin the informal family domain (Ryckeboer, 1977;Ryckeboer & Maeckelberghe, 1987).The particular partof the ‘Westhoek’ where thisoccurredisnotonly graduallybecomingsmaller,itisalsoexposedtoerosionfromwithin,sinceonly (partof)theoldergenerationstilldisplaysanactivecompetenceinthelocal dialectbutisnolongerabletohanditdowntofuturegenerations. UnderthereignoftheFlemishcountBoudewijnII(878–918)thecountyof FlandersextendedfromtheZeelandislestotheriverCancheinNorthernFrance. ThefirstlossofterritorytoFranceoccurredin1180,soonfollowedbyanongoing, gradualannexationofFlemishterritory.Also,asaresultoftheTreatyofMelun (1226)FlanderslostitspoliticalindependenceandbecameafiefofFrance. MainlyafterthedefeatanddeathofDukeKareldeStoute(CharlestheBold) in 1477, Southern Flanders, as a result of an almost permanent tug-of-war, frequentlyshiftedbackandforthbetweenFranceandtheLowCountries.After theabdicationofCharlesVitbecame,togetherwiththerestoftheNetherlands, partoftheSpanishempireofCharles’son,PhilipII.FromthenontheSpaniards graduallylostaconsiderablepartoftheirpossessionsintheLowCountries, amongthemSouthernFlanders.Asaresultofthe‘TreatyofNijmegen’(1678)the French-FlemishterritoriesremainedforevermoreunderFrenchrule(Verbeke, 1973). Itgoeswithoutsayingthatalanguageborderdoesnotchangeitscourseevery timethereisachangeofrule.Yet,aslowbutcontinuousshiftofthatborderina northerlydirectionhastakenplaceonwhichIwillnowelaborate. Language border shift ThewaveofgallicisationthattookplaceinnorthernFranceinthe11th–12th centuryandthatledtotheveryestablishmentofthelanguageborderhasbeen mentionedabove.Yet,therewasstillsomeshiftingbackandforthafterthat: Kales(Calais),whichhadbecomepartoftheRomancelanguageterritorywas ‘re-Dutchified’inthe13thcenturyandremainedDutchspeakingforquitesome time,asiswitnessedbytheuseofDutchinclericalwriting(Gysseling,1966).We know that also in other parts of what is now the French ‘département du Pas-de-Calais’,Dutchcontinuedtobeusedforalongtime(Bougard&Gysseling, 1971).It can be safely assumed that in Pas-de-Calais it was the aristocracy, followed by the urban patriciate that took the lead in language shift. In Sint-Omaars(Saint-Omer)itstartedasearlyasthe13thcenturybutitwasnot untilthe17thcenturythatFrenchalsobecamethehabituallanguageofthelower La n g u a g e Sh ift Th rough E ro sio n 5 7 socialclasses(Pée,1957).ThewholeterritorywestoftheriverAawasFrenchified almostcompletelyatthecloseofthe17thcentury. The‘Westhoek’(eastoftheriverAa)hadnotbeenreachedbytheearliershift ofthelanguageborder.WhentheannexationbyFrancetookplaceitwasstill monolinguallyDutch-speaking (Ryckeboer,1990:245),although,ofcourse,it wassubject tothe samesocialevolutionwhich accountedfortheincreasing influenceofFrenchin‘Belgian’Flanders(Deneckere,1954;Willemyns&Vande Craen, 1989). Yet, it was undoubtedly the annexation which was the main instigatorofFrenchification,evenifitsconsequenceswereonlyfeltinrealityafter theFrenchRevolution(1789),whentheuseofFrenchwasmadeobligatoryinthe schoolsystem,inlocaladministrationandinallofficialdocuments(DeJonghe, 1967).TheFrenchifyingpolicyoftherevolutionaryandsubsequentNapoleonic