The End of Mineriade: Labour Relations and Romania's Transition from Socialism
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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
Romania Redivivus
alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head. -
A Study of Institutional Change Within the Romanian National Political Economy with a Focus on Elites, International Forces and Labour
A Study of Institutional Change within the Romanian National Political Economy with a Focus on Elites, International Forces and Labour By Ioana Jipa-Muşat Submitted to Queen Mary University of London Department of Business and Management Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Dr. Liam Campling Dr. Martha Prevezer Programme of Study: 2015-2019 1 Required statement of originality for inclusion in research degree thesis I, Ioana Jipa-Muşat, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. X Ioana Jipa-Muşat Date: 2 Abstract Recognised shortcomings of the comparative political economy literature are its relatively static analysis and general bypassing of context-specific explanatory variables. -
Coal Mine Methane Country Profiles, Chapter 29, June 2015
29 Romania 29.1 Summary of Coal Industry 29.1.1 ROLE OF COAL IN ROMANIA Coal accounts for 29 percent of energy production in Romania (EIA, 2014). Romania’s proven coal reserves are estimated at about 291 million tonnes (Mmt) and the country ranks 20th worldwide in coal production (see Table 29-1). More than 80 percent of Romanian lignite reserves can be mined profitably in opencast mines, while the remaining 20 percent require underground mining (Euracoal, 2014; WEC, 2000). Table 29-1. Romania’s Coal Reserves and Production Sub- Anthracite & bituminous Total Global Rank Indicator Bituminous & Lignite (million tonnes) (# and %) (million tonnes) (million tonnes) Estimated Proved Coal Reserves 10.0 281.0 291.0 43 (0.033%) (2011) Annual Coal Production (2012) 0.04 33.99 34.03 20 (0.43%) Source: EIA (2014) Figure 29-1 shows the distribution of lignite and hard coalfields in Romania. The coal deposits are grouped into four zones: Zone I, mainly located in the Southern Carpathian Mountains, includes all the high-grade coal such as anthracite, pit coal (higher ranking than brown coal – bituminous and sub-bituminous), and brown coal (lignite) from the Petrosani, Anina and Tebea-Brad basins. Zone II, located within the Pre-Carpathian creep, between the Olt and Valea Buzaului rivers, includes the lignite deposits of Campulung, Sotanga, Filipestii de Padure, and Ceptura. The coal basins of the Eastern Carpathian are also included within this zone: Baraolt-Virghis (lignite) and Comanesti-Bacau (brown coal). More than 90 percent of Romanian coal reserves are located within Zone II, namely in the mining basins of the Oltenia Region. -
Romania, December 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Romania, December 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: ROMANIA December 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Romania. Short Form: Romania. Term for Citizen(s): Romanian(s). Capital: Bucharest (Bucureşti). Click to Enlarge Image Major Cities: As of 2003, Bucharest is the largest city in Romania, with 1.93 million inhabitants. Other major cities, in order of population, are Iaşi (313,444), Constanţa (309,965), Timişoara (308,019), Craiova (300,843), Galati (300,211), Cluj-Napoca (294,906), Braşov (286,371), and Ploeşti (236,724). Independence: July 13, 1878, from the Ottoman Empire; kingdom proclaimed March 26, 1881; Romanian People’s Republic proclaimed April 13, 1948. Public Holidays: Romania observes the following public holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1), Epiphany (January 6), Orthodox Easter (a variable date in April or early May), Labor Day (May 1), Unification Day (December 1), and National Day and Christmas (December 25). Flag: The Romanian flag has three equal vertical stripes of blue (left), yellow, and red. Click to Enlarge Image HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early Human Settlement: Human settlement first occurred in the lands that now constitute Romania during the Pleistocene Epoch, which began about 600,000 years ago. About 5500 B.C. the region was inhabited by Indo-European people, who in turn gave way to Thracian tribes. Today’s Romanians are in part descended from the Getae, a Thracian tribe that lived north of the Danube River. During the Bronze Age (about 2200 to 1200 B.C.), these Thraco-Getian tribes engaged in agriculture, stock raising, and trade with inhabitants of the Aegean Sea coast. -
The Extreme Right in Contemporary Romania
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Contemporary Romania RADU CINPOEª October 2012 n In contrast to the recent past of the country, there is a low presence of extreme right groups in the electoral competition of today’s Romania. A visible surge in the politi- cal success of such parties in the upcoming parliamentary elections of December 2012 seems to be unlikely. This signals a difference from the current trend in other European countries, but there is still potential for the growth of extremism in Roma- nia aligning it with the general direction in Europe. n Racist, discriminatory and intolerant attitudes are present within society. Casual intol- erance is widespread and racist or discriminatory statements often go unpunished. In the absence of a desire by politicians to lead by example, it is left to civil society organisations to pursue an educative agenda without much state-driven support. n Several prominent members of extreme right parties found refuge in other political forces in the last years. These cases of party migration make it hard to believe that the extreme views held by some of these ex-leaders of right-wing extremism have not found support in the political parties where they currently operate. The fact that some of these individuals manage to rally electoral support may in fact suggest that this happens precisely because of their original views and attitudes, rather than in spite of them. RADU CINPOEª | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN CONTEMPORARY ROMANIA Contents 1. Introduction. 3 2. Extreme Right Actors ...................................................4 2.1 The Greater Romania Party ..............................................4 2.2 The New Generation Party – Christian Democratic (PNG-CD) .....................6 2.3 The Party »Everything for the Country« (TPŢ) ................................7 2.4 The New Right (ND) Movement and the Nationalist Party .......................8 2.5 The Influence of the Romanian Orthodox Church on the Extreme Right Discourse .....8 3. -
The Social Impact of Mine Closure in the Jiu Valley
E3S Web of Conferences 239, 00004 (2021) https://doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202123900004 ICREN 2020 The social impact of mine closure in the Jiu Valley Izabella Kovacs*, Sorin Simion, Alin Irimia, Ligia Ioana Tuhuţ , and Gheorghe Daniel Florea National Institute for Research and Development in Mine Safety and Protection to Explosion – INSEMEX Petrosani, 32-34 G-ral Vasile Milea Street, Petrosani 332047, Romania Abstract. The impact of transition periods is experienced by the local population and economy as a result of mining activities closure and dismissal of a large number of workers followed by diversification of employment and career reorientation opportunities. The aim of the paper is to highlight the impact generated by closure of mining operations on local society and economy as well as identifying opportunities for harmonious development of communities in the Jiu Valley. Following the assessment of the social impact of mining activities closure, we found a rising tendency of unemployment rate among the middle-aged population that did not benefit from vocational retraining and the growing tendency of young people to leave the region for strictly economic reasons leading to widespread social aging. 1 Restructuring of mi ning activity in Romania and the Jiu Valley Jiu Valley is a micro-region in Hunedoara County, located between the Retezat and Parâng Mountains (fig.1). It consists of 3 cities: Petrila, Uricani and Aninoasa and 3 municipalities - Petroșani, Lupeni and Vulcan. Officially, the micro-region has no rural areas, because it has been incorporated into municipalities or cities, being considered urban. * Corresponding author: [email protected] © The Authors, published by EDP Sciences. -
Regional Specialization and Employment Dynamics in Transition Countries
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Traistaru, Iulia; Wolff, Guntram B. Working Paper Regional specialization and employment dynamics in transition countries ZEI Working Paper, No. B 18-2002 Provided in Cooperation with: ZEI - Center for European Integration Studies, University of Bonn Suggested Citation: Traistaru, Iulia; Wolff, Guntram B. (2002) : Regional specialization and employment dynamics in transition countries, ZEI Working Paper, No. B 18-2002, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, Zentrum für Europäische Integrationsforschung (ZEI), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/39615 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu W o r k i n B 18 2002 g P a p e r Transition Countries Employment Dynamics in Regional Specialization and Iulia Traistaru and Guntram B. -
Emerging Challenges of Land Rental Markets a Review of Available Evidence for the Europe and Central Asia Region
March 2006 Europe and Central Asia The World Bank Chief Economist’s Regional Working Paper Series Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized 1818 H Street, NW Infrastructure Department (ECSIE) Washington, D.C. The World Bank Vol. 1, No. 4 Washington, D.C. 36982 This study examines the challenges facing land rental markets in the Europe and Central Asia Region – to understand the patterns of land rental market development and constraints on fur- ther growth, and propose policy recommendations needed to improve their functioning in order Emerging Challenges of Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized to achieve desirable equity and effi ciency outcomes. Land rental is widespread in the countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, largely driven Land Rental Markets by the way land was redistributed in the 1990s and by the role of corporate farms. Through- out the region, land rental markets have the potential to play an important role in stimulating A Review of Available Evidence for the Europe and much-needed land consolidation and farm restructuring for agricultural recovery and growth, and contributing to employment and poverty alleviation in rural areas. To realize this potential, Central Asia Region governments need to turn their attention to making land rental markets work better by creating the enabling environment and supporting infrastructure for these markets to develop. Government actions to support the development of land rental markets can be organized in four Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized broad categories: securing individual property rights; encouraging effi cient land rental markets while protecting the rights of small landholders; activating land rental market by addressing constraints in other markets; and preventing further land fragmentation and complicated land- ownership arrangements by simplifying laws and procedures to divide land among heirs. -
The Miner Industry from Jiu Valley – Environmental and Social Influences
Annals of the „Constantin Brâncuşi” University of Târgu Jiu, Economy Series, Special Issue/2014- Information society and sustainable development THE MINER INDUSTRY FROM JIU VALLEY – ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES PROF.EC.DRD. BĂDĂU ADRIAN-BOGDAN LICEUL TEHNOLOGIC “RETEZAT” URICANI, e-mail:[email protected] Rezumat Situated in the middle of the MERIDIONAL CARPATHIENS, the DEPRESSION OF JIU VALLEY represents the main pitcoal basin of Romania. In the last century, the extraction activity had a major influence on the developement of the region.The influences and the effects of the miner industry can be classified in two big groups: positive effects which means the acceleration of the economical developement, of the means of communication and the increase of the population and negative effects being the main source of pollution of the region. Cuvinte cheie: mining, economy, pollution, heaps of debris Clasificare JEL : M40, M41 1. Introduction and context study The coal deposits of the Jiu Valley Coal Basin were discovered for the first time by chance in the 18th century and the first mining works took place during the middle of the 19th century in VULCAN and PETRILA areas. Nowadays, the Jiu Valley Coal Basin distinguishes itself for the beauty of its landscapes, which is combined in great harmony with the richness of the subsoil. The pit coal resources have brought this area into prominence and have turned it out into one of the most important industrial centre in Romania. During the socialist period, Jiu Valley was considered one of the most flourishing regions in Romania. Jiu Valley micro-region has lost its statute of the economically developed area as a result of shutting down the mining infrastructure and of the mono-industrialization (the mining industry being orientated mainly towards mining), being considered nowadays as a disadvantaged area. -
Gender Policies in Romania: from Infrastructure to Action
GEORGETA GHEBREA Georgeta Ghebrea assistant Gender Policies in professor, Romania: from Infrastructure Ph.D, University to Action1 of Bucharest, Abstract Department In the first decade post-1989 no gender of Political policies with clear objectives and specific instru- Science ments existed in Romania. The gender main- streaming was first stated in the two National Author of the books: Action Plans for Equal Opportunities between Regim social-politic şi viaţă privată Women and Men (1996 and 2000). Still, the attention of the various Romanian Governments, [Social and political regime and pri- concerning women's issues, was focused especial- vate life](2000). Co-author of the ly on labour relationships and on related books: Sărăcie şi asistenţă socială în domains, such as social security and health insur- România secolelor IX si XX ance. Other fields, such as education, political [Poverty and social welfare in participation, family and civil rights, were under- Romania (2002), Analysing female developed, as regards the consideration of visibility in Romania ( 2004), women's needs and interests.The legislation and Mapping Romanian Women's cam- institutions that implement and monitor the paign for change ( 2005), observance of equality take no special interest in Implementing the EU equality women's discrimination, as women are treated together with other discriminated categories (the acquis in Romania ( 2005). disabled, Rroma, homosexuals). E-mail: [email protected] 1. Objectives and Methods of Research Key words: gender policies, Romania, gender The present study proposes to exam- mainstreaming, equal opportunities, ine the existing Romanian situation regarding European Union the constitution of the necessary infrastruc- ture for the implementation of gender main- streaming principles.