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Iv “One People Without Borders”: the Lost Roots of the Immigrants' Rights Movement, 1954-2006 by Eladio B. Bobadilla Depa

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Iv “One People Without Borders”: the Lost Roots of the Immigrants' Rights Movement, 1954-2006 by Eladio B. Bobadilla Depa “One People without Borders”: The Lost Roots of the Immigrants’ Rights Movement, 1954-2006 by Eladio B. Bobadilla Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Nancy K. MacLean, Supervisor ___________________________ Sarah J. Deutsch ___________________________ Jocelyn Olcott ___________________________ Gunther W. Peck ___________________________ Adriane D. Lentz-Smith ___________________________ Max Krochmal ___________________________ Paul A. Kramer Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 iv ABSTRACT “One People without Borders”: The Lost Roots of the Immigrants’ Rights Movement, 1954-2006 by Eladio B. Bobadilla Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Nancy K. MacLean, Supervisor ___________________________ Sarah J. Deutsch ___________________________ Jocelyn Olcott ___________________________ Gunther W. Peck ___________________________ Adriane D. Lentz-Smith ___________________________ Max Krochmal ___________________________ Paul Kramer An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright © by Eladio B. Bobadilla 2019 Abstract Why, this dissertation asks, did the same Mexican American groups who in the 1950s warned about a “wetback invasion,” come, in the span of only two decades, to take up the cause of the undocumented—even to see themselves and undocumented immigrants as “one people without borders”? And why did this shift occur at a time of economic recession and restructuring, when the significance of unsanctioned migration was most pressing for Mexican Americans? This project argues that the dreaded “invasion” of undocumented immigrants was the very force that ultimately produced a vibrant Mexican American-led immigrants’ rights movement. It shows that from the late 1960s to the mid-2000s, U.S.-born Mexican American activists came to understand immigration policy and debates as central to their own struggle for both civil rights and human rights. As they did so, these activists came to fight on various fronts and to use numerous strategies. They took direct action. They built antiracist networks. They fostered alliances with (and articulated the importance of) transnational, working-class labor movements. They developed self-help organizations. They waged legal battles locally and nationally. And they engaged human rights discourses learned from other global struggles. Beginning in the late 1960s and continuing over the next several decades, these organizers and advocates were able to convince ethnic leaders, labor unions, and allies on the left that supporting immigrants was, in the long run, in the interest of all marginalized people and all workers. Indeed, the immigrants’ rights movement as it exists today is the product of that half-century of transformation. iv As it traces that transformation and the understudied roots of the modern immigrants’ rights movement, the dissertation also makes broader contributions to our understanding of the historical significance of immigration in the twentieth-century United States. Blending various methodological approaches—including archival research, oral history, and policy analysis—it shows that debates about immigration have sparked fierce intra-ethnic debates, destabilized traditional political ideologies and coalitions, and revealed fundamental paradoxes of American social and political life. Namely, this work highlights how tensions between cultural anxieties and capital’s insatiable hunger for cheap labor resulted in both mass migration of indispensable but unwanted foreign workers and Draconian restrictionism and a resurgent nativism, and how this problem, in turn, forced Mexican Americans, organized labor, and leftist activists to rethink their positions and strategies on immigration. v Dedication To those who have imagined, dreamed, fought, and sacrificed for a better world. The fight continues. “The word of the oldest of the old of our peoples didn't stop. It spoke the truth, saying that our feet couldn't walk alone, that our history of pain and shame was repeated and multiplied in the flesh and blood of the brothers and sisters of other lands and skies.” -Subcomandante Marcos vi Contents Abstract .................................................................................................................................................. iv Dedication ............................................................................................................................................. vi Contents ............................................................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................... viii Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 1. “Forced into Competition”: Mexican Americans Confront Braceros and the “Wetback” Question, 1944-1965 .......................................................................................................................... 26 2. “A Shameful Betrayal”: Cesar Chavez, the United Farm Workers, and the “Wetback” Question .............................................................................................................................................. 69 3. “One People without Borders”: The Radical Roots of the Immigrants’ Rights Movement ............................................................................................................................................................. 104 4. “Another Civil Rights Struggle”: Immigration Policy, Compromise, and the Politics of Failure ................................................................................................................................................ 143 5. “For Us, There Are No More Back Doors”: The Roots and Consequences of California’s Proposition 187 ................................................................................................................................ 179 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 214 Bibliography ...................................................................................................................................... 224 Biography .......................................................................................................................................... 252 vii Acknowledgements It was around my junior year in high school that I gave up. Until then, I had been a good student and a dedicated learner. But it was around that time that I realized what being “undocumented” really meant. As one of the people I interviewed for this dissertation told me, “who needs papers when you’re a kid?” But as I came of age, I began to realize that without documents, my dreams may not come true. I would have to settle for working, like my parents, in the fields. There was nothing wrong with that, of course. It’s dignified and necessary work. It’s honorable and beautiful. But it’s hard work, and it’s not what my parents wanted for me or frankly, what I wanted for myself. But it was the life ahead of me, so I gave up on everything else. I began to fail classes, then to skip them. I stopped caring. When my parents came home from ten- or twelve-hour days of torturous work to notices and phone calls from my teachers, I realized the sadness I was causing them and what a mockery of their sacrifices I was making. I decided that I would at least graduate high school. I managed to scrape together enough Cs and remedial classes to get a diploma, barely making a 2.0 GPA. But in 2004, I became the first person in my family to graduate high school. After graduation, I began to work the night shift at a packaging warehouse for a major retail distributor. Then, in 2005, I received a letter that changed my life. I was granted permanent residence—a green card. Suddenly, the world opened up to me. But I came from poverty, and my high school academic record was atrocious. So it was then that I joined the United States Navy, where I married a woman who had enlisted around the same time. I began to think once again about my future. Timaree, the woman who became my wife, had attended Weber State University, an open-admissions university in Northern Utah, where, she told viii me, I could start over. My past and my high school grades would not matter. I would be a blank slate. Timaree and I began our studies in 2010 and finished our bachelor’s degrees together three years later, and in 2012, I applied to graduate school. I chose Duke University because it felt right. I’d be lying if I said it was anything else. It just felt right. And it was right. As I submit this document, I am bringing to a close six years of graduate work. But I am only here, at this stage, because of the many women and men in my life who supported me, guided me, and inspired me. A few words to each of those who have made this possible seems woefully inadequate. I will spend the rest of my life trying to honor
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