PHREE Background Paper Series Public Disclosure Authorized Document No. PHREE/92/47

Language Issues in Scientific Training and Research

Public Disclosure Authorized in Developing Countries

by

Thomas Owen Eisemon (Consultant) Public Disclosure Authorized

Educationand EmploymentDivision Population and Human ResourcesDepartment The World Bank

Public Disclosure Authorized January 1992

This publication series serves as an outlet for background products from the ongoing work program of policy research and analysis of the Education and Employment Division in the Population and Human Resources Department of the World Bank. The iews expressed are those of the author(s), and should not be attributed to the World Bank- . . It

This paper was prepared in connection with the author's responsibilities at the World Bank while on leave from the Center for Cognitive and Ethnographic Studies at McGill University.

O ThzeIntemational Bank for Reconstrction and Development/ Thle World Bank, 1992 Table of Contents

Abstract ...... iii

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

IL LANGUAGE AND SCIENCE ...... 2 English "Hegemony" in Scientific Training and Research . 2 Variations in Language Policies .4

Ill. DOES USE OF AN INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE CREATE A BARRIER TO INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC COMMUNICATION? .6 "Parochialism"in Science .6 Economic Impediments to Scientific Communication ...... 7 Effects of Language Policies on Mainstream Scientific Visibility ...... 8 Achieving International Visibility...... 13 Use of Information and Publication Strategies ...... 15

IV. THE QUALITY AND EFFECTIVENESS OF SCIENTIFIC TRAINING ...... 16 The Metropolitan Language as a Proxy for Educational Quality ...... 16 Metropolitan Language Instruction and Foreign Training ...... 19 English Language Skills of Foreign Students in American Universities ...... 20

V. USE OF INDIGENOUS AND METROPOLITAN LANGUAGES FOR SCIENCE EDUCATION .24 Social Selectivityof Access to Metropolitan Language Education .24 Teaching in a Metropolitan Language ...... 26 Methods of Instruction ...... 27 Effects of Language on Student Achievement .28 Implications of Language Policies for Using Science in Daily Life .32

VI. SUMMARY ...... 35

VII. TABLES

Table 1: Percentage of Countries Teaching English and Other European Languages in Secondary Schools ...... 3

i Table 2: Number of Journal and Book Authors and Number of Research Scientists and Engineers by Region and Selected Countries: 1987 & Various Years ...... 9

Table 3: Developing Country SCI Source Publications by Region and Country: 1987 ...... 11

Tab!. 4: Proport ion of Developing Country Agricultural and Forestry Scientists Who Publish Local or in Developed Country Journals ...... 12

Table 5: Language of Examination By Course of Study: 1967 ...... 17

Table 6: Ranking of TOEFL Repeaters 1977-1980by Country and Region of Origin ...... 21

Table 7: Mean TOEFL Scores 1987-89 By Region and Country ...... 22

Table 8: Foreign Student Performance on the Graduate Record Examination and Grades Received for First Year of UtniversityStudies: 1982-84 ...... 23

Table 9: Student Performance in Reading Comprehension, Written Composition, Mathematics and Science/Agriculture in Kirundi and French ...... 30

Table 10: Percentage Differences by Test: Repeaters Versus Nonrepeaters ...... 32

References ..... 38

ii Absta

Language policies affecting scientific education and research have important implications for educational efficiency and effectiveness. An analysis of the role of European and other languages in science education and in advanced scientific training and research in developing countries is presented. Three conclusions are drawn. First, policies favoring indigenous languages for scientific training do not necessarily create a "language barrier" to international scientific communication. They do not inhibit the production of mainstream, mainly English language scientific research or use of English scientific information. Second, in countries where a foreign language has been adopted for all science instructions, poor foreign language proficiency is an important cause of high wastage and repetition rates and low achievement in scientific and technological courses. Foreign language training must be improved at all educational levels. Finally,use of indigenous languages at least at the primary level may promote leaming of science and related subjects. Indigenous languages will not develop as language of ordinary scientific discourse unless they are employed for instruction social and material welfare.

.. INTRODUCrION

Language policies in developing countries reflect the ways western science and education were transplanted to non-western societies. They are also influenced by outcomes of historical experiences, especially by trading relationships and patterns of foreign scientific and educational assistance. At the same time, language policies are instruments for deliberately changing these circumstances.

That may involve expanding instruction in an indigenous language, providing support for indigenous language scientific publications or introducing a new foreigr language for scientific training. For example, some Francophone countries in Africa have made English a compulsory second language for scientific and technical studies to diversify sources of educational assistance. MoFambique is considering changing the langua6,e of instruction from Portuguese to English to foster greater economic and scientific co-operation regiona!ly and internationally. Many Asian countries like Japan, Korea and China adopted indigenous languages for scientific instruction and research to create a national scientific community. Inflt.ential Filipino scientiss recently proposed that their country follow these examples (Scott 1989).

How language policies may affect scientific training and research and the utilization of modern science in eaily life is the subject of this paper. Language policies generate intense controversy and for this reason, are often regarded as matters for political debate rather than a subject for dispassionate analysis. The purpose of this paper is to identify their consequences and to show their centrality to efforts to improve educational efficiency and effectiveness.

An analysis of the role of European and other languages in science education and advanced scientific training and research is presented in the first section of the paper. Linguistic barriers to scientific communication and recognition are discussed. The impact of language policies on the quality and effectiveness of science education and advanced scientific training is addressed in the second section of the paper. Since increasing access to foreign universities is important to the rationale for using a foreign language for science instruction, the relationship between language policies, foreign language proficiency and success in foreign studies is considered. In many countries, science and even health, agriculture and nutrition are taught only in a foreign language. How teaching science in a foreign language may influence teaching methods and learning outcomes is investigated in the final section.

Three conclusions are drawn. First, policies favoring indigenous languages for scientific training do not necessarily create a "language barrier" to international scientific communication. They do not inhibit the production of mainstream, mainly Englishlanguage scientific research or use of English scientific information. Economic and political circumstances are more serious constraints on scientificproduction and communication. Second, in countries where a foreign language has been adopted for all science instruction, poor foreign language proficiency is an - 2 -

important cause of high wastage and repetition rates and low achievement in scientific and technological courses. Foreign language training must he improved at all educational levels. Finally, use of indigenous languages a. least at the primary level may promote learning of science and related subjects. Indigenous languages will not develop as languages of ordinary scientific discourse unless they are employed for instruction. That, in turn, may facilitate diffusion of science in the popular culture and in doing so, strengthen the many positive effects of schooling on social and material welfare.

LANGUAGE AND SCENCE

English "Hegemony" in Scientific Training and Research

Language establishes the intellectual boundaries cf scientificcommunities influencing what students are taught, how scientific instruction and research is organized and carried out as well as with whom scientists communicate. There are transnational scientific communities to which almost all scientists belong defined on the basis of the language of scientific activities, the largest being the English language scientific community. Boundaries between these transnational scientific communities are made permeable by language requirements in science education and especially in advanced scientific training, and by the comprehensiveness of bibliographic data bases and aostracting and translating services (Tabah 1990).

One indicator is the increasing citation of English language literature in scientific publications in other European languages (Garfield 1967; 1976; 1983a.) and the increasing use of English journals by non-English authors (Inhalber 1977a; Frame, Narin and Carpenter 1977; Jagodzinski-Sigogneau,Courtial and Latour 1982;Tsunoda 1983;Shearer 1986; 1991). For example, a majority of Francophone scientistsand engineers in Quebec publish in English despite government support for the development of French language scientificjournals (Eisemon and Rabkin 1978; 1979; Gablot 1981; Leclerc 1988). The proportion of English language scientific literature in major international data bases for physics, biology, medicine and chemistry ranged in 1980 from 62% for chemistry to 88% for biology (Large 1983, 18). Since the 1960s, the share of English publications has grown in applied as well as in basic scientific fields; in 1977, 83% of publications in engineering surveyed by indexing services were in English (Large 1983, 22). This is largely attributable to the high scientific output of American scientists and engineers who account for perhaps half of all scientific authors and a significant proportion of publications in foreign scientificjournals (Inhalber 1977a., 391). The expansion of English scientific literature has led to concerns about "linguistic hegonomy" (Tsunoda 1983; Leclerc 1988). - 3 -

While English has become the intgu4franca of scientific communication, there are no signs that this has reduced use of other European hai.guages. The volume of scientific literature 6a other European languages continues to grow. It is the impact of research in these languages measured by citations to sc-cntific literature that has diminished relative to English (Large 1983, 21- 24). Ihe exception is Russ,&nlanguage research whose impact on Engiish language scientific and technological literature increased narticularly in the 1960s and 1970s (Large 1983, ~2).

Moreover, English has not supplanted the use of non-EuropQan languages for scientific communication. Japanese, for example, is becoming an important language of scientific research (Large 1983, 26) with increasing impact on mainstream English scientific literature and on the indigcnous and English language scientific literatures of other Asian countries (Eisemon and Davis 1989, 366; Davis and Eisemon 1989). The proliferation of non-European language scientific literatures has facilitated adoption of indigenous languages for scientific training and science educat; n. At the same time, the centrifugal tendencies favoring expansion of English for commu, 'ation has made English a universal second or third scientific language (Table 1).

Table 1

Perceniage of Countria Tewhing English and Other European Lnguges in Secondazy Schools

Period

anguage: 1920-44 1945-69 1970-86 N=48 N=123 N=127

English 39.6 62.2 72.0

French 47.9 33.3 17.6

German 16.3 - .8

Russian - 6.5 6.3

Spanish - 6.3

Source: Cha, Y.K (1991), "Effectof the Global Systemon Language Instruction 1850- 1986," Sociolog of Education, 64, 29. -4-

Varnations in Language Policies

The role of indigenous and European languages in scientific training and communication in developing countries varies. At one extreme are countries where almost all instruction in scientific and technical subjects from primary school through uriversity occurs in an indigenous language that is used for most scientific communication. Examples include China, Korea and Thailand. Such countries are relatively homogenous linguistically.They have large institutional infrastructures for scientific training and research whose development preceded the Second World War. In Korea and China, many of the first modern higher educational institutions offering studies in scientific and technical subjects were established at the turn of this century by European and American religious organizations whose schools offered instruction in indigenous as well as in metropolitan languages.

Indigenous language education acquired great politicaland cultural significanceowing to the particular circumstances of each of these countries. In Thailand, for example, it was an instrument for national integration of its Chinese and other linguistic minorities. Chinese schools were closed in the 1920s and 1930s and Thai made the official langiage of instruction (Keyes 1989, 133). Development of indigenous institutions for advanced scientific training and research, which began with the founding of Chulalonghorn University in 1917, was motivated by the monarchy's desire to secure the country's status as one of Asia's two politically independent states. Today, Thailand's sixteen public and twenty five private universitiesand colleges use the indigenous language in science and engineering programs at the postgraduate anJ undergraduate levels. This has prompted the growth of a significant Thai educational and research literature. A very small proportion of the scientific output of Thailand is published in English or another European language (Yuthavong 1986). For example, more than 90% of all 1986 scientific papers in bio-technologyfields which rec_ive high priority in national research funding (Yuthavong 1987) were published in Thai journals, conference proceedings and other professional literature (Davis, Eisemon, Yuthavong and Phornsadja 1991).

At the other extreme are countries that use a metropolitan language for all science education and for scientific communication, and have virtually no indigenous language scientific literature. In Latin America, expansion of Spanish and Portuguese language schooling has resulted in linguistic assimilation and marginalization of indigenous languages. In Sub-Saharan Africa, few countries have a national language. In most African primary schools, science and even agriculture and health are taught in a former metropolitan languace which serves as the national language, usually English or French (Eisemon 1989). European languages are used for secondary and higher education except in Ethiopia and Tanzania. Linguistichetrogenity has also prompted countries such as Singapore and other multiethnic island states like Madagascar, the Seychelles and Mauritius to adopt metropolitan languages for all scientific training and research. -5'

TIhereare fewAfrican scientific journals and none in indipenouslanguages. African scientistscommunicate in metropolitanla:nguages in jourmalspublished in the former metropolitan countries(Rablin, Eisemon,Lafitte-Houssat and Rathgeber 1979). Linguistichetrogenity and the intelectuallegacies of European imperialismhave contributed to continuedreliance on metropolitan languages(Eisemon 1979; Eisemon 1984; Eisemon. Davis and Rathgeber 1985).

In betweenthese extremesare many developingcountries whose language policies have produceddualistic higher education systems; ie. there are both indigenousand Englishlanguage educational and scie.-ific institutions. Sometimesthis replicates the structure of primary aLd secondaryeducation as in India and Egyptwhere there are English and local language schools. Typically,the metropolitanlanguage education sector is smallerand associatedwith accessto high qualityscientific training at the universitylevel. Often metropolitanlanguage education is offered by private institutionsincluding elite privateuniversities like the AmericanUniversity of Cairo. In India, highquality metropolitan language scientific and technicaleducation is providedby the central governmentwhich operates the Indian Institutesof Technology,the IndianInstitute of Science,and the country's premier scientific institutions. State governments have responsibilityfor the bulk of India's higher educational institutions, many of which use indigenous languages for instruction at the undergraduate level (Eisemon 1974).

In India, metropolitan and indigenous language scientificeducation has an interesting history. India's first modern higher educational institutions were established in the 18th century to promote oriental learning. Their curricula included instruction in indigenous as well as European scientificsubjects which were taught in vernacular languages (Kopf 1969;1979). English was adopted as the medium of instruction for teaching science only after a prolonged controversy. The issue was decided in favor of a modernizing Indian elite that not only wanted access to employment in the colonial scientific and educational services but also viewed European science as an instrument for revitJzing India's scientific and intellectual heritage. The result is that English developed as an indigenousscientific language. Use of vernacular languages continued as did instruction in indigenous sciences like Ayurvedic and Unani medicine. Expansion of the higher education system particularly in the 1960s occurred in the context of political partition of the country into language states. This led to increased provisior - higher education in vernacular languages and establishment of many national scientific instituti ..s using English.

India illustratesanother source of compkt: ty in describing the use of European and indigenouslanguages for scientifictraining and researchin manydeveloping countries. WhileEnglish and vemacularlanguages are used for instructionand researchin scienceand manyapplied scientific fields including medicine and agriculture, engineering cducation and research is done primarily in English (Eisemon 1974). Countries that have placed more importance on the development of indigenous languages for scientific and educational purposes like Korea have also experienced difficulties in using these languages for engineering training. -6 -

Engineers are frequently thought of as producers and users of "local" knowledge in contrast, say, to physical and biological scientists. There is much evidence of this, for example, in the production of technical literature for practioners in engineering (Price 1968; 1986, i14) and use of such literature in research and training (Eisemon 1974; Eisemon and Davis 1989, 366). That is one reason why national research capacities in engineering are poorly estimated in science indicators that measure production of journal literature which is more visible to the international scientific community (International Task Force for Assessing the Scientific Output of the Third World 1985, 9).

Perhaps the explana.ion for the continuing in.+ ince cf metropolitan languages in engineering has partly to do with the fact that western countries r .nain a significant source of opportunities especiallyfor postgraduate training in erg-.ineering.Universities in developing countries are important suppliers of engineering students to western universitiesand of graduate engineers for the international labor market.

DOES USE OF AN INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE CREATE A BARRIER 10 INTRNATIONAL SCENTIFIC COMMUNICATION?

Barriers to scientificcommunication, developing country contribution .o mainstream, English language scientific literature and the role of indigenous languages in scientific research are considered below. Two generalizations are supported by previous studies. First, political parochialism and underinvestment in science are more serious impediments to scientific production and international scientific communication than language policies. Use of indigenous languages for scientific training and research usuallydoes not isolate a developing country scientific community in the absence of other reinforcing circumstances. Second, although much high impact scientific research is published abroad in international scientific languages, indigenous language scientific literatures have important functions. Such literatu.. is particularly important for communicating applied scientific research and supporting use of indigenous languages for scientific training.

'Parochialism" in Scie- -.

Shils (1961) drew attention to the tensions between cosmopolitanismand parochialism in building modem scientfiic cultures in newly independent African and Asian countries. Their fragile scientific communities required continuing inputs of foreign technical assistance, foreign training, access to foreign scientific information and outlets for scientificcow .. Jnication from centers of scientific activity in western countries. But nationalist ideologies emphasized scientific self- reliance; i.e. localization of teaching and research staffs, establishment of indigenous professional societies and journals, use of indigenous languages for scientificcommunication, and democratization of higher education at the expense of high quality training for a cosmopolitan English speaking -7.

scientific elite. Shils warned that !-uch measures might condemn African and Asian countries te peripheral status in the international scientific system. Ard he pointed to India---with its system of higher education in perpetual crisis, the quality of scientiric and tcchnical training declining, and the status of English reduced in favor of vernacular languages---asan indication of what might happen elsewhere if parochial pressures were not successfullyresisted (Shils 1969).

Indeed, parochialism has often accompanied efforts to p:omote scientificself-reliance and re-orient patterns of intellectual influence. For example, after the Bolshevik revolution the Soviet Union did not send scientists abroad for advanced training and restricted scientific communication including publication of Soviet science in foreign journe Is (Vucinich 1984). These policies contributed to the emergence of a large and important Russia.i scientific literature. They also contributed to the Soviet Union's present scientific and industrial weaknesses which it is trying to remedy through increased international scientific co-operation.

A more dramatic recent example of how politics influences scientific activity is provided by China's Cultural Revolution of 1966-76. "The Cultural Revolution," Frame and Narin (1987) write. "se-led China's borders and Chinese researchers lost all contact with scientific and technological developments abroad (Frame and Narin 1987,136)." China's scientific isolation during this period was nearly complete. In 1973, only one Chinese scientificpaper appeared in the Institute of Scientific Ir rmation's corpus of 2,300 mainstream scientificjournals.

Scientific and technological development became one of the ruling party's Four Modernizations in 1978. Foreign especiallyEnglish language studies, foreign scientific training mainly in North American universities and international scientific co-operation were encouraged. China's output of mainstream scientific publications increased exponentially in the early 1980s especially in earth and space sciences, mathematics and other fundamental sciences. In brief, isolationist politics may reinforce language and science policies in wa-s that reduce international scientific communication and probably the level of scientific activity as well.

Economic Impediments to Scientific Communication

Underinvestment in science is a serious impediment to international scientific communication among developing countries. In developing countries, research and development investments are related in a linear fashion to the output of mainstream scientific papers (Inhalber b.1977). Science investments are, in turn, related to the gross size of developing country economies rather than to their per capita income. Thus, it is the amount spent on science that best explains developing country variations in mainstream scientificoutput. Frame concludes that, "whileaffluence and economic size jointly correlate highly with levels of scientific effort in developed countries, economic size alone correlates strongiy with levels of scientific effort in less developed countries (Frame 1970, 233)." - 8 -

Perhaps more interesting are the several exceptions to this statement; i.e. countries that perform better than the size of their economies and investments in science would suggest such as Senegal and Kenya in the early 1970s. Both countries had large numberE of expatriate scientists and were recipients of generous bilateral and international scientific assistance for metropolitan language higher educati -it. The output of mainstream scientific papers continued to grow through the early 1980s while su bstantial progress was being made in "Africanising"scientific institutions (Eisemon aind Davis 19')la.). However, present ecoziomicdifficulties combined with unrestrained expansion of higher edUkational institutionswhich account for most mainstream scientificproduction, has adversely affected science investments and scientific output (Eisemon and Davis 1991b.).

Nigeria, Sub-Saharan Africa's largest producer of mainstrearm scientific research representing about half (47%) of its tot.i output (Zymelman 1990), is one of growing number of African and Asian countries in which research production has declined due to political instabilityand economic austerity (Eisemon and Davis 1991a.). Its production of mainstream research peaked in 1982 (Zymelman 1990, 14) and has since declined significantly. A recent analysis of Nigerian mainstream research produwtion (Gupta 1989) suggests that this is not caused by the falling output of a few highly productive "first-generation"foreign trained academic scientists (Eisemon 1980)who are now reaching retirement. Research output at least in biochemistry and perhaps in other scientific fields is broad based (Gupta 1989). The decline in mainstream research output reflects the situation of Nigerian universities which have experienced more than a decade of financial retrenchment.

A 1986 survey (Ehiknamenor 1988) of physical scientists in four elite Nigerian universities,87% of whom were active researchers, found that lack of equipment was "discouraging (78% of the scientists) from doing research," and many (82%) "complained about lack of information as a constraint to research (Ehikhamenor 1990, 442)." While few scientists had given up research altogether, many had to change their research interests to conform to equipment availability. Some made arrangements to continue their research activities outside the country and/or had foreign colleagues do literature searches for them. While austerity may prompt resourcefulness, it inhibits the production and communication of scientific information in developing country scientific communities where there are no language barriers.

Effects of Language Policies on Mainstream Scientific Visibility

Whether a country !ises English or another European language for scientific training has little to do with the country's representation of authors in some of the world's most influential scientificjournals and books surveyedby the Institute of Scientific Information as is evident in Table 2 below. -9-

Table2 Numberof Jouwnalad BookAutht andNumber of ResearchSdentckt and igninemw by Rego a d Sdectd CmnhIc 19U7& Varbu Year

Region/Country Number of Authors Number of R&D (Five most Scientists and important) Engineers

1. N. America, Europe and Japan United States 353,190 787,400 (1986) Japan 80,638 590,680 (1987) United Kingdom 79,238 NA USSR 77,449 1,511,000(1987) France 63,469 105,000(1986)

2. Latin America Brazil 6,027 52,863 (1982) Argentina 4,663 18,929 (1982) Mexico 2,942 16,679 (1984) Chile 2,171 5,145 (1987) Venezuela 1,025 4,568 (1983)

3. Middle East Israel 8,801 20,100 (10,400) Egypt 2,865 20,893 (1986) Saudi Arabia 1,451 NA Turkey 1,352 11,276 (1985) Kuwait 670 1,511 (1984)

4. Sub-Saharan Africa South Africa 5,652 NA Nigeria 1,575 NA Kenya 455 NA Senegambia 236 1,948 (1981) Ivory Coast 218 NA

5. Asia India 22,355 85,309 (1986) China 11.786 NA Taiwan 2,487 NA Korea 1,708 47,042 (1986) Hong Kong 1,048 NA

Sources:Current Content Address Directory. Science and Technology:1987 (Philadelphia: ISI, 1988); Unesco Statistical Yearbook: 1989 (Paris: Unesco, 1990). - 10-

The leading developingcountry producers of the most internationally visiblescientific research as represented in what is mainly an English language corpus of scientific literature (Carpenter and Narin 1981), are quite diverse insofar as their language and science policies are concerned. India is the largest producer of science among developing countries. It is ranked eighth in the total number of scientific authors and has the third lk -gest scientific community. Despite expanded use of vernacular languages in higher education, science policiesemphasizing self-reliance, limited coverage of Indian scientific literature in international data bases and many practical barriers to international scientificcommunication (Arunachalam 1985),India is important producer of English language scientific research. Scientific institutions in Brazil and Argentina use Portuguese and Spanish, respectively, and like India, most scientists are locally trained. Portugese and Spanish language coverage in international bibliographic data bases is particularly poor (see below). That is even more true for Asian languages like Korean. Korea's pool of research scientists and engineers, many of whom have been trained in English speaking countries (Cummings 1984), is about the size of Brazil's. However, Brazil is a much larger producer of international scientific literature.

Only in the Middle East might a "language effect" be discerned, given the similarity in the size of the research communities of Israel and Egypt. Israeli scientists are over-represented in international scientific literature compared to other developing countries. This not only reflects greater investment in research and development (Unesco 1989,5-46),but also the fact that a high proportion of Israeli scientists are emigrants from scientificallydeveloped countries---most recently, from the Soviet Union. These scientists are probably more oriented to international scientific recognition than their Israeli born colleagues. Israel ranks highest among developed and developing countries in terms of the proportion of its scientists who publish abroad (Inhalber 1977, 389).

The scientific literature of developing countries comprises a very small proportion of the more than three thousand journals that are now included in the Science Citation Index (SCI) which measures the most influential research. Journals are added to the index based on the citations t papers published in them and according other criteria such as English titles, abstracts and tables of contents. The selectivity of the SCI---about 6% of the world's scientific journals are included (Gaillard 1990, 2)---has been a source of much controversy focusing on the limited coverage of non- English and developing country scientific literature (International Task Force for Assessing the Scientific Output of the Third World 1985; Eisemon and Davis 1989, 326-27). Table 3 below summarizes the developing country contnbutions to the SCI corpus. - 11 -

Table3

Developing CountrySCQ Souce Publicatios By Region and CDuntyr 1987

Region/Country Number of Source Publications

l. Latin America

Argentina 4 Brazil 3 Chile 3 Mexico 2 Venezuela 1

2. Middle East

Israel 9 Kuwait 1

3. Africa

Kenya I South Africa 10

4. Asia

China 11 India 12 Korea 1 Pakistan 1 Taiwan 1 Thailand 1

Total 61

Source: Institute for ScientificInformation (1987).Science Citation Index 1987 Guide. (Philadelphia: Institute for Scientific Information), 122-132.

Except for the Latin American and some Chinese journals, the others either publish only English articles or are bilingual. As well, except for Latin America, the journals of many developing countries which are important producers of international scientific literature are not represented at all as in the case of Egypt and Nigeria or, like India, are seriously under-represented - 12 -

(Arunachalam 1985,3;Arunachalam and Manorama 1988). It is, for example, remarkable that India and China have about as many source journals. This can not be reflective of the quantitative production or qualitative impact of scientific research in the two countries; India accounts for 52 % of all Third World source articles and 45% citations (Garfield 1983, 258). This is, instead, suggestive of the sometimes arbitrary application of criteria for inclusion of developing country joumals in the SCI corpus (Intemational Task Force for Assessing the Scientific Output of the Third World 1985; Eisemon and Davis 1989, 329) . Until recently, Chinese science stimulated great political interest in the United States. Indian science does not. Generally, developing country scientific literature is largely ignored whether it is in Englisii or in a local language.

Analyses of the publications lists of developing country agricultural and forestry scientists whose research is funded from foreign---primarily American--sources, show that the average author produces about 1.3 scientific articles,.5conference papers and .3 technical papers per year (Bush and Lacy 1983; Gaillard 1990, 4-6). Insofar as journal articles are concemed, output is highest in the natural products and food sciences and lowest in forestry; 1.6 and 1.4 versus .7 joumal articles. Natural products researchers publish the highest proportion of their scientific papers abroad; 1.1 articles per year in foreign journals and .5 in local journals. Food scientists publish most of their work locally---1.0versus .4 journal articles---whichmay reflect the specificityof this research and the comparatively large number of developing country journals in this field. There are also significantvariations among scientists in different regions.

Table 4 Proportio of Developing CountryAgricultural and ForestryScientists Who Publishlocal or in Deeloped C-ountryJournals

Region: % Local % Other % Developed Journals Developing Country Country Journals Journals

Latin America .58 .09 .33 Africa .41 .10 .49 Asia .60 .06 .34

Total .55 .08 .37

Source: Gaillard, J., "Use of Publications Lists to Study Scientific Production and Strategies of Scientists in Developing Countries," Paper Presented to International Conference on Science Indicators for Developing Countries," Unesco, Paris, 15-19 October 1990; adapted from Bush,L and Lacy, W.B., Science. Agriculture and the Politics of Research. (Boulder, Colorado Westview Press, 1983). - 13 -

African agricultural and forestry scientists are more likely to publish abroad than either Latin American or Asian scientists probably due to lack of local outlets for their research. What is more striking, though, is the large proportion (37%) of developing country research that is published abroad. This is high by comparison to scientificallydeveloped countries (Garfield 1983; Gaillard 1990, 5). For example, 20% of French and 25% of Japanese research is published in foreign journals. Yet except for Africa, the data presented in Table 4 indicate that most developing country agricultural research produced by the most active and well funded scientists is published localy. Studies of developing country scientists in other fields have reported similar findings (Inhalber 1977a; Thorpe 1990; Meneghini 1990; Gaillard 1991). Local languages are usually used to communicate applied research. Asian and Latin American fisheries research, for example, "tends to be publishc4 in the national languages (Baldauf and Jernudd 1983, 250)." This has also been observed for agricultural researchers in Brazil (Velho and Krige 1990, 50).

Achieving International Visibility

Papers published in developed country scientificjoumals are much more likely to be cited and, thus, are more influential. Lawani (1977) showed that the papers of Nigerian entomologists which were published abroad received t74% more citations than those that appeared in Nigerian scientific journals. The ethnicity of the scientist may be related to the number of citations received. A recent Moroccan study indicates that papers produced by foreign scientists working in local scientific instutions are more likely to be cited in developed zour try scientific literature than those by Moroccan scientistsworking in the same scientificinstitutions on co-operative projects who also publish abroad (Alami and Miquel 1990).

In Africa, regional scientific institutions whose agricultural and health research programs receive support for the donor community have become prominent producers of international scientific literature (Davis 1983). The research topics that receive a high priority from foreign donors constitute most of the highly cited developing country scientific literature. According to Garfield, 90% of highly cited literature "deals with topics in closely related fields-clinical and biomedical science...The cluster names read like an agenda of Third World concerns: diseases transmitted by parasites, bacteria, and viruses; immune responses to these and other infectious diseases; hormones, steroids and fertility;and grains and legumes (Garfield 1983, 270-71)." By Third World science, Garfield undoubtedly meant that which is most cited in the Science Citation Index More accurately, it is that science supported by foreign donors, carried out in a developing country often in collaboration with foreign researchers, supported by international and bilateral assistance agencies and the philanthropic foundaticns, which is responsive to the donor community's agenda in the Third World, and published in English. - 14-

An example is the Institute of Biomedical Research founded at the National Universityof Mexico in 1940, and supported for many years by the Rockefeller Foundation. In 1965, an American trained Mexican scientist was appointed as the director who recruited many American trained scientists. Prior to the early 1960s,most research papers were published in Spanish in local journals. After that, English publications predominated. By 1969, nearly half (44%) of the Mexican doctoral students were publishing papers in American journals in collaboration with their professors. Despite a decline in foreign research funding,the cosmopolitan orientation of the Institute's scientific work continued. Few papers published between 1969 and 1979 contained citations to Mexican scientists; only 5% of total citations. A study of the Institute's scientific output notes that "the quantitative increase in scientific productivity was accompanied by a trend towards publishing in journals with an international circulation...Thisattention to research issues defined by the worldwide invisible college implies a significant shift in the quality and relevance of Mexican research (Lomitz, Rees and Comeo 1987,130)."

It is frequently alleged that a high but undetermined proportion of developingcountry scientific journals are un-refereed, that research appearing in them is not subject to peer review in any serious sense, and that the journals, thus open to scientific quackery, are a vast forum for mediocrity. Indian scientificjournals are often criticized for these reasons. Indian scientificjournals have often been found to cite much older literature than developed country mainstream journals suggesting,'a preoccupation with problems of not so great current relevance to intemational science (Arunachalam 1987, 6)." Comparisons of the age of documents cited in two Indian biochemistry journals not included in the Science Citation Index with citations in six mainstream international journals showed that Indian non-mainstream research made significantly less use of research published in the last four years. Studies of Indian physics (Moravcsik, Murugesan and Shearer 1976) and developing country biomedical literature (Christovao 1985) reveal a similar pattem. Arunachalam concludes with respect to Indian journals, that they "serve essentially as a sink for information...manypeople tackle problems of not much current relevance, scientific significance or originality (Arunachalam 1987, 6 & 7)."

This is more true of some fields and specialties than others (Arunachalam and Manorama 1988). Indian research in particle physics and astronomy uses more recent information. India has a long research tradition in these domains which have received much government financial support in the independence period. Ildian research in bio-chemistry also seems to be up-to-date, chiefly as a result of scientific exchanges with the United States. A study of scientific papers rejected by international journals found that 44% originating from developing countries were judged as being unoriginal and that in 20% of the cases, referees objected to the poor quality of the references (Garfield 1983, 270-271). - 15 -

Use of Information and Publication Strategies

Developing country researchers use information differently depending on whether the problem investigated in a scientific paper is of importance to the international or to the local scientific community. Typically,papers addressed to the international scientific community use more rapidly obsolesing literature. For instance, immunologicalresearch, whether conducted in developed or developing countries, draws upon much more recent literature than research on schistomosomiasis, a field characterized by Christovao (1985) as "local science." The age of the information base of "local science" may be related both to its applied character and to the institutional context in which it is produced---developing country scientists have limited access to recent scientific information.

The language of scientificcommunication affects use of scientific information as well. A study of papers in non-mainstream scientific journals in English and local languages from four Southeast and Far East Asian countries, indicated that Singapore English languagejournals in basic and applied sciences had the highest proportion of references to recent scientific literature (Eisemon and Davis 1989, 367). In local languagejournals, citations to literature in Korean, Bahasa Malayasia and Chinese were more recent than to English literature. Significantly,almost half (48%) of recent citations were to dissertations and theses, the most important genre of local language scientific information.

More surprisingly,the majority (615%)of producers of non-mainstream research were also contributors to mainstream scientific journals. Singapore, which uses English for science education and advanced scientific training and publishesonly English language scientificjournals, had the highest proportion of mainstream scientific authors. Malaysian authors of non-mainstream science were the most poorly represented in mainstream journals. Malaysia has a vigorous local language scientific literature and has adopted policies to localize the language of scientific training and enhance scientific opportunities for the indigenous Malay population. But the proportion of Korean authors who publish in mainstream scientific journals was very high, almost reaching the proportion of Singaporean scientists, even in applied fields like botany, electrical engineering and computer science (Eisemon and Davis 1989, 361).

Scientists who have the capability to publish in influential international journals publish in non-mainstream local language journals for many reasons. Fuenzalida (1971) asserts that for Latin American researchers, local language publication is a political act re-affirming the cultural worth of the indigenous language and intellectual heritage. Velho and Krige (1984) claim that this is an important motivation for Brazilian scientists. Korean and Malaysian scientists who publish in mainstream journals often gave patriotic reasons for publishing in local language scientific journals (Eisemon and Davis 1989, 348 & 349). Many felt a special responsibility to the local scientific community, believed they give prominence to local journals by publishing in them and, in some instances, sought to develop the local language as a medium of scientific communication. - 16 -

A more practical but importanit reason was that local language publications were useful for undergraduate and postgraduate teaching. In addition, publishing locally in local language journals of limited intemational visibility may make a scientist better known among those whose opinion is especiallyimportant--for example, among senior colleagues within the scientists'institution or those in government scientific agencies which provide research support. Active scientists publish in both mainstream and non-mainstream journals. A publication strategy involving seeking recognition at home and abroad is professionally successful for these scientists.

THE QUAUTY AND EFECFIIVENHS8OF SCIENTIC TRAIING

The declining quality of higher education in many developing countries has been loudly lamented. In India, this has been a preoccupation of educational reformers since the first English medium universities were established in Bombay, Calcutta and Madras in the 1850s to control expansion of collegiate education and increase standards of instruction and examination (McCuLy1940). After independence, the pace of educational expansion accelerated, the increasing use of vernacular languages for education givingimpetus to the democratization of higher education. The "culturaily underprivileged' who have swollen the enrollments of universities are, primarily, students from rural areas, low caste backgrounds, Muslimsand members of disadvantaged linguistic groups that have had the least access to English education. Rudolph and Rudolph (1972) examined :hanges in enrollment patterns, student performance in university examinations and other qualitative indicators.

They found evidence of improvement as well as deterioration of the quality of Indian higher education since independence. Standards in "high opportunity" fields like engineering and medicine improved, because of increased selectivity. The quality of instruction in arts and social science subjects declined. They conclude that "there has been a nostalgic distortion of the past by more senior generations (Rudolph and Rudolph 1971, 35)."

The Metropolitan Language as a Proxy for Educational Quality

Assessments of the qualitative implications of educational expansion are very closely connected to language issues. In India, English education has always been associated with socially selective high quality education and, conversely, expansion of vernacular language education with declining standards. The role of English and vernacular languages in Indian higher education in the late 1960s is descnbed in Table 5 below. Data were obtained from a national sample survey of affiliated colleges. English was the medium of instruction for scientificand professional subjects and - 17 -

for post-graduatestudies. Vernacularlanguages were used for teachingArts subjects,including commerce. Althoughmore recent data is not available,it is likelythat the importanceof vernacular languages has increased for acts instruction. English has probably retained pre-eminence for scientific,medical and engineeringeducation as weli as for teachingat the postgraduateleveL

TableS Laguap o EmaminationBy Cour.af Study 1967

Type of Course Language Arts Science Eng. & Post- of Examination Medicine graduate N=131 N=51 N=38 N=54

English 45.0 76.5 94.7 69.4

Englishand regional 21.4 15.7 2.6 16.7

Regional 23.7 5.9 - 11.1

English,regional 9.9 2.0 - 3.7 and other Total 100. 100. 100. 100.

Source: Rudolph, S.H. and Rudolph,LI. (1972).Education and Politicsin India. (Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard), 55.

Management programswere one of the fastest growingsectors of Indian higher education in the 1970sand 1980s,overtaking engineering as the most selective field of study (Eisemon 1974; 1982). Followingthe successfulexample of engineering,the central government establisheda networkof Englishlanguage national institutions in the 1970s,the Indian Institutesof Management,to offer high qualitymanagement education at the postgraduatelevel. - 18 -

Expanding English medium instruction is not, of course, a panacea for improving the quality of Indian higher education. Indeed, the inabilityof many Indian students to followinstruction in English is perceived by many Indian educators to be the cause of declining standards. In 1965, the English Review Committee noted that "the change in the medium of instruction in the schools has created a number of problems which affect standards of teaching and learning in the universities and colleges. The result is that today the large masses of students who come to the university are so ill-equipped in their knowledge of English that they find it difficult to read, and much more difficult to express themselves in that language (in Tikoo 1980, 96)." Two years later, instigated by the state government of Gujarat which mandated use of the local language in its colleges and universities, the central government announced the three language formula for higher education. Instruction in English, Hindi and/or another regional language vas required, any one of which could be used as the medium of instruction and examination.

The rigidity of curricula and emphasis on rote learning that has long been characteristic of collegiate and university teaching is sometimes viewed as a legacy of using English (Tikoo 1980,98). External examination of students in affiliated colleges and university departments determines the content and methods of instruction. Changes in the subject syllabi for the examinations are notoriously difficult to introduce (Dongerkery 1966, 79-91; Eisemon 1982). New topics necessitate preparation of new lecture notes and readings. Revisions are not welcomed either by ma,.1 staff who supplement their meager income by producing and selling instructional materials or by students who must learn them. In less prestigious colleges whose students and staff are not comfortable in using English (Chitnis 1979, 49-63), there is much security in relying on old lecture notes which are delivered at dictation speed to students who commit the material to memory for subsequent recitation at examinations.

The prestigious English medium colleges, universities and national institutions of university status are probably more innovative. Such institutions have experimented with the semester and credit systems,continuous assessment, use of multiple choice examinations, pass/fail grading, inquiry teaching, student project work and other American instructional innovations. In the case of engineering, the innovations of the elite English medium institutions have profoundly influenced the programs of the - ire traditional universitiesand their affiliated colleges, though not alwayswith the same beneficial results (Eisemon 1974).

The success of these innovationsis dependent on many conditions; adequate libraries and instructional facilities,sufficient staffing, academic self-governance, little political interference in university affairs and student quietitude, for example. Students' proficiency in English is certainly important. Lacking sufficient proficiency, students can not be expected to undertake independent studies or even to ask questions. This is particularly evident in the less selective English medium institutions where it is common for teachers to switch the language of instruction to the vernacular for tutorials and laboratory demonstrations. Consequently, "education through English, except in - 19- cases where schools have laid strong foundations for it or where the families use it well, is not altogether better than through the medium of a regional language (Tickoo 1980, 99)."

Repetition and wastage rates in African universitiesthat use a metropolitan language for instruction are often very high. At the University of Burundi, more than a third (40%) of first year students are reported to fail the end of year examinations (Ministry of National Education, personal communication, 1987). At the University of Dakar in Senegal, 57% fail the first year and it takes 18 student years to produce a graduate in science (World Bank, personal communication, 1990). In Algeria, about 50% of students in each of the first two years of university studies are repeaters (World Bank, personal communication, 1990). In Morocco, only 20% of students pass the first year examinations (Salmi 1987, 29). In Madagascar, the proportion of first year students who pass is even lower; only 13% (World Bank, personal communication, 1991).Expansion of higher education has exacerbated these problems.

The internal efficiency of universities is strongly related to selectivity. Drop out .ates in some Nigerian state universitiesare between ten and twenty eight times higher than those at elite federal universities. But completion rates are significantlylower in science, engineering and medicine which attract the best secondary school graduates (World Bank 1988, 16 & 17). This suggests that greater selectivitydoes not fully compensate for inadequate preparation at the secondary level.

Metropolitan Language Instruction and Foreign Training

For many developing countries particularly in Africa, use of a metropolitan language for scientific training is a practical necessity. There are often no local language instructional texts suitable for university use, or any texts which are not produced and distributed by multi-national publishers (Altbach and Gopinathan 1988;Rathgeber 1985). Few African countries had autonomous universities at the time of independence, and some, no institutions of higher education at all. Notwithstandingestablishment of new universitiesand the dramatic growth of enrollments, progress in satisfying the demand for higher education locally has been slow.

In Kenya which had a universitycollege at independence in 1963, more students were attending foreign than local universities as recently as 1981 (Republic of Kenya 1981, 15). That prompted the govemment to establish a second universityin 1984 and increase the pace of expansion of higher education despite the misgivingsof international and bilateral donors (Eisemon 1986). There are now six public universities and university colleges and eleven private institutions. Nevertheless, the number of students studying in other countries increased from 7,000 in 1981 to more than 9,000 in 1990 (World Bank, personal communication, 1991). - 20 -

Expansion of higher education generates more need for more expatriate staff and foreign training for staff development, given limited local training capabilities. Although most African universities have African staff and administrators and postgraduate programs with enrollments that sometimes approximate the proportion of postgraduate students in North American research universities (Eisemon and Davis 1991a., 12), postgraduates programs can not be offered without expatriates who release local staff for foreign training. Such assistance accounts for a large proportion of bilateral assistance for higher education especially in Francophone Africa (World Bank 1988, 150). In 1990, it was estimated there were about 80,000 expatriates working in Africa, many of them in universities and other scientific institutions (Eicher 1990, 1). That discourages experimentation with models of training and language policies.

For the foreseeable future, African countries will continue to send large numbers of their students abroad who must meet the requirements of foreign universities. Most Asian, Middle Eastern and Latin American countries are not as reliant on foreign training. Nevertheless, many of these countries continue to send large numbers of students abroad mainly for postgraduate training in science and engineering at leading North American universities (Selvarathnam 1991).

English Language Skills of Foreign Students in American Universities

The English language skills of foreign students in American universities are well documented inasmuch as the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) administered by the Educational Testing Service is normally required for admission of such students. The TOEFL measures skills in listening and reading comprehension as well as in written expression. Most American universities additionally require the Graduate Record Examinations. The performance of developing country students on these examinations and in their university coursework provides some insight into the implicationsof metropolitan and indigenous language education for success in foreign studies.

A study of more than 10,000 TOEFL test takers from 1977 to 1982 produced the following ranking of developing country candidates according to self-reported test repetition: - 21 -

Table 6 Rankig of TOEFL Repeaters 1977-1980by Country and Region of Orgin Country: % Repeaters

1. Taiwan .44 2. Korea .43 3. Hong Kong .42 4. Thailand .41 5. Irap .24 6. Middle East: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Jordan, Syria and Iraq .21 7. Latin America: Venezuela, Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Chile .19 8. India .09 9. Africa: Ghana, Nigeria .06

Source: Wilson, KM. (1987). Research Reports: Patterns of Test Taking and Score Change for Examinees Who Repeat the Test of English as a Foreign Language. (Princeton, N.J.: Educational Testing Service), S-5.

Ghanian and Nigerian students who study in English from the upper primary level as do many Indian students, have the lowest repetition rate. Not surprisingly,Asian students who learn English as a subject, are the most likely to repeat. Current repetition rates for students from these countries are not reported to have changed greatly from what is given in Table 5 (Educational Testing Service, personal communication, 1991). They generally reflect variations in mean scores on the TOEFL examination results for 1987-89 (see Table 7). - 22 -

Table 7 Mean TOEFL Scores 1987-89 By Region and Countzy

Region/Country: Mean Score:

l. Taiwan 505

2. Korea 505

3. Hong Kong 506

4. Thailand 489

5. Iran 508

6. Middle East Saudi Arabia 467 Kuwait 451 L-ebanon 521 LIbya 496 Jordan 472 Syria 500 Iraq 498

7. Latin America Chile 532 Colombia 527 Mexico 539 Peru 534 Venezuela 525

8. India 571

9 Africa Ghana 569 Nigeria 540

Source: TOEFL Test and Score Manual. (Princeton, J.J.: Educational Testing Service, 1990), 24.

African and Indian students have the highest scores while Middle Eastern and Asian students do the poorest despite the high incidence of repetition which produces large net gains in test scores (Wilson 1987,9). The scores for some Middle Eastern students are especially low, below the score of 500 which is required for admission to most universities. Science and engineering departments at the most selective North American universities require a score of 550. - 2-3 -

Table 8

Foreign Student Perfirmance on the GraduateRecord Examination and Grades Receivd fo FflzutYear of Univeluy Studies:198284

Region FYA GRE-Q GRE-A GRE-V M= M= M= M=

Far East Asia 3.52 721 485 352

South Asia 3.49 108 523 500

Middle East 3.32 662 466 344

North Africa 3.34 609 415 324

Sub-Saharan Africa 3.31 639 510 432

FYA scaled first year grade point average, out of 4.0; GRE-Q,A & V, scores for quantitative, analytical and verbal sub-tests of the Graduate record examination, out of a possible 800

Source: Wilson,KM. (1986), "The Relationship of GRE General Test Scores to First-Year Grades for Foreign Graduate Students: Report of a Cooperative Study,"GRE Board Professional Report GREB No.82-il P. (Princeton: Educational Testing Service), 48.

The TOEFL scores for students from these regions and countries do not closely reflect either their relative performance on the Graduate Record Examination (GRE) general test of quantitative, verbal and analytical ability or the grades received by first year students. A study of foreign students in science, mathematics, engineering and economics showed that African and Middle Eastern students did the poorest. They scored significantlybelow most students from Far and Southeast Asian countries (Table 8).

In general, despite language handicaps, foreign students compare favorabiy with American students in the time it takes them to complete advanced degrees. For instance, while American citizens take an average of 7.2 registered student years to complete their doctorate after earning a bachelor's degree, temiporaryresidents finish in 6.2 years (Thurgood and Weinman 1990, 18). In the sciences and engineering, fields which attract a disproportionate number of foreign students, the differences between American citizens and temporary residents are very slight.

To summarize, while using English as a medium of instruction may increase access to American universitiesby raising TOEFL scores, the higher TOEFL scores for students from these countries does not necessarily indicate that they have learned more of what American graduate schools expect students to know at entry, or that they will perform better in their graduate studies. - 24 -

Moreover, the English language proficiency of most foreign students, whether acquired through instruction in English as a subject or through its use as a medium, would seem to be sufficient to enable them to complete their programs within the period of time expected by American universities.

USE OF INDIGENOUS AND MEUIROPOLITANLANGUAGES FOR SCIENCE IDUCATION

How indigenous and metropolitan languages are used for science education at the pre-university level affects: (1) social recruitment to science and engineering; (2) science teaching and student achievement; and, (3) application of modern scientific knowledge in daily life. In countries, where some schools teach in an indigenous language and others use a metropolitan language, students' social background influences access to high quality metropolitan language scientific and technical training which confers better employment opportunities. Language policies which are permissive regarding the use of metropolitan languages for instruction typically reinforce the educational and social advantages of urban and other comparatively advantaged populations. This is the situation in some African and many Middle Eastern and Asian countries.

Social Selectivity of Access to Metropolitan Language Education

In Kenya, primary schools may use English, Kiswahilior another vernacular language for the lower stage of the primary cycle, i.e in the first through fourth standards. Which language is used for instruction is largely determined by the linguistic homogeneity of the students and teaching staff. High levels of rural to urban as well as intra-rural migr ition have produced much variability in language of instruction. In urban and peri-urban areas, the majority of schools use either English or Kiswahilibecause of linguisti_diversity. Many primary schools in rural areas use local languages (Abdulaziz 1982). But the abolition of tribal reserves in the early 1970s led to migration from densely settled high land cost areas in the Central and Western provinces to low land cost, more educationally "backward"regions such as Maasailand and the coastal districts (Scotton 1982; Ole Sena 1986;Eisemon 1988). Enrolment in Kiswahiliand English medium schools expanded in consequence (Merritt and Abdulaziz 1987).

English is used at the upper primary level and is the language of the Kenya Certificate of Primary Education Examination which regulates admission to secondary schools. It is the medium of all secondary and higher education. The universalizationof primary schooling and increasing levels of educational attainment have stimulated the growth of English language schooling in urban and rural areas (Scotton 1988, 211). - 25 -

In recent years, access to English primary schooling has become increasingly competitive. Although all children are entitled to primary education, many English schools in urban areas require interviews in English at the time of initial registration. Where competition for entry is great, headmasters often use English language proficiency to select students (Eisemon, Eshiwani and Rajwani 1986) which, in turn, has stimulated expansion of English pre-schools. Many parents and headmasters reason that students' performance on the national examinations is improved by the number of years of English instruction a student has received.

There have been complaints about the "urban bias" of these examinations resulting in the mnid-1980sin re-organization of the Kenya National Examinations Council (Eisemon 1988,34), testing of student achievement in Kiswahiliand practical subjects, and the use of test items for other subjects whose content is presumably more relevant to rural life. More radically, the government has introduced contentious district quotas for admission to the elite extra-provincial and provincial secondary schools which produce a disproportionate number of universitystuidents. The quotas favor "backward" rural areas and indigenous candidates over migrants. The language of instruction and examination from the upper primary level, the source of the "urban bias", remains English: "In making English official, but taking no radical steps to make it accessible to the masses, Kenya (has) chosen a policy that keeps the possibility for socioeconomic mobility in the hands of a minority (Scotton 1988, 221)."

In Morocco, classical Arabic and French are used for instruction in primary schools and universities with instruction in French predominating from the sixth grade (Salmi 1987). Classical Arabic, it is necessary to emphasize, is quite different from the dialects spoken in Morocco, especially Berber. Thus, instruction takes place in two languages which are related in different ways to the mother tongue of most students. What is important is that classical Arabic is used for transition to French. The effects of poor proficiency in classical Arabic are compounded by being instructed in French. Government studies have "established that knowledge of the French language was the single most important determinant of success at the end-of-primary examinations. While a pupil weak in (classical) Arabic could still pass the exam, the same was not true of children with inadequate command of French (Salmi 1987, 28)." Facilityin French is 'directly correlated with the socio-economic position of the child's family (Salmi 1987, 30)." Students in the poorer rural areas where there is little exposure to French outside of schools and few students use French at home, are the most seriouslyaffected. Those students from low income families who attend universityare more likely to study humanities subjects which are offered in Arabic. Students from more linguistically advantaged social backgrounds attend the French lycees and often go abroad for their university education (Salmi 1987, 30).

In India, Hindi has replaced English as the country's official language and there is provision of basic and higher education in vernacular languages. While these measures undoubtedly broaden educational and economic opportunities, they also strengthen patterns of social differentiation by restricting access to English language schooling on the basis of place of parental - 26 -

residence and wealth. In urban areas, private English language pre-schools, primary and secondary schools and colleges have flourished. A large number of them are operated by Christian religious groups like Cathedral School and St. Xavier's College in Bombay. Fees and "voluntary" donations to these institutions are often very high. Many elite English language pre-schools administer entry examinations.

At the university level, the most selective institutions are operated by the national government including the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences, the Indian Institutes of Management and the Indian Institutes of Technology. To reiterate, they are English language institutions entrance to which is dependent on performance on national examinations. They are required reserve places for disadvantaged students from scheduled castes and tribal backgrounds. Until the mid-1970s,reserved places were seldom filled because scheduled caste and tnbal students failed to score high enough on the entrance examinations due to their poor basic education in mathematics and science and poor English language proficiency (Eisemon 1974). The institutions were then forced to admit disadvantaged students who if they are able to complete their programs, are entitled to public sector employment. Alas, better employment opportunities for graduates in science, engineering, medicine and management are available in the private sector. Thus, even access to elite English language higher education does not ensure equality of educational outcomes.

Teaching in a Metropolitan Language

Teachers' and students' proficiency in the metropolitan language affects curriculum implementation, teaching methods and, more importantly, the construction of classroom learning tasks from which students acquire knowledge and skills. The poor proficiency of students is much commented upon. The poor proficiency of school teachers in languages used for instruction and poor language teaching skills is less well recognized.

Teacher's qualifications in many developingcountries have improved notwithstanding the dramatic expansion of enrollments and frequent recourse to untrained teachers to staff schools. For example, most of Kenya's primary school teachers are Ordinary level graduates with at least two years of teacher training. They have had a minimum of eight years of instruction in English as a medium and have passed an examination given at the end of their teacher training which includes compulsory papers in English and in Kiswahili (Eisemon 1988, 30). Classroom observations of primary schools in rural (Eisemon 1988) and peri-urban areas (Cleghorn, Merrit and Abagi 1989) suggest that many teachers have difficulties in communicating with students in English as present language policies require them to do: "When teachers cannot use language to make logical connections, to integrate and explain the relations between isolated pieces of information, what is taught cannot be understood: the target language cannot be learned, and important concepts cannot be mastered (Cleghorn, Merrit and Abagi 1989, 36)." - 27 -

Throughout the colonial period, primary school teaching was one of the few careers in the modem sector open to educated, Englsh speaking East Africans. While colonial teachers had little teacher training by contemporary standards, recruitment was bighly selective-Presidents Moi and Nyerere were primary school teachers and Jomo Kenyatta the principal of a primary teacher training college. After independence, primary school teaching became a career selected by those who failed to score high enough on the Ordinary level examinations to proceed to Advanced level and university. In a very selective educational system which allocates educational opportunities largelyon the basis of English proficiency,the English proficiencyof teachers probably increases with level of schooling;the least proficient, it may be conjectured, being placed at the primary level where students are first exposed to English as a subject and medium of instruction.

Imprecise, often incoherent discourse is characteristic of much science teaching observed in the upper stage of Kenyan primary schooling when English is used as the medium of instruction (Eisemon 1988; Eisemon, Cleghorn and Nyamete 1989). When use of vemacular languages is discouraged, teachers search for English language equivalents of more familiar veemacularlanguage terms engaging in a process of dual translation; i.e. mentally translating an English term into the vernacular for which the nearest English equivalent is found. The English synonymsmay not be equivalent to the new scientific concept that is being presented. For instance, primary school teachers in western Kenya frequently use "worms' to refer to parasites in science lessons (Cleghom, Merrit and Abagi 1989). Parasites look like worms (in Kiswahili,migb&ngo) and some live in the stomach and intestines (in Kisliebianda worms of the stomach). Nevertheless, the relationship between parasite and host is not conveyed in this analogy. Sometimes, of course, English scientific terms can be transformed in ways that make the terms directly equivalent to terms in vemacular languages. Many Kenyan English speakers transform diarrhoea into a transitive verb "diarrhoeaing" which makes it equivalent to, say, kuhara and ogosaa (literally, running stomach in Kiswahiliand Kisii). But more often, teachers use an English equivalent for a vernacular term whici may be inappropriate for explanation or produce misunderstanding: "The question at hand is not one of the variety of English used or the specifics of grammar but, clearly, the facilitywith which abstract ideas can be expressed and communicated (Cleghorn, Merrit and Abagi 1989, 35)."

Methods of Instruction

Teaching methods at the primary level are designed to reduce linguisticdemands on both the teacher and student (Eisemon 1988, 70-103). Primary school classrooms may be descnrbed as impoverished language learning environments. Teacher questioning elicits short answers from students---usually,one or two words, a quantity, date or fact---expressed in incomplete sentences to faciiitate teacher summarization and subsequent repetition by the whole class. Students have few opportunities to practice English language communications skills. Because there are not enough textbooks especially in rural schools, students listen and do Uttle reading. Because classrooms are - 28 -

often overcrowded and teachers have little time for lesson prcparation an%marking, they rarely give tests and substantial written assignments.

Notwithstandingthe barriers to developingcommunicative competence, there is much emphasis on metropolitan language leaming. It is both the medium and the object of instruction in most academic subjects. In Burundi, the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education provides lesson guides (fichier du maitre) for teachers. These are highlydetailed scripts for instruction rather than resource materials. A typical lesson plan begins with a statement of objectives. Learning activitiesare described with emphasis on new vocabulary. Avery high porportion of activities involve listing exercises. For instance, a fifth grade lesson on mammals starts with an exercise designed to teach the classificationof mammals according to their diet; vegetarians, carnivores and omnivores. Another purpose of this exercise is to teach a large number of French words ostensibly as examples; carnivores: chien, chat, mangouste, igue, civette, genette, hyene, sal, leopard, lion, oiseaux rapace, genouille, and so on (Bureau of Rural Education 1982, 37). These are not simply given as examples to be subordinated to the purpose of teaching taxonomic schemata. A smaller number of examples might suffice for that purpose. The principal objective is to teach French through the medium of biology (Eisemon, Prouty and Schwille 1989).

Teacher training usually does not de- I with how metropolitan languages are learned by speakers of non-European languages and used to acquire knowledge. A recent study (Eisemon, Schwille,Prouty, Ukobizoba, Kana and Manirabona 1989) of sixth grade teachers in primary schools in Burundi revealed that many could not distinguish French language errors that reflect lack of knowledge of French grammar from those that result from mother tongue interference. Correction of mother tongue syntactical, semantic or grammatical interference errors requires replacement of one set of oral or written productions by another appropriate for the target language. This is most likely to be accomplished by practice in oral and written communication rather than by drills designed to impart knowledge of production rules. Teacher skillsin understanding causes of student language production errors and selecting appropriate remedial strategies were positivelycorrelated with teaching experience and demonstration teaching as well as with student achievement in French text comprehension and composition, and in mathematics, science and agriculture which are taught in French.

Effects of Language on Student Achievement

Measurements of student achievement in a metropolitan language and in their mother tongue produce different estimates of learning outcomes. In a study carried out by Radi reported by Salmi (1987), Moroccan lower secondary school students were given tests of verbal, mathematical and spatial abiliti.asin which French and classicalArabic were manipulated. The versions of the test instruments that most closely corresponded to the ways students are tested in Moroccan schools produced the poorest student results. In a similar study of Kenyan Kiswahilispeaking children, the - 29 - comprehension of science texts was investigated under various experimental conditions (Eisemon 1988). Verbal protocols were obtained from the students. The highest levels of performance were obtained for the mother tongue text and mother tongue question condition; children of the age group studied are taught and examined in English in school. Analysis of the students' responses indicated that only when they were tested in their mother tongue with mother tongue texts was there any evidence of high level comprehension skills such as integrating information and making inferences from text propositions (Frederiksen and Chitepo 1987).

Bcrry describes two types of language-related learning problems that occur in African schools which use a metropolitan language for instruction; type A problems that reflect poor metropolitan language proficiency and type B problems that may be attributed to the "distance between the cognitive structures natural to the student and implici: in his mother tongue and those assessed by the teacher (Berry 1985, 20)." Type A and type B problems are often reinforcing since more proficient metropolitan language learners possess more linguistic and substantive knowledge to assimilate new information. Greater metropolitan language proficiency is usually thought to facilitate transfer between the mother tongue and the metropolitan language. However, some research suggests that there may be little integration of knowledge (Lemon 1981) and cognitive skills (Zepp 1982) because of mother tongue "interference."

The complex interaction of metropolitan language proficiency,the use of vernacular languages for instruction in lower stage of the primary cycle and student achievement in core academic subjects is illustrated in a study of grade six students in Burundi (Table 9). - 30 -

Table 9

Studen Paezman in Reading Compeenio, WrittenCompositon, Mathematicsand Scienoe/AgricultureiKundi and Frach

Test: Mean Scores (N=1,946)

1. Comprehension (15 items)

Standard French 5.98 Colloquial French 6.49 Kirundi 8.10 F=49.34*** 2. Composition (maximum score=10)

French 2.27 YKirundi 4.11 F=137.32*** 3. Mathematics (19 items)

French 8.57 Kirundi 7.94 F=4.19 4. Science/Agriculture (19 items)

French 7.08 Kirundi 9.34 F=187.91***

***p.O01

Source: Eisemon, T.O., Schwille,J., Prouty, R.,Ukobizoba, Kana, D., and Manirabona, G. (1989). "Empirical Results and Conventional Wisdom: Primary School Effectiveness in Burundi," Bridges Project Research Report, mimeo, 79.

Tests were developed in French and Kirundi for measuring text comprehension and written composition skills and achievement in mathematics, science and agriculture. In measuring comprehension skills, a simplified, colloquial French text was used as well as a standard French text using the vocabulary of student textbooks. Mean scores for all tests were low, particularly for the test measuring composition skillswhich are examined in the concours national with a multiple choice test. Students obtained significantly higher scores on the Kirundi tests except in mathematics. - 31 -

A detailed item analysisof the mathematics, science and agriculture tests comparing an estimate of a students' ability derived from responses to all test items to the students' response to specific items revealed that the performance of the most able students was most poorly estimated by being tested in French (Eisemon, Schwille, Prouty, Kana and Manirabona 1989). Conversely, testing in the mother tongue did not increase the performance of students with less ability. The item analyses also revealed underlying differences in measurement that cast doubt on the nominal equivalence of items especially in the science and agriculture tests. In mathematics, however, most items performed similarly in French and Kiriundi although many items were multi-step story problems eliciting text comprehension as well as problem solving skills.

The explanation is likely to have to do with the fact that while language policies require that science and agriculture be taught mostly in French, mathematics is taught in Kirundi in the lower stage of the primary cycle before it is introduced in French. French language proficiency may be less important to learning mathematics than to learning, say, science because concepts like the base ten number system are related operations which have been imported into Kirundi through its use as a medium of instruction, thus, facilitating acquisition of new knowledge in another language.

Student repetition was positivelyrelated to test performance in both languages. The overall gains in test scores were greatest on the French tests (Table 10). The longer a student spends in school the more proficient the student becomes in French, and the more the student learns. The greatest gain recorded was for the French test in mathematics (23%), the test for which the difference between the French and Kirundi scores was smallest. It may be hypothesized that effects of repetition in increasing French proficiencyand student achievement are more pronounced in subjects that are taught in the mother tongue. Repetition did not appreciably increase performance on the science/agriculture test. - 32 -

Table10 Prcentage Diffen by Teat Repeates Vers Nonrepeaters % of Maximumscore Test: Repeaters Nonrepeaters Difference

1. Comprehension StandardFrench 46.3 33.3 13.0 Kirundi 60.6 45.3 15.3 2. Composition French 30.9 10.5 20.4 Kirundi 43.9 29.2 14.7 3. Mathematics French 55.1 31.9 23.2 Kirundi 51.0 33.7 17.33 4. Science/Agriculture French 41.2 32.6 8.6 Kirundi 51.3 46.3 5.0 Source: Schwille,J., Eisemon, T.O., Ukobizoba, F., Houang, R. DaeBong, K. and Prouty, R.(1991),"Is Grade RepetitionAlways Wasteful? New Data and UnansweredQuestions," BridgesProject Research Report, mimeo,49.

Implicationsof LanguagePolicies for UsingScience in DailyLife

Despite increasedconcern for "scientificliteracy," little is knownabout howindividuals perform practical tasks in daily life involvingmodern scientificknowledge. In many developing countries,such knowledgeis acquiredat schooland in mostAfrican countries, only in a metropolitan language. Scienceand subjectslike health, nutritionand agricultureare taught mainlyor entirely in a metropolitanlanguage from the primarylevel. Sinceindigenous languages are not used to teach scienceand related subjects,they lack the scientificvocabulary to becomelanguages of lay scientific discourse. The implicationsfor practicalcognition may be profound. - 33 -

The Whorf (195%)and Sapir (1963)hypothesis asserts that since we can not think without language, linguistic structures and vocabulary which develop from particular social experiencesproduce distinctivepatterns of cognition. The plausibilityof the linguisiicrelativity hypothesishas been suggestedby some cross-culturalresearch on topicssuch as memoryfor digit sequences. Severalstudies have established,for example,that Chinesespeakers remember about two digits more than Englishspeakers; about nine digits comparedto seven, the length of a local telephonenumber in North America(Stigler, Lee and Stevenson1986). The explanationmay have to do with the shorter and more regular way numericalinformation is expressedand "chunked"in Chinese.

A great deal of attention has been given to determiningwhether non-European languagespermit expressionof kindsof logicalthought which English facilitates with connectives such as "and,""ore, "ir" and "then."There hasbeen little support for the Whorf-Sapirhypothesis in studies of bilingualswhose logical reasoning is tested in a secondlanguage and whoselogical patterns would be evidentin their errors. For example,in a studyof Chinesebilingual reasoning using di'junction and implication---whichare expresseddifferently in Englishand Chinese---nosignificant differences in performancewere observed in Englishand the subjects'mother tongue (Zepp, Monin and Let 1987). Nor did this studyreport significantdifferences between Chinese and Englishfirst language groups. The researchersconclude that "if the learningof different logicalprinciples depends on one's experience,it is possiblethat differentlogical principles may be learnedfor differentsituations (7Z,epp,Monin and Let 1987,16)."

Another study of Englishand Sesotho bilingualsproduced similar but also more interestingresults insofar as the cognitiveeffects of metropolitanlanguage instruction are concerned (Zepp 1982). A logictest was administeredto studentsat severalgrade levelsin secondaryschools in Englishand Sesotho. Performancein Sesothowas higher in the lower grade levelsbut by the fourth year of secondaryschool, students performed better in Englishthan in their mother tongue. This was.attributed to the fact that students had been "studyingmathematics and using logical thinking in English (Zepp 1982, 217)." Although the study does not show language related differencesin capacitiesfor certain kindsof logicalthought, it does point to the cognitiveeffects of metropolitan languageinstruction. The African students had more facilityin logicalthinking in Englishthan in their mother tongue. In the Chinesestudy, the performanceof bilingualson most tests was closer to the Englishfirst languagegroup than to the Chinese group which,likewise, suggestsan effect of second learningon cognitionin the mother tongue.

There is increasingevidence of the effect of secondlanguage learning on frractical cognitionin the mother tongue in Africancountries (Eisemon 1989). Schoolingchanges the ways individualsthink about and perform practicaltasks involvingliteracy and use of modem scientific knowledgesuch as administrationof modern medicinesor application of fertilizers and other agriculturalchemicals. This is an importantmechanism through which schooling may affecthealth status, agriculturalproductivity and humanwelfare, generally. - 34 -

It is well established that schooling increases demand for modern medicines and modern agricultural inputs. Their safe and effective use requires performing very complex cognitive tasks, often in a metropolitan language, with modern scienJfic knowledge that is well understood (Eisemon, Patel and Ratzlaff 1991). Studies of Kenyan mothers' and farmers' comprehension of instructions for using commercial medicines and agricultural chemicals indicate that: 1) competent task performance is weakly related to level of schooling (Eisemon, Patel and Ole Sena 1987; Eisemon and Nyamete 1988; Patel, Eisemon and Arocha 1989 a.); 2) vernacular language instructional texts do not significantly improve task performance (Eisemon 1988; Eisemon and Nyamete 1988; 1990); 3) such texts tend to elicit indigenous prior knowledge while English texts elicit knowledge of school science (Eisemon and Patel 1988; Eisemon 1989); and 4) modern and indigenous scientificknowledge is often not integrated in comprehension and causal reasoning among well educated English bilinguals (Eisemon, Patel and Ole Sena 1987; Eisemon and Patel 1988;Patel, Eisemon and Arocha 1989 a. & b.).

The prototypical Maasai mother with many years of English schoolingwho combines oral rehydration therapy with administration of traditional purgatives best illustrates the implications of these findings (Eisemon, Patel and Ole Sena 1987; Eisemon and Patel 1990). Oral rehydration therapy which is taught in school and promoted by the government health service is adopted because it is associated with the powers of modem medicine. But traditional practices that are apt to worsen a child's condition are not discarded because they are better understood.

How science, health and agriculture are taught in African schools may have a lot to do with how modern scientific knowledge is used in daily life. Teaching and assessment practices, for instance, do not encourage st ident understanding of science (Eisemon, Patel and Abagi 1987). Examination reform can change teaching practices and learning outcomes in ways that foster capacities to use technologies and practices derived from modern science (Eisemon 1990).

Language policiesin African countries may need to be re-considered as well. Modern science has almost no connection to indigenous scientific knowledge in African school curricula, and this is reinforced by the teaching of scientific subjects in metropoiitan languages. In student texts and teachers' guides, indigenous scientific knowledge is either condemned by neglect or isjuxtaposed with modern health and agriculturalpractices to invite invidiouscomparisons (Eisemon 1989,14-18). Traditional practices that are acknowledged to have practical benefit like inter-cropping are sometimes presented as discoveries of modern science and students taught about them in a metropolitan language! Metropolitan language proficiency is a pre-requisite for learning modem science and is likely to remain so. Nevertheless, the poverty of modern scientific vocabulary in indigenous languages may inhibit the use of this knowledge in daily life. - 35 -

SUMMARY

Centrifugal tendencies in the international scientific system favor the use of English for scientific production and communication and as a medium of scientific training. While the international growtn of scientific activity has increased the importance of English, English has not displaced other European languages ari the amount of scientific literature in non-European languages is rapidly expanding.

Use of indigenous languages for scientific training and research is thought to create a barrier to scientific communication with the international scientific community. Indeed, language policies have sometimes been used to erect barriers to scientific communication following the example of the Soviet Union after its revolution. However, language policies are usually not intended to have this effect nor is such an effect evident in countries like Korea and Taiwan where most scientific training is carried out in the indigenous language and science policies promote its development for scientificcommunication. These countries are important producers of mainstream English language scientific research and send many science and engineering graduates to English speaking countries for advanced training. Their educational policies emphasize the teaching of English as a second language for students entering science and engineering, and local journals exist in English as well as in indigenous languages.

Most developing country research---in English or in indigenous languages---haslittle impact on the most influential English language scientific research. That has led to the assumptions about the poor quality of developing country research and lack of relevance of such research to the current concerns of the international scientific community. This is suggested by th1e age of scientific literature cited in developing country scientific papers especially those in indigenous languages. However, the overlapping authorship of mainstream and non-mainstream scientific research in some countries indicates that scientistspublish locallyand in indigenous languages out of preference rather than from necessity. Developing country scientific literatures serve important functions; indigenous language scientific literature is often used for scientific training, for instance.

In countries where both indigenousand metropolitan languages are used for scientific training, private and public metropolitan language institutions usually provide higher quality training and confer better employment opportunities, locally and internationally. These institutions are sociallyselective, reinforcing patterns of educational inequality. Few countries which have stratified higher educational systems based on language of instruction have had much success with compensatory measures.

Many, particularly African, countries that use only a metropolitan language for scientific and technological training have high repetition and failure rates in their higher educational institutions. Alarmingly,wastage is often highest in science and engineering courses which attract - 36 -

the best students. The poor quality of metropolitan language education and poor science and mathematics education at previous educational levels combined with qualitative deterioration of instruction ai the university level may be responsible for the resulting inefficiency and high social costs.

Foreign study remains an important source of advanced scientific training for many developing couitries which has fostered continued use of metropolitan languages for science education and scientific training. Metropolitan language education facilitates access to universities in scientifically developed countries like the United States. The English language proficiency of students in countries that use an indigenous language for science education and scientific training, mainly in Asia, is much lower than that of students from countries which use both metropolitan and indigenous languages or only a metropolitan language. Still, Asian students easily overcome their language handicaps and perform well in their postgraduate coursework in comparison to other foreign students in American universities.

Language handicaps are not so easily overcome by students who study science only in a metropolitan language in primary and secondary schools. Poor metropolitan language proficiency is an important cause of low student achievement in mathematics, science, and related subjects. And it also negatively affects the quality instruction students receive, promoting teaching behaviors that reduce linguistic demands in the classroom but do not encourage student understanding. In addition, it is associated with high student repetition which enhances learning through increasing proficiency in the language of instruction.

Use of a metropolitan language for science education prevents development of indigenous languages as languages of ordinary scientific discourse. In many countries, language policies require teaching of subjects like science, health and agriculture in a metropolitan language exclusivel.y.This may impede transfer of information acquired in the metropolitan language to the students' mother tongue, reducing learning of scientific subjects of much practical importance and inniibitingapplication of modern scientific knowledge in daily life.

Strategies to increase the effectiveness of science education and advanced scientific training must simultaneously address the need to improve indigeneous and foreign language instruction. In countries which do not use indigenous languages for science education, the implication is that these languages shouildbe adopted for instruction at least at the primary and perhaps also at the lower secondary level. Objections that indigenous languages are unsuitable for science education ignore the fact that they can not become suitable unless they are used to communicate scientific knowledge. However, linguistic heterogeneity and costs associated with the production of teaching materials and teacher training may limit use of indigenous languages. - 37 -

A related implicationof the findingspresented in this paper is that more attention must be given to improvingforeign language teachingand teachingscientific subjects in second languages at all educational levels. In countries that use an indigenouslanguage for science education and advancedscientific training, there is a need not only to increase the amount and qualityof foreignlanguage teaching, but especiallywhere there is Uttleindigenous educational and scientificliterature, to use an internationalscientific language for some scienceinstruction as welL Thisis likelyto improvefacility in foreignlanguages and accessto importantscientific information.

Conversely,where metropolitanlanguages are used, there is a need to improve scienceteaching in second languages. Sciencecan not be taught effectivelyif students are unable to follow instruction. Lack of training in teachingin second languagesis a serious weaknessof teacher education in many developingcountries.

Finally, national scientific and educational policies should facilitate scientists' participationin mainstream,international language scientific research as wellas developmentof local mediafor professionalcommunication. Publication abroad and other formsof internationalscientific communicationare importantto the vitalityof any scientificcommunity. So also are localmedia for professionalcommunication, including indigenous language scientificliteratures, which connect scientiststo users and have an important role in scientifictraining. - 38 -

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