Cracking the Cultural Code of Gambling

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9-2009

Cracking the Cultural Code of Gambling

Kathryn A. LaTour Cornell University, [email protected]

Franck Sarrazit Synovate Censydiam

Rom Hendler The Venetian

Michael S. LaTour Cornell University, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation LaTour, K. A., Sarrazit, F., Hendler, R., & LaTour, M. S. (2009). Cracking the cultural code of gambling [Electronic version]. Cornell Hospitality Quarterly, 50(4), 475-497. Retrieved [insert date], from Cornell University, School of Hospitality Administration site: http://scholarship.sha.cornell.edu/articles/166/

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Abstract International expansion by Las Vegas casino operators has so far been uneven, notably in Macao. Information on different cultures’ understandings of gambling, which is scant, could be instrumental in supporting international expansion. Instead of using the common-macro level cultural comparison survey-based method, this research uses early childhood memory elicitation to focus on how individuals in three countries were initially exposed to gambling in their own families as children. This method is used to uncover the cultural code of gambling in the United States, the People’s Republic of China, and France. The analysis indicates that each culture has its own code for gambling, a code that reveals that culture’s gambling myth. These codes should help marketers understand the underlying motivations for gambling in each culture and should assist casino operators to market more effectively.

Keywords gambling, childhood memory elicitation, cross-cultural studies, Las Vegas, Macao

Disciplines Gaming and Casino Operations Management

Comments Required Publisher Statement © Cornell University. Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved.

This article or chapter is available at The Scholarly Commons: https://scholarship.sha.cornell.edu/articles/166  2009 CORNELL UNIVERSITY DOI: 10.1177/1938965509345241 Volume 50, Issue 4 475-497

Cracking the Cultural Code of Gambling

by KATHRYN A. LaTOUR, FRANCK SARRAZIT, ROM HENDLER, and MICHAEL S. LaTOUR

International expansion by Las Vegas casino opera- and other Asian venues) raises the issue of the cul- tors has so far been uneven, notably in Macao. tural underpinnings of gaming. MGM Grand, for Information on different cultures’ understandings of instance, has developed a huge Las Vegas–style gambling, which is scant, could be instrumental in casino in Macao, while Las Vegas Sands suspended supporting international expansion. Instead of using its planned development pending further financing the common-macro level cultural comparison survey- (Loi and Kim forthcoming). Harrah’s, the world’s based method, this research uses early childhood largest gaming company, has holdings in England memory elicitation to focus on how individuals in and has indicated an interest in further European three countries were initially exposed to gambling in their own families as children. This method is used to expansion (Stutz 2006). The Venetian Sands will uncover the cultural code of gambling in the United open the first casino in Singapore, and other Asian States, the People’s Republic of China, and France. countries are also seeking Las Vegas–style casinos The analysis indicates that each culture has its own (Barboza 2007). code for gambling, a code that reveals that culture’s Despite these developments, what works in Las gambling myth. These codes should help marketers Vegas may not necessarily work for other parts of the understand the underlying motivations for gambling gambling world; for instance, though casino revenues in each culture and should assist casino operators to have been high in Macao (until the recent recession), market more effectively. there was an initial “adjustment” needed as the Las Vegas companies found that the Chinese gambler Keywords: gambling; childhood memory elicitation; wanted a different gambling experience than did the cross-cultural studies; Las Vegas; Macao typical American gambler. In particular, these proper- ties had difficulty meeting demand for the table he effort by Las Vegas casino operators to games, which the Chinese prefer, while the slot areas export Las Vegas–style gambling to other sat virtually vacant. Likewise, the five-star restau- Tareas of the world (notably, Macao, Singapore, rants were overlooked because the Chinese guests

November 2009 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly 475 Marketing CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING

preferred fast fare they could eat without These three different cultures represent disturbing their gambling, and most of the divergent attitudes and beliefs regarding Chinese gamblers did not even spend the gambling (e.g., Hofstede 1980; Triandis night in a hotel room. Instead, the majority 1994). The three cultures have rich but dif- came to gamble (typically, on baccarat) all ferent gambling environments, as well as day and night (Barboza 2007). Recent rev- different notions regarding childrearing and enue reports suggest that these companies religious practices that could influence are not meeting their profit expectations, views on gambling. Americans have tradi- and perhaps even greater attention to the tionally been the largest tourist group visit- local gamblers’ needs may be necessary ing Las Vegas casinos, though the Chinese (Audi and Stanley 2008). are coming often (and Macao represents Cross-cultural research is complex, more than a billion potential new gam- because there are many levels by which blers). France has so far not been a main meaning is created for the customer. As target for Las Vegas tourism. With its McMillen (1996, 9) notes, while individ- strong national gaming revenue and con- ual gambling behavior can be studied, it is siderable leisure time, however, this coun- instructive to recognize that modern try represents a potential new target for gambling consumption is the result of Las Vegas as well as for future develop- “complex social relations lying beneath ment in Europe (Gu 2002). the surface,” including the relationships The output of the childhood memory of corporate gambling interests, societal elicitation method is a “code” for each expectations, personal perceptions of mora­ culture that, in this instance, represents lity, and political and legal forces. In this how that culture’s people approach their article, we examine the many layers of gambling experience (Rapaille 2006). An meaning creation for gamblers in three important aspect of this code is that it cultures, namely, the United States, the describes an underlying dimension based People’s Republic of China, and France. on how early experiences related to gam- The terms “gambling” and “gaming” bling have shaped the way people approach have been used interchangeably to mean games in casinos. In essence, the cultural playing games of chance (American code determines the marketing and com- Gaming Association 2004). We see the munication rules that must not be broken. growth of the term “gaming” as recogniz- The code also provides insight into the ing the entertainment and play aspect of cultural myths about gaming (Holt, Quelch, gambling, particularly in the United States. and Taylor 2004; Woodside, Sood, and Recognizing that other cultures experience Miller 2008). The outcome of this study gambling in a different way, we propose has implications specifically for the mar- that an understanding of the socialization of keting of Las Vegas–style gambling world- play and gambling within the family struc- wide and, more generally, for how ture is necessary (Rose 1999). We chose companies might approach cultural differ- early childhood memory elicitation as the ences to their product offering. research methodology for this investigation because participants’ retrieved childhood Conceptual Background memories serve as a marker that com- In its long history, gambling initially bines cultural, family, and personal values was tied to religion in the sense that fate (Braun-LaTour, LaTour, and Zinkhan was considered to be a proxy for the will 2007; Braun-LaTour and LaTour 2007). of gods. In the seventeenth century, the

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secular idea of risk emerged (Reith 1999). modern but spartan casinos that are gener- Some historians argue that societal views ally much smaller than those in Las Vegas. towards gambling have evolved from a French casinos face tighter government belief in providence (and religious institu- control, more regulations, and more taxes tions) towards a belief in chance (and than those in the United States (up to a market institutions) (Brenner and Brenner 56 percent tax rate compared to 6 percent 1990). Despite its apparent universality, in Nevada; Eadington 2007). Moreover, the meaning imputed to the concept of French casinos are limited to resort areas gambling depends on the sociohistorical and cities having populations larger than contexts in which it occurs (McMillen one hundred thousand. France’s two most 1996). famous casinos—Lyon Vert Casino, situ- That context differs dramatically in the ated at Lyon; and Palais de la Mediterranée three cultures we are examining. In the Casino, at Nice—are upscale gambling United States, gambling began as part of destinations (reflecting the aristocratic the saloon experience and became asso- era of gambling). Gambling became more ciated with the nation’s western expan- popular (and available) in France when sion. The (eastern) Puritan-based culture slot machines were legalized in 1988. attempted to control or ban gambling During the 1990s, the French casino indus- based on moral grounds but could not try had an average yearly revenue growth withstand the lure of easy money for both of 19.6 percent, the highest in Europe, individuals and government. After Nevada while casinos on the Strip showed 6.7 per- legalized gambling in 1931, it was the only cent growth (Gu 2002). state with legalized gambling until 1976, In contrast to the United States and when New Jersey legalized gambling in France, gambling is forbidden in mainland Atlantic City as a measure to restore its China. There are regular propaganda cam- crumbling hotels. Casino gambling is now paigns in China against problem gambling allowed in all but two U.S. states, either (Papineau 2005). Most mainland Chinese under state license or through arrangements play mahjong with family and friends (and with native American tribes. From 1992 bet on those games) or partake in the legal through 2003, the U.S. casino industry lottery, practices so widespread that they saw its revenue more than double, from are not always viewed as gambling. The $10.2 billion to more than $27 billion. only region in China where gambling is Americans spend more money in casinos legal, and formerly operated as a monop- than on movies or amusement parks oly by Stanley Ho, Macao offered gam- (American Gaming Association 2004). bling for more than 150 years under France has seen some type of gambling Portuguese rule. Similar to the modern for at least the past eight centuries, and European casinos, the monopolistic situa- many casino games are thought to have tion resulted in relatively small, unim- their roots in France (e.g., blackjack, rou- pressive looking casinos, and Macao’s lette, pari-mutuel). In the years surrounding reputation was hurt by violence and orga- the turn of the twentieth century, European nized crime (Strow 2002). In 1999, sover- gambling was closely linked with the aris- eignty of the island returned to China, and tocracy. With an emphasis on elegance, the island became more accessible to dignity, and refinement, casinos were pala- mainland Chinese gamblers. It was during tial monuments. Following World War II, this time that Macao decided to deregulate the French government began developing gambling and open it up to other casino

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operators. Three licenses were granted, in comparing Western European and one to Stanley Ho’s enterprise and the Asian countries involves the individualist- other two to Las Vegas moguls Steve collectivist mindset (Hofstede 1980). In Wynn and Sheldon Adelson. individualistic cultures (like the United Several studies have reported that the States and France), people tend to prefer Chinese are riskier gamblers and show independent relationships to others and to greater illusion of control as compared to focus on their personal goals. In collectiv- U.S. gamblers (Lau and Ranyard 2005). istic cultures (like the People’s Republic This illusion of control has been linked to of China), people tend to prefer interde- pathological gambling behavior, and it pendent relationships to others and to sub- appears that the Chinese rate of problem ordinate their personal goals to those of gamblers may be higher than with other their family (Hofstede 1980). ethnicities. Such an assertion is hard Of the numerous criticisms of the to support because many problem gam- Hofstede approach to culture, perhaps the blers do not want to admit they have a most telling point is that culture is too problem, a face-saving practice particu- complex to be described in five dimen- larly associated with the Chinese popula- sions. Instead, a holistic view of how cul- tion (Blaszczynski, Huynh, and Dumlao ture, family, and the individual interact to 1998). create cultural constructs in the consum- We have seen no in-depth research con- er’s mind may be necessary when looking ducted as of yet to determine whether dif- at individual product categories. In his ferent cultures have different gambling own approach to cultural differences, motivations. Papinau (2005) discusses that French anthropologist Clotaire Rapaille Lesieur (1989) has been one of the few (2006) reports on how using a bottom-up proponents of a cultural approach to gam- approach by investigating individual con- bling, quoting him (p. 159): “While pro- sumers’ early childhood memories can be viding an ethnographic base from which a used to provide cultural insights, such as bio-psychosocial theory may be developed, how American products are perceived the sociocultural orientation holds promise. abroad. For instance, he reports that At present no studies compare the experi- French are viewed as “thinkers” who view ences of difference ethnic groups with Americans as childlike and naïve but at gambling and pathological gambling in the same time extremely powerful. Rapaille particular. Folk wisdom has it that Chinese- does not discuss China or gambling, but Americans are heavy gamblers, but there his method is useful for our investigation. is no research on problem gambling among members of this ethnic group.” Early Childhood Memory Elicitation Method Macro Views of Cultural A cultural code is a mindset that influ- Differences ences how consumers interpret and respond A top-down survey-based approach to to products and services (Rapaille 2006). cultural differences has pervaded the study Established in early childhood, the code is of cross cultural behavior, with Hoftstede’s framed by the cultural environment in (1980) five dimensions influencing how which one is raised. Generally the code is academic business researchers have looked formed during late childhood (ages six to at cultural differences. The dominant dimen- ten) and remains relatively stable through- sion focused on by marketing researchers out adulthood (Rapaille 2006). One cannot

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ascertain the cultural code through tradi- culture. Zaltman (2003, 192) commented, tional surveys or interviews because it “The culture a person grows up in strongly resides below people’s awareness (Rapaille influences his or her brain’s ‘wiring,’ or 2006). Members of a particular culture are neural pathways, in the early years of life. usually oblivious to their code, but it The stories we hear starting in early child- strongly influences the things they do. hood become important frames of refer- Until recently, the method for extract- ence or mental models that later influence ing the code was a closely held consulting the products and brands we buy, espe- “secret” held by Rapaille and associates. cially if stories about those brands reso- In 2007, coauthor Braun-LaTour and col- nate with deep cultural meanings embedded leagues introduced the code-extraction in our memories.” According to Rapaille method, childhood memory elicitation, to (2006), there are extremely strong imprints marketing academics and demonstrated its placed in the consumers’ unconscious at use in the context of automobiles (Braun- this early age that are determined by the LaTour, LaTour, and Zinkhan 2007). We culture in which they are raised. have also published an article in the Thus far, most of the cross-cultural Cornell Quarterly demonstrating its appli- research on socialization has followed cation to hospitality (Braun-LaTour and the individualist-collectivist perspective. LaTour 2007). The idea is that consumers’ Parents in individualist countries are more early childhood memories can be used as a permissive and allow individual expres- projective technique to uncover consum- sion; whereas parents in collectivist coun- ers’ underlying motivations and prefer- tries are more controlling, attempting to ences. One psychologist who explored meet social norms (Triandis 1994). Leading early memories (Wang 2001) found a cul- learning theorist Howard Gardner (1989) tural contrast between memories of U.S. found differences in learning styles students and Chinese students. The U.S. between the United States and China: in students’ memories were earlier, more the United States, parents and teachers detailed, more emotional (particularly allowed the children to explore through positive), and more self-focused than were trial and error to teach independence and the Chinese memories, which were more prepare them to be creative problem solv- abstract and focused on family events. ers later in life; whereas in China, they Other than Rapaille’s unpublished con- valued “teaching by holding his hand,” sulting work, however, the study described where the parent-teacher would carefully here represents the first application of this shape learning. In Chinese society chil- method for uncovering cross-cultural dif- dren learn their place and learn to restrain ferences in consumer behavior (and gam- personal desires for the benefits and inter- bling in particular). ests of the collective. The early memory methodology is par- France offers an interesting intersection ticularly well suited for looking at cultural of individualist–collectivist views of chil- differences. Socialization was one of the drearing: French parents are concerned first topics addressed in cross-cultural with their children being compliant and research (Berry et al. 1992). Throughout learning to conform to group values; they the school years, children’s memories are also promote their children’s individuality shaped by the narrative style espoused by through stimulation of the senses (Suizzo their culture. Their experiences are grafted 2002). The French feel that Americans onto the meanings and markers of that overly indulge and spoil their children.

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French parents believe in close, affection- different time periods. Once they got to ate relationships between themselves and their earliest memories of gambling, they their children but also value self-control of were asked to write down all the images, emotions and are wary of too much close- feelings, and words associated with that ness (Suizzo 2002). memory. They were guided to remember a childhood experience involving their The Study favorite childhood game and to write down We recruited participants with the assis- images and words associated with that tance of the Venetian, a well-known Las Vegas memory. resort casino. The goal was to find at least Following the group session, partici- fifteen participants representing each cul- pants went one at a time to an interview ture, more than an appropriate size for the room, where they were asked to tell a story qualitative nature of the analysis (Braun- about their earliest memory of gambling. LaTour, LaTour, and Zinkhan 2007). The (There were three rooms with one-on- sample included twenty-one U.S. gamblers, one interviews occurring simultaneously; twenty-one Chinese participants, and eigh- each interview lasted twenty minutes on teen French gamblers. They ranged in age average.) The interviewers sought details, from twenty-one to sixty-eight, represent- such as how old participants were when ing both tourist and local players within the experience occurred, who else was each culture (see Exhibit 1, names dis- involved in the memory, what sort of emo- guised). Participants were given a $200 tion or feeling was associated with the gambling comp in exchange for participat- experience, whether any other memories ing in the two-hour session. To be consid- were associated with gambling, and why ered for the study, a participant had to they think they remembered that particular meet the following criteria: (1) have spent experience. When appropriate, the inter- at least the first ten years of his or her life viewers asked additional questions about in the country of interest, (2) be raised in a the participants’ thoughts and feelings household that spoke the country’s native about the differences between gambling in language (i.e., English, French, or Las Vegas and gambling in their own Mandarin), and (3) consider himself or country. They were also asked about their herself a “gambler.” Note that we selected families’ view of work and of gambling. residents of mainland China because they They were asked about their religious represent the greatest potential for the Las views and how (and whether) they related Vegas casino operators in Macao, and to gambling. They were then asked to tell they are quite different from Hong Kong a story about their favorite childhood Chinese. game. Additionally they were asked about Procedure. The forty-five-minute group how their families viewed play time. When session began with a short relaxation that they were done with their interviews (or included light yoga and breathing and waiting to be interviewed), they filled visualization exercises (per Braun-LaTour, out a questionnaire that further encour- LaTour, and Zinkhan 2007). Using the aged them to describe their childhood participants’ native language, the researcher memories. guided them back in time to their earliest Analysis. We accumulated twenty hours childhood, asking them to remember ear- of taped interviews and four hundred pages lier and earlier points in their lives, pro- from the questionnaires, which were trans- viding them some guidance by referencing lated and transcribed. The interpretation of

480 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

Exhibit 1: Sample Description

Name (Gender) Area Raised Earliest Game Earliest Gambling Current Gambling Preference Li (M) China Sand bags Mahjong, cards Blackjack (BJ), baccarat, PaiGow, roulette Die (F) Beijing Water guns Mahjong BJ, poker, baccarat Anguo (M) China Reading, Mahjong BJ Fang (F) China Hide-and-seek Mahjong, cards BJ, baccarat Cai (M) China Pattle ball Visit to Japan Baccarat casino Bang (M) Sichuan Cartoon wars Wei Qi (Go Game) Poker, BJ, baccarat Bao (M) Beijing Running and Visit to Las Vegas Baccarat, BJ, roulette soccer Fei (F) Jiang Su Barbie doll Mahjong Baccarat Jiao (F) China Rock, paper, Mahjong Slots scissor Cong (M) Fu Jian Poker Mahjong Baccarat, poker Kake (F) China Rubber band Mahjong Poker jumping Kew (F) Qing Dao City Soccer Coin game at Slots arcade Dewu (M) Jiang Si Hide-and-seek Poker Pai gow, BJ, poker Mi (F) Chong Qing Monopoly Mahjong Baccarat Cheng (M) Anhui Police catch Mahjong Poker, BJ thieves Jie (M) Chong Qing Video games Mahjong Poker, BJ Kuo (M) China Military chess Gambling in movies Baccarat Mo Li (F) China Blindman’s bluff Poker BJ Li (M) Jinan Cricket fighting Cards Baccarat, table games Xiu (F) Suzhou City Blindman’s bluff TV, dramas Slots Yao (F) China Jump rope Mahjong Mahjong Jennifer California Slot machine Poker Video poker (VP) bank Amy Chicago Monopoly Poker VP Kevin Chicago Trading sports Poker Sports betting, poker cards Brian Oklahoma Chinese check- Poker BJ, craps ers Tom Las Vegas War (card game) Poker VP Melissa Pennsylvania Monopoly Wheel, carnival VP Elizabeth Bronx Monopoly, cards Poker, BJ VP, BJ Jack Connecticut Monopoly Poker VP, poker David Kentucky Uno, card games Poker VP Richard West Virginia Monopoly Poker VP, BJ Scott California Monopoly Poker VP Heather Illinois Monopoly Horse racing VP George Brooklyn Sette Mezzo Poker Poker Mark Pennsylvania Cards Poker/pinochle Slots, poker

(continued)

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Exhibit 1: (continued) Name (Gender) Area Raised Earliest Game Earliest Gambling Current Gambling Preference Stephanie Boston Cards Las Vegas trip BJ, poker, craps, VP Paul Wisconsin Monopoly Church bingo VP, slots, craps, BJ Lisa Cleveland Cards—Solitaire Cards—father VP, cards Ryan Wisconsin Monopoly Poker Craps, BJ, poker, VP, slots Gian Philadelphia Monopoly Poker, sports bet- Sports betting, BJ ting Sarah Chicago Board game— Penny poker VP, poker, BJ Parchese Steve Iowa Cards Poker VP Amelie Savoie Board game Uncle playing at VP casinos Alain France Cards Poker, baccarat, Poker, roulette, VP roulette Alais France School games French casino, Poker twenty-seven Andre France Board games Casino trip, late VP adolescence Bibi Sete Games with Casino in Baden VP cousins Baden Franck Bordeaux Soccer Marbles Poker, VP Henri Nice Board game Walk by casino with Poker, roulette father Luc Paris Cards Parents went to VP casino Gigi Fountainebleau Board game, six Watch grandmother Slots and roulette cards Pierre Nice Cards Walking by casino VP Rene Grenoble Board game Parents go to casino VP Margot Lyon Board game, Watch grandmother VP marbles tierce Emile South of Board games Marbles Slots France Noelle Paris Board game Walking past bar Poker tabac Laurent Northeast Cards TV shows Slots France Josette Charentes Cards Playing card with Slots daughter Eloise France Cards Parents played at VP casino Deni Paris Cards Vacation VP

the memory stories was discovery-oriented, analysis particularly important for cross- in keeping with the experience of Rose cultural research. In keeping with earlier et al. (1998), who found such exploratory procedure, the memory stories were analyzed

482 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

on two levels. The literal level recorded father “running numbers” in Connecticut), the age when the memory took place and most U.S. participants (seventeen) said the type of experience involved. In the that their earliest exposure to gambling mythic level (Dichter 1964; Levy 1981), had taken place at either their home or a the childhood memories of game playing relative’s home where the grown-ups particularly are open for interpretation, played poker around the kitchen or dining as noted by Smith and Abt (1984, 123): table. Feelings of home, comfort, food, “The world of play and games offers a warmth, togetherness, and celebration char- varied menu of rituals, myths, icons, and acterized these positive memories. Several heroes that articulate, reinforce, and trans- participants said it felt like “there was a mit cultural values in a manner very simi- casino in my house,” because there were lar to that of religion.” These authors also always card games like poker and gin note that childhood and adolescent games rummy going on. For many others, though, bear similarities to later adult gambling the gambling took place after a holiday behavior. meal or on a certain night of the week and The approach to the data analysis is had ritualistic undertones (note that while grounded in rigorous interpretive procedures, the memories were about family, the “self” including individual analysis, numerous was the focus). iterations, and part-to-whole comparisons. The Chinese participants had similar After reading and hearing the participants’ early recollections of card games, but the memory stories, we discussed and devel- game of choice there was mahjong, and oped a series of cultural codes. Typically their memories revolved around “others,” such codes are described in one word. So, as in Yao’s memory: for example, the code for car might be power. As Hirschman (1986) pointed out, My family would play mahjong on special the identification of the code is often asso- festival days. We would play for hours. Before we knew the rules of the game we ciated with a gestalt insight. Once the code as children would make up our own and was identified, we reviewed the reports from imitate our parents and grandparents as each culture to verify that the code informed they played. We didn’t play for money, but most of the participants’ stories. In this pre- for ice cream. sentation of the data as a means to demon- strate the code as lived by the participants As found in earlier research, the Asian (emic level), short summaries as well as a parents appeared to “protect” their chil- few longer stories about early exposure to dren from gambling exposure (compared gambling are included. It is openly stated to U.S. parents), as revealed through their that the voice of the researchers is in the older age of exposure. Also consistent presentation of the codes (etic level). with prior research, this study found the Characteristics of the childhood memo- Chinese recollections to be less emotional ries. The sessions were successful in elic- and detailed than those from the United iting childhood memories of gambling States and France. The Chinese partici- and other games (as summarized in pants had never gambled in a casino in Exhibit 2). The average age of the gam- China (because none exists), so their expo- bling exposure was 6.9 in the United sure to gambling only occurred in private States, 9.1 in China, and 8 in France. While homes. Only one of the participants had there were some idiosyncratic experiences gambled in a casino in Macao, while the mentioned (such as Jack’s remembering a rest had their casino experiences in the

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Exhibit 2: Cultural Codes and Implications

Country Code Myth Implications

United Winner Horatio Algier’s Re-create warmth but competitiveness from childhood States American family games by offering tournaments dream, anyone Help gamblers build rituals to their behavior can be a winner Focus on winners and their “everyman” status in promotional materials Tie into aspirational aspect in loyalty programs, demonstrate in casinos what higher tiers get Provide an exciting atmosphere Focus on quick, fast returns France Mastery Pascal’s view that Recognize that gambling was restricted during childhood one can use so there is not the same positive warm memories as math and U.S. and China; perhaps playing off this restriction intellectual would make it more acceptable (such as an ad saying, capabilities to “What your parents didn’t want you to know” showing outsmart a couple in austere clothing with serious expressions system putting their children to bed and then opening the door to a casino in their house) Appeal to intellectual side of masters (e.g., crack the code of poker) by offering educational opportunities so they can learn to “beat the system” Highlight the intellectual background of past winners Appeal to their sense of superiority by offering exclusive areas with dress codes For those nonmasters, highlight how in games of chance even a nonmaster can win Foster a sense of ownership in the games by touting roulette’s connection to France (and that of other games) China Distinction Dostoyevsky’s Recognize the conflict between their government’s view Alexi, gamble of gambling and their own need to advance in society to death, Appeal to their egos and need for status by having overcome social premium tables with observation decks obstacles or Know the Chinese gambler does not believe they win repression, the because of mastery (as do the French) but rather need to exist as because of luck, so incorporate “lucky” aspects into the an individual casino design and have the Focus on the status that winning can buy—showcase attention on past winners who have used wealth to advance their oneself family’s status Recognize that losses at the table are ego losses, and offer ways to save “face” (such as ways to try and recoup losses)

(continued)

484 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

Exhibit 2: (continued)

Country Code Myth Implications

To broaden appeal beyond the serious table players, tie the into feelings of freedom in childhood and early play in the outdoors, reframe gambling as “gaming” and highlight social nature of mahjong and transfer to machine games designed for social interaction

United States during their late adolescence in the cafeteria.” Because French parents or early adulthood. did not expose their children to casinos Unlike U.S. and Chinese participants, directly, many, like Rene, mentioned many of the French respondents’ memo- watching casinos in James Bond movies ries occurred outside of the home, such as or other TV programs that made gambling Monique’s recollection of walking the seem elegant and exciting. streets of Paris with her mother and inquir- There were both similarities and differ- ing about the long line of people waiting ences in childhood-play memories for the to validate their Tiercé (a horse racing three cultures. These memories generally bet). Others recalled being at local fair- occurred before or during the same time grounds and watching individuals trying period as the gambling memories, age 6.1 their luck at the pusher machines (in which in the United States, 7.2 in China, and 7 in people insert coins at the top and watch as France. Overwhelmingly the games of they drop on to trays). Similar to U.S. and choice for the U.S. participants were Chinese participants, French respondents’ Monopoly and card games. Participants earliest exposures to gambling happened remembered the colorful money used in in the company of their parents. Dissimilar Monopoly and taking money when another to the U.S. and Chinese memories, though, player landed on his or her property. They was that many of the French memories reported liking the challenge of these involved feelings of rejection (rather than games. Both types of games were fre- acceptance). Henri clearly remembers quently played with families (immediate walking the “promenade des Anglais” in and extended) in a “friendly” competition. Nice with his dad every week. However, The competition theme underscored he never got to go inside with his dad, as these recollections. The U.S. participants he would normally be taken to watch a remembered their parents teaching them movie with other family members while cards as a means to make them smarter his dad visited the casino. He remembered than their competition (preparing them for thinking, “What do they do without me? school or jobs). These types of games refer Did I do something wrong?” Bibi also to a strategic element of game playing, described the same experience of “exclu- which has influence on their choice of sion” attached to casino visits. She had gambling games later on. traveled to Baden-Baden when she was Popular board and card games also twelve years old, only to be “left behind were often cited as spontaneous earliest

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memories associated with gambling for Chinese respondents associated their the French group. Le Jeu de L’oie (“game early play with being outside and playing of the goose,” where virtue is rewarded hide-and-seek; rubber band jumping; or and vice punished), Petits Chevaux (a rac- rock, paper, scissors. Some said they did ing board game), and well-known card not have many options for toys, and the games (e.g., belotte, Rami, tarot) were games they most recalled were these out- described as synonymous with family side games. One participant recalled being entertainment, moments of fun, and togeth- quite happy as a child, only to be deported erness. The French participants noted hav- to the rural countryside during Mao’s ing the most free play time as children. Cultural Revolution, which he said “took Most participants also noted the competi- away his childhood.” Being inside was tiveness and winning aspects of these associated with being restricted; in fact, games. Yet they added that these did not Fei remembers having both her parents involve real money—“We were not play- working and being locked inside her home ing for money” (Josette)—and reflected a by herself to play alone with her Barbie time of innocence (Alais). doll. There was an overall feeling of nos- The Chinese parents were much more talgia associated with their early child- restrictive with play time than were the hood memories. Many yearned for that U.S. and French parents—participants said early time without today’s stresses, par- that school and homework always came ticularly since Chinese children are given first and that they could play if their work a great deal of responsibility at an early was complete. Several participants began age because they need to bring honor to by saying that their parents “didn’t control their families. them,” but then went on to list all the restrictions imposed around their play The Cultural Codes (such as time of day, who they could play The Americans: Winner. The code for with). Dewu recalled, gambling in the United States is winner, particularly from an underdog or everyday They did not allow me to go out to play hero perspective (again, see Exhibit 2). during the noon, because in my hometown, The idea is embodied in the Horatio Alger most of the people like to take a nap during the noon; my parents did not want to go stories in which impoverished protago- out to play at noon, worrying about I was nists overcame numerous obstacles to going to ruin neighbors’ nap. Also they did build their own American dream. This not allow me to play with water; they think same American dream resonates today in it is too dangerous. popular TV shows like American Idol, where anyone has a chance to “win” and One extreme example came from Bang, make it big. Though the gamblers under- who recalled playing a game where he stood that the odds were against them, would win hundreds of paper men and they rationalized their choice to gamble by then get into “wars” with his friends. He saying, “Someone here [in the casino] is became quite good at this game and col- going to win; why not me?” This seemed lected thousands of these paper men in a to rectify the conflict with their Puritan box. His parents burned that box because work ethic, where the concept of chance is they thought it was frivolous and wanted at odds with views of gaining a reward for him to concentrate his time on studying. hard work—which all of the U.S. gam- Also in contrast to the United States, most blers espoused. Ryan recalled going with

486 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

his father to a tavern after he had com- and learned more games, they were able pleted his chores and the feeling that his to move up toward the adult games (and father must be rich to be able to bet money relished beating the adults). This feeling on cards. Truth to tell, they were not rich. of coming of age (which was much As farmers, finishing one’s work before younger than casino age limits, usually the gambling could begin was an impor- around age twelve) and being able to beat tant point. others signified an important point in the The competitive nature of the child- participants’ journey from youth to adult- hood games transmitted to how they felt hood. When they got to the adult table, about gambling. It was not so much about they “felt like an adult” (Heather), and the money (though that was not unimport- feelings like pride and boastfulness were ant), but the idea of being better than also indicated. everyone else was prized. Being a winner The U.S. gamblers were the most reli- is the identity the American gambler seeks, gious of the three groups, although they and the money is proof that they are suc- came from various religious backgrounds. cessful. The U.S. respondents could recall Many U.S. respondents did not see a separa- the exact amounts of money they won in tion between gambling and religion. While games in their childhood (down to the some traditions frowned on gambling, penny). This focus on winnings was not some respondents thought the Catholic found in the other cultures. For example, church supported or embraced gambling. Heather recalled the emotion of winning Several participants fondly remembered her bet: church bingo and casino nights. In fact, one participant, Melissa, had her first job Harness racing at the Iowa County Fair in at church bingo and felt a pride in that job September 1974. My whole family would because her aunts and mom played and get together and pick playing cards with numbers that would be the horse you had. she felt like she was “in the know.” Another It was a $1.00 bet. I won $50 as a child, Catholic (George) recalled carrying a bible and thought I was in heaven!!! and deck of cards around in his pockets in Brooklyn, New York, not really knowing The idea of winning and the accompani- the difference between the two. A few oth- ments associated with it (e.g., comps, ers associated their Sundays (a religious parking places) were also tied to the day for Christians) with gatherings for “exclusiveness” of gambling that made it gambling, either watching football games seem special to these respondents. For and playing the lines or having the afore- instance, several participants recalled mentioned family poker games. going with their parents to the VFW Hall, Many in the U.S. group gambled where they had to be buzzed in or know because of “boredom.” They lacked chal- the secret code to get in and gamble. As lenges in their daily lives, but winning in children they were “allowed” to watch the casino gave them a feeling of control their parents gamble. The memories over their destiny. They used gambling in were aspirational in that the participants a recreational sense to escape daily respon- remembered wanting to be able to play sibilities. Even a small win on the machines but either were too young or did not yet or the tables gave them a sense of power know the rules of the game. Scott recalled over their lives. There was an excitement there being a kids’ table where they would to winning, and some of their recollections play card games, and as they got older carried exclamation marks (!!!) along

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with such comments as “Whoo!” “Yeah!” American children use their Monopoly “Winner!” Joanna recalls the sense of money for currency in games of play, like exhilaration with her first memory: having a pretend store. Several French participants recalled My family plays poker after all holiday gambling for the first time with marbles dinners. I was allowed to watch as a young either with siblings or with classmates. child. At approximately eight years I was Alais referred to marbles as “wise games.” allowed to play with my own money. I was Another recalled that she lost all the time an extreme saver and kept an old cigar box as a child to her brothers and later learned full of coins. The first time I pushed my pennies on the table I was scared, and that they had cheated. She says she now I almost cried when I lost. However, when “knows the game” (as in casino play) and I won the pot, I was ecstatic and loved the knows how to win. Franck recalled, feeling. I think I was five or six. I would go to school with ten marbles in my pocket and The rush of the victory is critical, and this come home with fifteen. I learned very ties into the atmosphere of the Las Vegas quickly how to beat my schoolmates at casinos, where bright lights, noise, fun, marbles. It takes agility and skill. I remem- and excitement become part of the equa- ber enjoying counting my marbles at the tion, as the casinos celebrate you (the win- end of the day. ner). The adrenaline rush is part of what Rapaille (2006) considers to be the logic Looking at these and other recollections, of emotion, an important and necessary we determined that the code for gambling part of the U.S. gambling experience. in France is mastery. This view has his- The French: Mastery. French has no torical roots in France, back to Pascal’s word for gambling. The closest is jouer Gambler, who thought that mastering de l’argent, which means “playing some probability theory would provide insights money.” Gambling is therefore automati- into how a gambler must bet. Mastery is cally associated with money. The French also represented in Casanova, who ran teach the value of money early on, but in France’s lottery and was interested in a more negative way than in the United learning the inner workings of the system States. For instance, French parents say, and managing it, which he felt set “You have to be careful with money.” him apart from the masses that actually The French educational system, fur­ played it (Kavanaugh 2005). Like the thermore, teaches students to be “conser- U.S. respondents, the French gamblers vative.” The stated purpose for their enjoyed the competition in their youth. schooling is to get a job, in contrast to the Instead of the American focus on win- American dream, where children are told ning, though, the French focus was on not anything is possible. French children losing and using their superior mind to learn not to play with money, while early crack the system (a prevention frame). on the Americans are given substantial This was explicitly expressed by Rene: access to what money the family has “I really hated to lose”; and Gigi: “It was available. For example, U.S. children are annoying to lose.” This group felt that given money for good behavior or gifts, they were more detached than the U.S. and American children ages four through gamblers in their gambling style and thus twelve accounted for $6.1 billion in pur- could take a more “rational” or logical chases in 2001 (see Chudacoff 2008). perspective to their gambling decision

488 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

making, perhaps because they did not case for U.S. gamblers) and could distance have the emotional or family connection themselves from the emotion of play. to gambling as did the U.S. and Chinese Eloise compares Americans to “grown-up gamblers. Mastery is a way of convincing children who play the game,” as opposed themselves that they are doing nothing to French players who are “taking the fun wrong, that is, playing with money in an out of playing.” This is echoed by Alain, acceptable way. who explains that the French “do not play The French gamblers learned early on to play.” As a result, many of the French that gambling required study. Margot describe a good gambler as someone who described her grandmother carefully study- can “control” the way he or she plays. “It is ing her newspaper (for race statistics). someone who knows when to stop” (Josette) “She was trying to win money; it did not or “knows how much he can afford to lose look like pleasure; she was studying. There then leaves” (Bibi). This informs the atmo- was no communication with her, and she sphere, as noted by Margot: “people com- would ask us to be quiet.” This serious municate less in French casinos; they keep aspect linked to potential gains and com- to themselves; if they win they do not bined with a theme of rejection was also jump around or shout like as the case here described by Gigi, who, at five years old, [Las Vegas].” remembered her great grandmother play- The code mastery can also imply elite- ing some card game with friends every ness or superiority. Bibi expressed the afternoon, “and with money.” She remem- notion of materialistic “superiority” from bered “the seriousness of her [grandmoth- gambling. She possesses a “black card,” a er’s] face” and thinking that “something symbol representing her status as “presi- important and big was happening.” She dent of the club” and giving access to was not allowed to sit at the table as it was some perks (e.g., preferred rooms, limo “an adult game” but thought this was aspi- service to the airport, dinners). She tends rational: “I thought this was very profes- to favor the games that earn her “good sional, something I’d be doing when I am points,” which in turn help her maintain older, like the godfather movie.” She her status as president. recalls that her great grandmother was Most of the French participants were strategic in her play and stingy with her raised as Catholics and, unlike U.S. par- wins (“protective” of her money). There ticipants, readily recognized that their reli- was no cheating allowed in the game; gion does not value gambling. However, rules were closely followed. Pierre remem- most felt inherent religious views did not bers, after his father would not allow him affect their own attitudes toward gam- into the casino in Nice, bling. Education and work ethics seem to be more important aspects to consider. My father brought home a small case that Alain explains that the French value work contained all the casino games in it (like as long as it provides “a better quality of roulette and blackjack). It was a toy kit. He life.” It is acceptable to earn good money didn’t teach me how to gamble but rather through work but less “acceptable” to what a gamble was, not about winning or gamble one’s money, as it bears many losing, just about the rules. risks. Eloise explained that “someone who plays a lot cannot make a living out of it.” The French believed they were not ego- However, there are cases when gambling involved (which they consider to be the is more extreme, as in the case of the

November 2009 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly 489 Marketing CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING

French rogue trader who was playing with ordinary change happens. Acquiring great money (and gambling that he would not wealth in a casino in one throw of the dice get caught). To the world’s surprise, he or by winning the lottery is a spectacular never directed the fraudulent cash to a experience not only because of the money personal account—he thought be could but because of the experience of the com- outsmart (master) the system. pression of time. In that regard, Fang told The Chinese: Distinction. The code for us that gambling makes you forget things gambling in China is distinction, for which you don’t like, and she reports “getting their gambling was a symbolic portrayal caught up in the moment” with blocks of of risk-taking that was tied to their self time lost. worth. Of the three cultures, the Chinese Jiao says most Chinese gamblers keep showed the closest resemblance to what gambling when they are losing because Jung (1919/1970) called the “gambler they think it is because of bad luck that archetype.” Indeed, we see the Chinese as eventually will change. Mo Li says Chinese being much like Dostoyevsky’s Gambler. gamblers want more if they win; if they Dostoyevsky’s Alexei is a prototypical lose, they place more bets and are eager to gambler who rationalizes and defends his win back; but in most cases they lose. The growing obsession with roulette. For long persistence in play harkens back to Alexei, a big win at roulette would earn their childhood game playing, which him entrance into the aristocracy and would often go on for days and would transform him from outsider to insider. involve socializing and feelings of free- Alexei ultimately gambles all his fortunes dom (Cong). The only time their culture away but felt that his risk taking was allows for such indulgence in adulthood is ennobling. on holidays (notably, Chinese New Year), China’s emerging focus on capitalism is and mahjong play can go on for days dur- in conflict with Confucianism, which ing these festivities. states, “If one’s action is guided by profit, The Chinese take gambling seriously. one will incur much ill will.” The Chinese When the Chinese became “of age” to government’s restriction on gambling, gamble, there was a strong pressure to win while punishing visible party members for and the game became less recreational. their gambling behavior, puts gamblers in While the U.S. (and French) participants an interesting paradox: one shouldn’t viewed work as a means for self-expression gamble and risks being punished for gam- and to “get ahead,” almost all of the Chinese bling, yet it is one easy path to getting participants said their family wanted them ahead in Chinese society. The casino offers simply to find a stable job. One said their a place to transcend class and reality. The “goal is to find a job that isn’t too tiring.” purpose of a myth is to provide a logical Another said, “Money is not the goal of model capable of overcoming a contradic- working—don’t need to open one’s own tion (Levi-Strauss 1977), and the contra- business or be well known through one’s dictions found in the Chinese culture with work.” respect to views on gambling appear to When money started to become involved drive their Gambler myth. in the card games, there was less interest According to Jung’s energetic perspec- or focus on the process of gambling and tive of the gambling archetype, gambling more concern on the result. For instance, is an attempt to outrun the speed at which Li recalled an early gambling experience

490 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

where an older child approached him and Despite this view, many of the families set forth a contest to see whose cricket did gamble at home at cards, and some could chirp the loudest. Li used sticks even had ventured into casinos, though and taunted his cricket to chirp louder, most of the gambling occurred in private and in cases where that did not work and rather than public spaces. Bang felt that he lost, he would throw his cricket in the there was pressure centered on gambling air, killing it when it hit the ground. The in China because the gambling occurred in violence in this recollection, which is the home (and could be scrutinized by dramatic (and negative) compared to relatives), and that led to more pressure the U.S. and French memories, suggests because it was seen as unacceptable behav- that there is a greater cost to gambling in ior. Control or lack of control was seen as China. a major factor in Chinese gambling—most Unlike the U.S. participants (but similar participants thought it was OK to gamble to the French), the early gambling memo- with small amounts of money. They ries of the Chinese were passive, more thought, however, that gambling with large about observing and learning than focused amounts showed lack of control. There is on the action or movement as seen in the a Chinese proverb that says, “A little gam- U.S. recollections. Because of the com- bling is soothing and relaxing; heavy gam- plexity of mahjong, there was a feeling bling could affect your mental health.” In that one needed to watch, learn, and own fact some feared that, because gambling the game. Like the French, Chinese respon- had always been so restricted in mainland dents wanted to master their game. Bang, China, if it became legal the Chinese peo- for example, said that taking a third-person ple could not handle it and would lose viewpoint allowed him to look at the game control. When asked what they thought from a broader perspective so he could was the difference between U.S. and learn how to anticipate moves. But unlike Chinese gambling, this idea of control also the French, where mastery was the goal, came out. The participants felt that in the the point of gambling for the Chinese was U.S. gambling is for recreation and enter- to use this mastery to “show off” their tainment. Given that U.S. gamblers have gambling skills and win money. As Bang lots of choices to serve that entertainment says, “The main purpose of this is not need, the Chinese respondents thought gambling but pride.” Americans do not take gambling as seri- We found the Chinese family view of ously as Chinese gamblers do. Many used gambling to be complex. Overall there the terms “open” or “free” to describe U.S. was a negative view, where many partici- gambling and “closed” to describe Chinese pants recalled hearing stories about people gambling. who had lost their property, jobs, and Almost all the Chinese claimed no families (and even taken their own lives) religious views. Since their cosmogony because of gambling debts. One even said does not inform them of a creator (God), that her family thought gambling was their language has no word for sin (or for “evil.” Another said, “Gambling has one the wrath of God) that would conflict hundred negatives and not one positive,” with gambling. Nevertheless, a large and “gambling can ruin lives.” This nega- proportion of our Chinese respondents tive viewpoint was considered the “tradi- believed in a type of providence, usually tional” way of thinking in Communist ghosts, spirits, or “luck” (in the form of China. superstition). For example, Yao says he

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always washes his hands before he gam- gambler.” She recalls having a roulette bles, and if he is doing poorly gambling, wheel game in her home when she was he touches his shoes so his bad luck can six, but she did not understand the game “walk away.” Li believes if his left eyelid then. She thinks back about those memo- twitches, good luck is coming his way; if ries when she plays roulette now. Alain his right eyelid twitches, then bad luck is also enjoys roulette, as that was one of coming his way. Even though the Chinese the games he was exposed to early by his gamblers did not subscribe to a religion, parents. He recalls being fascinated by five admitted that they pray for good luck the numbers and in his interview repeated when they gamble. his “lucky” numbers. Rene, for instance, Relationship to current gambling pref- is a master who prefers games like poker erence. Exhibit 1 summarizes partici- and blackjack: pants’ current casino games of choice. Participants were asked in the interviews As a kid I played cards and learned to whether they noticed a relationship count cards. It was a good memory tool between their childhood memories and when you’re a kid. But now in the casino I know the games I have a chance to win, their current gambling. In the case of the and I’m not going to play against the U.S. participants, the most obvious rela- casino. I know the statistics and know that tionship was the early exposure to play- the big jackpots don’t happen often. How ing poker and current game choice of live do you think they built Vegas? I want to or video poker in casinos. Most poignant play for myself. was Melissa, who had fond memories of her mother and family gambling at carni- The masters seem to prefer the games that vals and church bingo. She reported are intellectual and involved, which might feeling good about gambling despite indicate a level of intellectual superiority her first husband’s committing suicide through mastery of the game. Alais likes because of a large gambling debt. Two playing cards “because it makes my brain participants (Amy and David) said their work.” Noelle favors the games “she can parents were big gamblers and always control” so that she can “come back home talked about coming to Las Vegas but with money—their money.” Margot pre- never got the chance. These two respon- fers video poker or card games because dents felt it was somewhat ironic that “you feel you are in control as you can they personally live there now (achieving select the cards you keep,” unlike tradi- their parents’ dream). tional slot machines where “the machine The French gamblers’ game of choice does it all.” depended on whether they thought them- Our findings were consistent with other selves to be a master (where they chose studies in that Chinese players prefer games like poker, video poker, or black- table games (Loi and Kim forthcoming). jack) or if they felt they had not mastered This finding supports that individualist- gambling (in which case they turned to collectivist view of gambling behavior, games of chance such as traditional slots since the Chinese were much more inter- and roulette). Either way, their aspiration ested in social games (like baccarat) than level aligned with their level of mastery individual games (like slot machines). At of gambling. For example, Gigi says the baccarat table, players shout when she prefers games of chance because “I peeling back their cards—and all attention don’t have to think. I fear I am not a good is paid to the gambler Lam (2007). This meets

492 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

the needs of the Chinese for social recog- like that game because they feel they can nition where they can show off their gam- learn how to beat the system. bling prowess. (Baccarat also involves considerable chance, rather than skill.) Marketing Approaches The Chinese interest in these types of The Americans. A key marketing games seems to stem from a communal approach for American gamblers is to be background that highlights social interac- aware of their need to celebrate their status tion and their culture’s views of luck, fate, as winners. Thus, one can tie into aspira- and destiny. The few Chinese players tional aspects in loyalty programs and who preferred machines liked the ones demonstrate the casino’s rewards for based on chance (rather than video poker, higher tiers of players. Casinos can pro- which requires some decision making). vide an exciting atmosphere by offering tournaments and focusing on winners’ Implications “everyman status” in promotion materials. How gambling was socialized into a Given their fond childhood memories of culture influences how it is currently per- gambling (at home), one approach would ceived. The different cultural codes be to re-create that warmth along with the observed in this study provide insights competitiveness. Likewise, just as gam- into the marketing of gambling to these bling was a ritual in childhood, casinos different groups. Based on our research can help gamblers build rituals for their and analysis of childhood memories, we adult behavior. offer the following marketing implications The French. Marketing to French gam- (also summarized in Exhibit 2). blers should appeal to their mastery of We noticed that each group has differ- the game, including educational opportu- ent views of time. The U.S. winner is nities so that can learn the “crack the heavily in the moment, seeking the prom- code” of poker. For those who do not yet ise of immediate gains. The French master feel mastery of the game, casinos should is less rushed. Everything is calculated, offer games of chance that anyone can and it is the outcome that counts. Therefore, win—or better yet, games where one can a French gambler prefers games of less learn to develop a “system.” Marketing “intensity” that can span a longer time. By appeals should focus on quick returns and contrast, in addition to gaining social dis- highlight the intellectual accomplish- tinction as a gambler, the Chinese use ments of past winners. In contrast to the gambling to lose track of time (or to com- American situation, French gamblers press it) and to disassociate themselves generally do not have warm childhood from their daily life stresses. Thus, they memories of gambling, because they were prefer games that are highly engaging. We restricted from games of chance. One observe that despite a clear relationship way to play off this restriction might be between early memories and current to focus on how gamblers have now gambling activities, the codes transcend “arrived,” and therefore know informa- the context of the game. That is, different tion that their parents attempted to sup- codes might lead gamblers to the same press. Exclusive areas in the casino will game, but for different reasons. For appeal to their sense of superiority, and instance, U.S. participants might choose touting games connected to France (nota- video poker because of their competitive bly, roulette) will evoke a feeling of own- upbringing, whereas French participants ership in the games.

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The Chinese. The key points for mar- memory technique is that it is educes keting to residents of mainland China is what is most important for consumers. to address the social nature of gambling (See Exhibit 3 for a comparison of forms and to realize the conflict inherent in of qualitative research.) Finding the gambling—that is, the government’s ban “code” is important because the human on gambling as against the gamblers’ brain is not open to all new information. need to advance in society. To promote Consumers process novel information in the distinctive status of the high-rolling terms of their experiences and how the gambler, a casino should offer premium new item meets their personal goals. A tables that include observation areas. cultural code provides the key to these Showcasing past winners also builds the neural networks. status concept. Unlike the French, who Finding ways to break through filtering focus on the technical aspects of the mechanisms to learn about consumers’ game, Chinese gamblers generally believe desires is essential to the marketing pro- in the influence of luck, which argues for cess. Childhood memory elicitation can incorporating “lucky” aspects into casino provide the needed deep insights that are design. Since gambling losses involve the unlikely to come from traditional research person’s ego, the casino should offer methods like surveys and focus groups. In ways to save face, perhaps by proposing this regard, we note the method’s ability to ways to try and recoup losses. Finally, it connect with the deep memories of our might be possible to tie the into feelings Chinese respondents. Other researchers of freedom of early childhood play by have discussed the difficulty in getting reframing gambling as gaming and to Chinese to “open up” in marketing highlight machine games designed for research sessions (Blaszczynski, Huynh, social interaction. and Dumlao 1998). Although we note a Childhood connections. Las Vegas is comparative lack of detail in the Chinese known as an adult Disneyland and its mar- memories, the childhood memory elicita- keting exploits the tie between childhood tion method did offer a personalized view game playing and adult gambling play. The of their gambling. commercialization of play is yet another Marketing research efforts by the way in which culture both influences and casinos in Macao have employed tradi- reflects the culture that contains it. In tional research methods that have not addition to demonstrating the relation- yielded the deeper motivations unearthed ship between a person’s current gambling here. We cannot necessarily compare the preferences and one’s early childhood play findings from this Las Vegas–based and gambling exposure, this study shows sample to Macao’s gamblers, however. that differential socialization of gambling This is a limitation to our findings: the changes its meaning from one culture to participants had all been to Las Vegas another. and arguably preferred that style of gam- More broadly, this research demon- bling. We also note that the role and strates how the childhood memory elici- presence of online gaming is likely to tation method can be used to provide change the playing field. Cotte and cross-cultural insights. In contrast to the LaTour (2009) report that online gam- dominant research approach of investi- bling is experienced quite differently gating individualistic-collectivistic dif- than casino gambling, and the meanings ferences, the benefit of the early childhood also change in that context.

494 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly November 2009 CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING Marketing

Exhibit 3: Comparison of Qualitative Methods of Obtaining Cross-Cultural Insight

Childhood Memory Ethnographic Depth (or Life Elicitation Method (Observational) History) Interview Focus Group Length of 120 minutes (with Days or weeks, 3 to 5 hours 90 minutes, interview and 3 video cameras), depending on the (or more), per generally sample 20 participants per research topic, participant, 8 to 10 considerations session, depending on can focus on an generally participants research issue one to individual family need 8 to per session three groups or larger store or 10 participants (and usually recommended hotel context, so run 3 or sampling issues 4 sessions) vary Cost factors Economical use of Generally no Extensive use of Economical moderator and facility overhead because moderator and use of time; video equipment “out in the field” facility time, moderator and transcription costs but large more expensive and facility participant fees; per interview, time, some may need video large transcription and audio transcription costs equipment and costs transcription service Time factors Economical use of time Extensive time for Extensive time Economical for interviewing because observation, for interviewing use of time can be run in groups of substantial and substantial for interview 20, moderate time for volume of data volume of data and analysis analysis since focus on produced making produced, earliest and defining analysis longer making analysis memories rather than longer whole life span Stimuli involved Relaxation and memory Idea is to observe Depends, can Flexible, ads in session walk, usually run in a in natural setting, take place in or other facility with mats, so nothing special home or place marketing blankets, etc. available needed of purchase, materials flexible can be shown Output Video montage of Analysis quality Life history of Top-of-mind participants’ earliest and dependent on the participant, can reactions, defining memory stories, training or track how tastes report identification of key experience of the and preferences summarizing themes, code identified, researcher, large have evolved what people also can identify social amounts of data over a lifetime say about and cultural events to sort through, product or associated with product, so practical service interpretation of the implications may memories for insight into not be readily brand meaning apparent

(continued)

November 2009 Cornell Hospitality Quarterly 495 Marketing CRACKING THE CULTURAL CODE OF GAMBLING

Exhibit 3: (continued)

Childhood Memory Ethnographic Depth (or Life Elicitation Method (Observational) History) Interview Focus Group Strengths Uncovers important Observation takes Great depth in Quick, memories that place on-site or interpreting inexpensive consumers may have where the product brand or forgotten, good for is consumed, so product use for identifying nostalgia or factors associated a given emotional connections, with layout, consumer deep insights design, etc. can easily be addressed Weaknesses Shorter interviews, so no Analysis quality Because of the Social perspective of how dependent on the great depth, desirability memory experiences training or sample usually bias, quality “fit” into the experience of the is small, much consumers’ life, researcher, not marketing determined researcher needs to getting to the connections by strength understand nuances of deeper “whys” vary dependent of moderator, memory about what on strength and lack of depth, people do (deeper interpretation of superficial motivations) the researcher insights

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Kathryn A. LaTour, Ph.D., is an associate professor of hospitality marketing at the University of Nevada– Las Vegas ([email protected]). Franck Sarrazit is senior vice president and director of Synovate Censydiam, a marketing research and consulting company ([email protected]). Rom Hendler is vice president of strategic marketing at the Venetian ([email protected]). Michael S. LaTour, Ph.D., is professor and chair of the marketing department at the University of Nevada–Las Vegas (Michael. [email protected]). The authors thank the Venetian for covering the direct costs of this study (such as recruiting fees).

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