Dehcho First Nations Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation Indigenous Leadership Initiative Tides Canada

Analysis of the current and future value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada

July 2016

About Social Ventures Australia

Social Ventures Australia (SVA) works with innovative partners to invest in social change. We help to create better outcomes for disadvantaged Australians by bringing the best of business to the for- purpose sector, and by working with partners to strategically invest capital and expertise. SVA Impact Investing introduces new capital and innovative financial models to help solve entrenched problems. SVA Consulting partners with non-profits, philanthropists, corporations, and governments to strengthen their capabilities and capacity to address pressing social problems.

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This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 1

List of abbreviations

AAROM Aboriginal Aquatic Resource Ocean Management

DFN Dehcho First Nations

GNWT Government of Northwest Territories

ILI Indigenous Leadership Initiative

IPA Indigenous Protected Area

LKDFN Lutsel K’e Dene First Nations

NGO Non-Government Organisation

NWT CIMP Northwest Territories Cumulative Impact Monitoring Program

SROI Social Return on Investment

SVA Social Ventures Australia

WoC Working on Country

TK Traditional Knowledge

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 2

Table of Contents

About Social Ventures Australia ...... 1 List of abbreviations ...... 2 Executive summary ...... 4 1 Introduction ...... 5 1.1 Project context objectives ...... 5 1.2 Purpose, structure and audience of this report ...... 5 1.3 Indigenous guardian work ...... 6 1.4 Methodology ...... 7 2 Outcomes achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region ...... 8 2.1 Overview ...... 8 2.2 The nature of the change ...... 8 2.3 Description of change ...... 13 3 Comparison of outcomes achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Canada and Australia .... 20 3.1 Overview ...... 20 3.2 Overview of Indigenous ranger work in Australia ...... 20 3.3 Comparison of outcomes ...... 20 4 Current and potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada ...... 26 4.1 Overview ...... 26 4.2 Methodology ...... 26 4.3 Investment ...... 27 4.3 Current value of Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region ...... 28 4.4 Calculating the Social Return on Investment (SROI) ratio of Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region ...... 29 4.5 Potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region ...... 30 4.6 Potential future value of Indigenous guardian work if scaled nationally ...... 32 5 Key lessons from Australia for growing the impact of Indigenous guardian work in Canada ...... 33 5.1 Overview ...... 33 5.2 Key lessons from Australia applied to Canada ...... 33 6 Conclusion ...... 37 Appendices ...... 38 A1. Social value principles ...... 38 A2. Project methodology...... 39 A3. Interview guides ...... 41 A4. List of interviewees ...... 43 A5. Stakeholder groups ...... 44 A6. Valuation techniques ...... 46 A7. Value by outcome and by scenario over the period of investment ...... 47

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Executive summary

In Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region, First Nations are establishing Indigenous guardian programs to not only care for land and water but also to secure the Dene way of life for generations to come.

These programs provide opportunities for Dene people to deepen their connection with their culture, land, and water while engaging in meaningful employment that values traditional knowledge and supports them ‘to be Dene, to be who they are.’ Guardian work is seen as part of a broader vision where practicing and strengthening indigenous culture creates sustainable livelihoods and opportunities for communities to share their culture, land, and water with other Canadians.

An estimated $11.1 million in social, economic, cultural, and environmental value has been generated for a broad range of stakeholders over an 8-year period. The value created for stakeholders exceeded the investment.

Social Return on Investment

Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region has delivered a social return on investment (SROI) ratio of 2.5:1 based on the investment in operations between FY09-16.

That is, for every $1 invested, approximately $2.5 of social, economic, cultural, and environmental value has been created for stakeholders.

Increased investment in the capacity of these programs, such as year-round work and training, should result in an improved return on investment.

Base case Scenario 1: Scenario 2: Year-round work Scenario 1 & training Investment ($) 4,517,028 8,644,961 8,676,961 Value created ($) 11,079,895 25,536,866 32,075,398 SROI ratio 2.5:1 3:1 3.7:1 Table E.1 – Investment, value created, and SROI ratio for base case and scenarios

In addition, an investment in building a diversified ‘conservation economy’ through the establishment of protected areas and ecotourism has the potential to generate significant value through the creation of more jobs, capital infrastructure investment with flow-on effects to the local economy, and ongoing operational funding. The value that can be created through a conservation economy is likely to depend on the amount of investment that is provided and the specific form it takes. Guardians provide the critical human resources and institutional capacity to ‘open up’ opportunities for eco-tourism ventures that communities can derive benefit from on their own terms, rather than having tourism ‘done to them’ by outsiders. Guardians enable communities to manage tourism impacts (such as cultural and environmental sensitivities, privacy concerns, and other matters) and provide an interface for strategic planning and management that outside entities can work with.

National support for these programs is recommended to sustain the positive outcomes that are already being achieved and to meet the high demand for Indigenous guardian work.

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1 Introduction 1.1 Project context objectives

There is growing evidence worldwide that Indigenous land management and stewardship can have a profound effect on Indigenous people and their communities, Government, and other stakeholders. For instance, a recent analysis of five Indigenous Protected Areas (IPAs) and associated guardian programs commissioned by the Australian Government Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet highlighted the wide range of social, economic, cultural, and environmental outcomes that can be generated through Indigenous land and water management. The outcomes included stronger Indigenous relationships with land and culture, and economic savings to Government as a result of increased employment of Indigenous guardians and decreased interactions with the justice system. The value generated for stakeholders in the five IPAs studied exceeded the investment.1

Indigenous guardian work in Canada is still emerging, with several pilot projects in various regions but no national program or overall sponsor. However, there is a growing understanding within Indigenous communities, within Government, and among other stakeholders about the positive changes that have been generated as a result of these programs.

Following from its recent analysis in Australia, SVA Consulting has been commissioned by the Indigenous Leadership Initiative (ILI) to understand, estimate, and value the outcomes that have been and may be achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Canada in comparison to the outcomes that have been achieved in Australia.

Two Dene communities in the Northwest Territories of Canada collaborated in this project, and provided the basis for case studies:

 Lutsel K'e Dene First Nation (LKDFN) on the east arm of the Great Slave Lake; and  Dehcho First Nations (DFN) of the Dehcho region, an area located in the southwest portion of the Northwest Territories.

The objectives in conducting this analysis were:

 To test and validate the social, economic, cultural, and environmental outcomes that have been achieved by Indigenous guardian work in these communities;  To compare the outcomes that have been achieved in these communities with the outcomes that have been achieved through the IPA program in Australia; and  To assess the current and potential future value of this type of work if scaled nationally.

1.2 Purpose, structure, and audience of this report

The purpose of this report is to synthesise the findings from the Canadian and Australian Indigenous guardian experiences and draw conclusions in relation to the current and potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada.

The report is structured as follows:

 Section 1 (this section) introduces the analysis  Section 2 explores the outcomes that have been achieved in Lutsel K'e and the Dehcho region  Section 3 compares the outcomes achieved in the Canadian and Australian experiences  Section 4 assesses the current and future potential value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada

1 SVA Consulting, Consolidated report on Indigenous Protected Areas following Social Return on Investment analyses, 2016.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 5

 Section 5 discusses key lessons from Australia in relation to growing the impact of Indigenous guardian work in Canada  Section 6 concludes this report  The Appendix provides details on the project methodology and other supporting materials.

1.3 Indigenous guardian work

Prior to the arrival of Europeans, hundreds of distinct Indigenous nations inhabited the area that is now known as Canada.2 These nations have a long and rich relationship with land and water, drawing from land and water for their material and spiritual needs and, in turn, caring for land and water to ensure its future health. Today, a growing number of Indigenous nations are reclaiming their right and responsibility to care for and practice their relationship with the land and water by establishing their own Indigenous guardian programs. Support has been provided primarily through philanthropic sources.

The Dene (“people”) people are a group of First Nations who inhabit the northern boreal and Arctic regions of Canada, and includes at least five primary language groups, including Chipewyan (Denesoline), Tlicho (Dogrib), Yellowknives (T’atsaot’ine), South Slavey (Dehcho), and Sahtu (Sahutuot’ine). Their lands span the transition zone from boreal forest to tundra, and their lakes and rivers contain some of the purest and deepest freshwater in North America. There is high conservation value with a healthy ecosystem featuring moose, muskoxen, wolves, bears, wolverine, many species of birds and fish, and some of the last free-ranging heard of migratory barren ground caribou, the last of which is of particular cultural significance.

The Dene people have a strong culture and continue to practice their relationships with land and water. Many Dene recall growing up living a traditional nomadic lifestyle and have only settled over the last few generations. While many remain on their traditional lands, the impact of settlement, in conjunction with the trauma of residential schools and the impact of mining and other development in the region, has been significant and continues to disrupt their traditional way of life.

The Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation (LKDFN) and Dehcho First Nations (DFN) have established Indigenous guardian programs to not only secure the land and water but also the Dene way of life for generations to come. Their vision is that their land and water will always be healthy and a place where they can hunt the game and catch the fish that provide their sustenance, and where practising and strengthening their culture can create sustainable livelihoods and opportunities to share with other Canadians.

“The land is like a pillow. You sleep on it. The land is also like a store. Anything you want is on it. It's given to us by God for us to care for future generations, to keep the water clean, and to watch the fish, water, and berries.”

Florence Catholique, Former Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation Chief

Established in 2008, the Ni Hat’ni Dene (“watchers of the land”) and caribou monitoring programs in Lutsel K’e employ Indigenous Guardians on the ground to watch over and protect their traditional land and water. The programs are modelled off the Haida Gwaii Watchmen Program on the British Columbia coast and build upon a decade of prior community monitoring activities.

The mandate of these programs is to:

 Maintain the integrity of cultural sites and the natural beauty within Thaidene Nene  Host and provide interpretive tours for visitors in the area

2 Canada Museum of History, First Peoples of Canada: Presenting the history and continuing presence of Aboriginal people in Canada.

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 Monitor and document visitor activity, cultural features, and environmental/wildlife values  Transmit cultural and scientific knowledge to younger generations.

In 2014, the DFN established a similar program called Dehcho K’ehodi (“Taking Care of the Dehcho”). This program is similar to the Ni Hat’ni Dene program but with a heavier emphasis on language and cultural revitalisation. This work builds upon similar activities currently conducted through the Aboriginal Aquatic Resource Ocean Management (AAROM) and the Dene Zhatie Indigenous Language Revitalisation Program. 1.4 Methodology

This analysis presented in this report draws on the Social Return on Investment Social Return on Investment (SROI) methodology, SROI is an internationally recognised which was used in the Australian reports. Using methodology used to understand, measure, and Social Value principles, we sought to understand, value the impact of a programme or measure, and value the current and potential future organisation. It is a form of cost-benefit analysis impact of Indigenous guardian work in Canada. The that examines the social, economic, cultural full list of Social Value principles can be found in and environmental outcomes created and the Appendix A1. costs of creating them using relevant financial proxies to estimate relative values. This analysis was informed by stakeholder consultation as well as desktop research canvassing relevant qualitative and quantitative data. Thirty- four stakeholders involved with Indigenous guardian work in these communities were directly engaged. Given the brief time that Dehcho K’ehodi has been running, consultations were also conducted with stakeholders of the Aboriginal Aquatic Resource Ocean Management (AAROM) and the Dene Zhatie Indigenous Language Revitalisation Program.

The views expressed in this report have been informed by the 34 interviews, our desktop analysis, and data from the ILI and relevant First Nations groups.

More detail on the methodology used in this report, interview guides, and a list of interviewees can be found in Appendices A2, A3, and A4, respectively.

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2 Outcomes achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region 2.1 Overview

This section seeks to explain the outcomes that were achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region, as well as the process required to arrive at those findings. 2.2 The nature of the change

Across the two communities, Indigenous guardian work has generated significant social, economic, cultural, and environmental outcomes for Guardians, Community members, Government, and NGO partners. These stakeholder groups were considered the primary beneficiaries of the program. While there may be benefits accruing to other stakeholders, they were not included in the scope of this analysis. For more detail on stakeholder groups, please see Appendix A5.

We used a theory of change to understand the nature of the change that has been created through Indigenous guardian work in Canada. The initial draft drew from the consolidated theory of change developed in the Australian analysis.3 This was then extensively tested and subsequently refined to incorporate evidence collected through stakeholder consultations and specific feedback from stakeholders.

On the pages that follow, the refined theory of change for Indigenous guardian work is presented articulating:

1. Issues that the Indigenous guardian programs seek to address, the stakeholders involved, the activities that take place and inputs (investments) into the programs 2. Outputs (i.e. the immediate consequences of activities), outcomes and impact for Community members and Guardians 3. Outputs, outcomes and impact for Government and NGO partners.

Outcomes should be read from left to right and are expressed as either short-, medium-, or long-term outcomes (i.e. the relative period of time before they are likely to occur). There are three types of outcomes represented:

 Material (i.e. relevant and significant) outcomes, which have been measured and valued as part of the SROI analyses;  Intermediate outcomes, which have been achieved during the investment period but are not measured as part of the SROI analysis because their value is subsumed by later, related outcomes that carry a higher value; and  Other outcomes, which have not yet been achieved and are therefore aspirational.

The theory of change includes clusters of closely related outcomes which together represent identifiable ‘threads’ of change over time. Related outcomes have been intentionally grouped together where possible.

The theory of change emphasises the interrelationship between social, economic, cultural and environmental outcomes. This is aligned with how stakeholders perceived the changes they experienced through the programs.

3 SVA Consulting, Consolidated report on Indigenous Protected Areas following Social Return on Investment analyses, 2016.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 8

Key messages from the theory of change  The outcomes generated by Indigenous guardian work are widespread across the social, economic, cultural, and environmental domains;  Indigenous guardian work has pushed well beyond outputs to generate extensive short and medium term outcomes, and in some cases long term outcomes;  Many of the outcomes for different stakeholders are interrelated or are shared across stakeholder groups; and  In all cases, stakeholders are striving for two interrelated impacts: healthier people and healthier land.

There were no material negative outcomes associated with the Indigenous guardian work.

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Figure 2.2a –Theory of change for Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region – Issues, Stakeholders, Activities and Inputs (Investment)

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Figure 2.2b –Theory of change for Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region – Guardian and Community member outcomes

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Figure 2.2c –Theory of change for Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region – Government and NGO partner outcomes

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2.3 Description of change

The stakeholder outcomes are represented in the theory of change outlined in section 2.2. This section describes the material outcomes experienced by each of the following stakeholders:

1. Guardians 2. Community members 3. Government, including the Canadian Federal Government and the Government of Northwest Territories (GNWT) 4. Non-Government Organisation (NGO) partners.

The outcomes described below are included in this analysis and represent incremental changes for stakeholders that occur as a result of Indigenous guardian work.

1. Guardians

Guardians include all those people who watch over and care for land and water, whether on a casual or permanent basis. During the eight-year investment period covered by this analysis, an estimated 32 Indigenous people were engaged in guardian work, each completing an estimated average of 221 full (i.e. eight-hour) days. The average tenure of Guardians within the eight-year investment period is estimated at 3.6 years.

Guardians watching over and caring for land and water is the foundation upon which all outcomes are based. Through their work on land and water, Guardians experience personal benefits such as increased skills and confidence, and better health and wellbeing. Many Guardians also take the opportunity to practise their relationships with land and water while out on land or water, which multiplies the benefit that is achieved, offering opportunities for the development and reinforcement of additional skills for example. Community members also benefit directly from Guardian work with the reassurance that land and water are being looked after, the transfer of traditional knowledge, and the game and fish captured by Guardians and shared with community. Similarly, Government and NGO partner outcomes are linked to guardian work because of flow-on effects including skilled guardians, access to traditional knowledge, and the ability to leverage additional funding to meet core objectives.

A Guardian fits within two stakeholder groups: Guardians and Community members, which reflects both their job and their role within community. Outcomes achieved by Guardians, captured in the table below, are therefore additional to those that are achieved by Community members.

A summary of the inputs (investment in the program), outputs (summary of activity) and outcomes (changes) that are experienced by Guardians is included in Table 2.1 below.

Inputs Outputs Material outcomes

 Indigenous people engaged in 1.1 Increased skills meaningful work 1.2 Increased confidence  More opportunities for older and 1.3 Increased income younger people to work together Nil 1.4 Better health and wellbeing  Visitors hosted and provided with 1.5 Increased pride and sense of self cultural experiences 1.6 Better watching over land and  Engagement with non-Indigenous water partners Table 2.1 – Inputs, Outputs and Outcomes for Guardians

Social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcomes that have been generated for Guardians are:

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 Increased skills  Increased confidence  Increased income  Better health and wellbeing

One of the immediate changes for Guardians is the increase in their skills, encompassing technical skills required for data monitoring as well as social skills to assist in interactions with visitors. Technical skills include both Traditional Knowledge (TK), which is gained through learning and working with older Guardians and TK experts in the community, as well as Western scientific knowledge, which is developed through training and working with scientific experts and partners. Both are valuable and complementary, enabling Guardians to ‘see with two eyes.’ Social skills include interpersonal and communication skills. Guardians receive specific training in these areas and practice these skills during small group excursions out on land and water and through interactions with visitors.

An outcome occurring for Guardians through the development of ‘increased skills’ is increased confidence. As Guardians practice the skills they learn and become exposed to a wide range of situations, they become more confident in their ability to watch over the land and water and to act as a cultural ambassador for their communities. Many Guardians spoke about the difficulty they would have had in speaking to visitors about their land and culture prior to their work as Guardians.

Another important outcome that is achieved almost immediately is the increased income generated through Indigenous guardian work. Employment opportunities in each community are limited, with many Guardians reporting that the only opportunities in town are to work for the First Nation band, which has limited positions, or to work for a mining company, which depending on practices may allow for little time left over to fulfill traditional cultural obligations and may directly contradict the core cultural values of protecting the land and water. Guardians had many positive things to say about Indigenous guardian work, with multiple people independently commenting that ‘people are paid to be Dene.’

“People are paid to be who they are. They are paid to be Dene.”

Steven Nitah, Lead Negotiator for the Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation for Thaidene Nene

Better health and wellbeing was a consistent theme throughout interviews with Guardians. Improved physical health was seen as a direct benefit of a more active lifestyle and increased access to traditional foods. Going out onto the land and water also provides mental benefits, allowing people to escape the stresses of life in town and to feel ‘free.’ Most importantly, however, was the importance of reconnecting with the land and water with many Guardians commenting that they felt ‘at home.’

Cultural outcomes

The material cultural outcomes that have been generated for Guardians are:

 Increased pride and sense of self  Better watching over land and water

Increased pride and sense of self is a short- to medium-term outcome that results from increased connection within and between families, and connection (or reconnection) to culture. Guardians described this outcome as linked to the development of their cultural identity, which helped them better understand themselves, their culture, and their place in the world. For those who transfer knowledge onto the younger generations, pride comes from helping others connect with their culture and keep the land and water healthy.

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“When I started with the program, I was a young man. I didn't quite know what I wanted in life. I was kinda doddling around and I think I always knew what I wanted but I didn't quite see it or have the insight. I feel like this [program] strengthened my bond with the community, with the culture, and with the people. It let me see the whole picture as one... It helps me understand why I need to represent the community and the land but also help fight for it, help others respect it and care for it, share the experiences.”

Jake Basil, Ni Hat’ni Dene guardian

Better watching over land and water represents the fulfilment of traditional cultural obligations and is a direct result of work on the land and water. It is closely linked with the outcome ‘increased pride and sense of self’ and derives from the transfer of TK that occurs between younger and older people and through integrating TK with Western scientific approaches. It is important to understand that while some watching over the land would occur anyway over the course of people going out onto the land, Indigenous guardian work builds upon existing skills and offers more structured and comprehensive monitoring activities.

2. Community members

Community members represent Indigenous people, mostly Dene, who live in the Lutsel K’e and Dehcho areas, but do not necessarily participate directly in the Indigenous guardian programs. In that sense, Guardians are a subset of the Community member stakeholder group. Community members usually live in the same towns and communities as Indigenous guardians and may also be connected through family relationships.

A summary of the inputs (investment in the program), outputs (summary of activity) and outcomes (changes) that are experienced by Guardians is included in Table 2.2 below.

Inputs Outputs Material outcomes 2.1 More role models for young people 2.2 Less crime 2.3 Increased access to traditional  Active participation in own foods governance 2.4 Increased capacity for self-  Increased opportunity to access land determination and water 2.5 Increased respect from non- $0.3 million  Increased opportunity to care for land Indigenous community and water 2.6 Better cultural asset management  Increased monitoring of activity on 2.7 Relationship with land and water land and water strengthened 2.8 Culture and language conserved 2.9 Greater awareness of activity on land Table 2.2 – Inputs, Outputs and Outcomes for Community members

Social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcomes that have been generated for Community members are:

 2.1 More role models for young people  2.2 Less crime  2.3 Increased access to traditional foods

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 2.4 Increased capacity for self-determination  2.5 Increased respect from non-Indigenous community

As a direct result of Guardians working out on land and water and experiencing the outcomes discussed above, Community members benefit from having role models in the community who are able to both fulfill traditional cultural obligations of watching over and protecting land and water as well as navigate the mainstream world of employment. Previously, many people either remained in the community relying heavily on welfare or left community and transitioned to a mainstream existence. In both cases, people experienced problems with boredom and, in some cases, drinking, substance abuse, and crime. The establishment of Indigenous guardian work has offered opportunities for people to navigate both Indigenous and mainstream worlds in harmony and has created positive, engaged role models in both a cultural and socio-economic sense.

Another benefit that community members experience through Guardian work out on land and water is the increased access to traditional foods. While out on land and water, Guardians are able to practice their traditional relationships with land and water, hunting game and catching fish. In accordance with Dene law, Guardians ‘share what they have’ and bring back these traditional foods to share with the whole community. This is significant not only for the cultural and spiritual aspects of these traditional foods but also from a practical sustenance standpoint. Due to the remoteness of the communities, the cost of food in town is high.

The most significant social and economic benefit that has been achieved for community members relates to their increased capacity for self-determination. For community, the establishment of Indigenous guardian programs represents a shift from simply asserting their rights to actively taking charge of the responsibilities that come with those rights.

“We can’t have rights without responsibility. If we assert rights to caring for land and monitoring the water and the fish, we have to do it too.”

Stephanie Poole, Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation Councillor

The sustained effort and quality of work being accomplished by Indigenous guardians reflects the capacity that has been built over time to not just articulate their vision for the future but also to make significant strides toward executing it.

The last material outcome in the social and economic thread is increased respect from the non- Indigenous community. The value of this outcome is low, in part due to current seasonal nature of Indigenous guardian work and the lack of awareness and understanding of the work that is done. However, visitors who have encountered these Indigenous guardians have been heartened by what they have seen, turning to these guardians for advice, support, and friendship.

Cultural outcomes

The material cultural outcomes that have been generated for Community members are:

 2.6 Better cultural asset management  2.7 Relationship with land and water strengthened  2.8 Culture and language conserved

These three outcomes are closely linked to each other and to the Guardian outcomes related to better watching over land and water (discussed above). Indigenous guardian work facilitates better access for Guardians and Community members to look after the land and water. Without the resources flowing from Indigenous guardian work, there would be fewer opportunities for Guardians and Community members to access land and water, practice their relationships with lands and water, and

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look after cultural assets due to the vast expanse of land and the high cost of supplies. As a result, Indigenous guardian work creates cultural benefits that are of value for all Community members.

“If we keep continuing all these teachings it will soon become a story of how we saved our culture and our purpose [as a] First Nation so that we can have more generations that are proud to say they are First Nations.”

William Alger, Dehcho First Nation youth camp participant

Environmental outcomes

The material environmental outcome that has been generated for Community members is:

 2.9 Greater awareness of activity on land

As a result of Indigenous guardian work monitoring the land and water year after year, the community benefits from a better understanding of the activity occurring on their traditional land and water. With time, they hope to be able to understand and demonstrate the impact of those activities and to use this information to inform future decisions relating to the land and water. This information is seen as vital as the community draws significantly from land and water for their material and spiritual needs, and is committed to ensuring the health of land and water for future generations to come.

3. Government

In this analysis, the Government stakeholder group includes:

 The Canadian Federal Government; and  The Government of Northwest Territories.

A summary of the inputs (investment in the program), outputs (summary of activity) and outcomes (changes) that are experienced by Government is included in Table 2.3 below.

Inputs Outputs Material outcomes

 Indigenous people engaged in meaningful work  Community members with greater access 3.1 Guardians are skilled and trained to land $3.9 million 3.2 Additional funding leveraged  Government and communities work 3.3 Data monitoring using TK together  Indigenous people monitor land and water Table 2.3 – Inputs, Outputs and Outcomes for Government

Social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcome that has been generated for Government is:

 3.1 Guardians are skilled and trained

An immediate, direct consequence of Indigenous people engaged in meaningful employment as Guardians is that they are skilled and trained. Guardians may remain as Indigenous guardians if the roles are available, or they may move into other roles, filling positions with Parks Canada for example.

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The technical and social skills, positive workplace habits, technical skill certifications, and strong sense of individual pride and accomplishment developed through Guardian work make them more employable in the job market and are valuable assets for future advancement.

Environmental outcomes

The material environmental outcomes that have been generated for Government are:

 3.2 Additional funding leveraged  3.3 Data monitoring using TK

The Government of Northwest Territories (GNWT) has benefited directly through the additional funding it has been able to leverage for its Northwest Territories Cumulative Impact Monitoring Program (NWT CIMP). NWT CIMP “coordinates, conducts, and funds the collection, analysis and reporting of information related to environmental conditions in the NWT. Its main purpose is to support better resource management decision-making and the wise use of GNWT’s resources by furthering our understanding of cumulative impacts and environmental trends.”4 Through NWT CIMP and other partnerships with Indigenous guardian programs, the Government has been able to leverage its funding of $1.8M to secure additional partner funding at a ratio of 3:1. Government stakeholders indicated that it would not have been possible to secure this funding otherwise as partners do not fund ‘mainstream governments.’

For the GNWT, the use of TK in data monitoring also supports them to fulfil their mandate under the Traditional Knowledge Policy whereby:

The Government recognizes that aboriginal traditional knowledge is a valid and essential source of information about the natural environment and its resources, the use of natural resources, and the relationship of people to the land and to each other, and will incorporate traditional knowledge into government decisions and actions where appropriate.

For Government as with Guardians, combining TK and Western scientific knowledge supports them to ‘see with two eyes’ and allows for a stronger and more comprehensive knowledge base with which to make decisions. This more comprehensive knowledge base is more likely to be applied, retained, and improved as a result of being grounded in a genuine collaborative framework.

“Mi’kmaq Elder Albert Marshall describes a process called two-eyed seeing that I think can help frame how we think about bringing together traditional knowledge and science in the NWT. As I understand it, with one eye, you look out at the world with the strengths of traditional knowledge. With the other eye, the strengths of science. You see best, more holistically, more clearly, when you see with the strengths of both eyes working together.”

Erin Kelly, Assistant Deputy Minister, Environment and Natural Resources, Government of Northwest Territories

4. Non-Government Organisation partners

The primary NGO partners of the Indigenous guardian programs in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region are the Nature Conservancy, Tides Canada, and the Indigenous Leadership Initiative of the International Boreal Conservation Campaign. This work is supported directly and by conservation donors.

A summary of the inputs (investment in the program), outputs (summary of activity) and outcomes (changes) that are experienced by Government is included in Table 4.4 below.

4 Government of Northwest Territories Environment and Natural Resources, Cumulative Impact Monitoring (NWT CIMP).

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 18

Inputs Outputs Material outcomes 4.1 Access to support and advice NGO partners and communities work $0.2 million together 4.2 Better meet core environmental objectives Table 2.4 – Inputs, Outputs and Outcomes for NGO partners

Social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcome that has been generated for NGO partners is:

 4.1 Access to support and advice

Through partnership with Indigenous guardian programs, NGO partners have been able to develop deeper relationships with guardians and community and to work with them more closely. They are also now able to access the support and advice of Indigenous leaders who can command the credibility and respect of Government. This support and advice was seen as being valuable.

Environmental outcomes

The material environmental outcome that has been generated for NGO partners is:

 4.2 Better meet core environmental objectives

As a result of working with Indigenous guardian programs, NGO partners experience a significant, long-term outcome related to better meeting their core environmental objectives of protecting threatened natural habitats and endangered species. NGO partners in Canada recognised the unique position of communities in determining future land use designations, and the value of TK and traditional ways of watching over and protect the land. NGO partners believe that their partnerships with Indigenous guardian groups are necessary to achieve their objectives.

Given the vast expanse of land covered by the Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation and Dehcho First Nations and the high conservation value of these areas, these Indigenous guardian programs offer a unique opportunity to achieve their objectives at significant scale. This is being advanced through the pending designation of Thaidene Nene in the Lutsel K’e territory as a National Park Reserve, and through several candidate protected areas in the Dehcho Region, including Edéhzhíe, Sambaa K’e and Ka’a’gee Tu.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 19

3 Comparison of outcomes achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Canada and Australia 3.1 Overview

This section compares the outcomes achieved through Indigenous guardian work in Canada and the equivalent ‘Ranger’ work in Australia through the Indigenous Protected Areas (IPAs) SROI analysis for the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet. 3.2 Overview of Indigenous ranger work in Australia

Since 1997 and 2007 respectively, the Australian Government has formally engaged Indigenous Australians in the conservation of Indigenous land and sea through the Indigenous Protected Areas (IPA) and Working on Country (WoC) programs.

The IPA program supports Indigenous landowners to use land and sea management as a framework for achieving employment and conservation outcomes. An IPA is formed when traditional owners voluntarily develop a plan of management and enter into an agreement with the Australian Government to manage their land or sea country for conservation with government support. By participating in this program, Indigenous ranger groups are able to leverage significant partnerships and access a network of Indigenous rangers across the country for advice and support.5

The WoC program complements the IPA program, funding groups of rangers to care for land and sea in accordance with agreed plans of management. Through the WoC program, nationally accredited training and career pathways for Indigenous people in land and sea management are provided in partnership with others.6

It is worth noting that much of the land and sea in the communities studied in Australia were in various states of ill health at the commencement of these programs due to widespread degrading pressures (including having been ravaged by wildfires, weeds, and/or ferals). Active and continuing land and fire management techniques are required to restore its health. As a result, common activities conducted by Rangers included prescribed burning, managing feral animals, controlling invasive weeds, managing tourists, collaborating with researchers, and protecting threatened species. 3.3 Comparison of outcomes

As discussed previously, due to time and resource constraints, stakeholder consultations in Canada were limited to the primary beneficiaries of the program, including:

1. Guardians 2. Community members 3. Government, and 4. Non-Government Organisation (NGO) partners.

As such, this section will focus on the comparison of the outcomes achieved in Canada and Australia for only these groups.

5 PM&C Working on Country and Indigenous Protected Areas programmes 2013-14 annual report, p4. 6 ibid, p5.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 20

1. Guardians

A summary of the outcomes (changes) experienced by Indigenous Guardians in Canada and Indigenous Rangers in Australia is included in Table 3.1 below.

Material outcomes in Canada Material outcomes in Australia 1.1 Increased skills 1.1 Increased skills 1.2 Increased confidence 1.2 Increased confidence 1.3 Increased income (new) 1.3 Better health and wellbeing 1.4 Better health and wellbeing 1.4 Increased pride and sense of self 1.5 Increased pride and sense of self 1.5 Better caring for country 1.6 Better watching over land and water Table 3.1 – Material outcomes realised for Guardians in Canada and Australia. Outcomes in bold and labelled ‘(new)’ are outcomes that are unique to Canada. Outcomes in italics and labelled ‘(not seen in Canada)’ are outcomes that were seen in Australia but not in Canada.

Differences in social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcome that has been generated for community members in Canada but not Australia is:

 Increased income

In Australia, Rangers had more, albeit still limited, opportunities for alternative employment as even the most remote communities often lived in towns with road access to larger centers. In Canada, some of the communities studied are isolated, fly-in villages, and as a consequence, more likely to remain in place where employment opportunities are few and far in between. The ability to find meaningful employment in the community that recognizes and rewards traditional knowledge and skills was seen to be a significant source of value.

2. Community members

A summary of the outcomes (changes) experienced by community members in Canada and Australia is included in Table 3.2 below.

Material outcomes in Canada Material outcomes in Australia 2.1 More role models for young people 2.1 More role models for young people 2.2 Less crime 2.2 Rangers and their families live on country 2.3 Increased access to traditional foods (not seen in Canada) (new) 2.3 Less violence 2.4 Increased capacity for self-determination 2.4 IPA leveraged for additional funding and (new) economic opportunities (not seen in Canada) 2.5 Increased respect from non-Indigenous 2.5 Increased respect for women (not seen in community Canada) 2.6 Better cultural asset management 2.6 Increased respect from non-Indigenous 2.7 Relationship with land and water community strengthened 2.7 Better cultural asset management 2.8 Culture and language conserved 2.8 Connection to country strengthened 2.9 Culture and language conserved

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 21

Material outcomes in Canada Material outcomes in Australia 2.9 Greater awareness of activity on land 2.10 More burning using cultural practices (not (new) seen in Canada) 2.11 Less noxious weeds (not seen in Canada) 2.12 Less ferals (not seen in Canada) Table 3.2 – Material outcomes realised for Community members in Canada and Australia. Outcomes in bold and labelled ‘(new)’ are outcomes that are unique to Canada. Outcomes in italics and labelled ‘(not seen in Canada)’ are outcomes that were seen in Australia but not in Canada.

Differences in social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcomes that have been generated for community members in Australia but not in Canada are:

 Rangers and their families live on country  IPA leveraged for additional funding and economic opportunities  Increased respect for women

In the Indigenous communities studied in Canada, Guardians and their families have not left and continue to live on their traditional lands. As a result, this outcome was not seen as a change in the Canadian context.

In Australia, the Federal Government provides consistent funding and support that has been leveraged to secure additional funding and economic opportunities on a multi-year (3-5 year term) contractual basis. In Canada, Indigenous communities also hope to be able to leverage and secure additional funding and economic opportunities. However, given that funds have so far been cobbled together on an annual basis, they have not yet been able to realise this outcome.

The outcome ‘increased respect for women’ was not seen to be material in the Canadian context. This is not because the Dene people respect their women any less, but it is rather a reflection of the patriarchal culture of the Indigenous communities studied in Australia. In contrast, the standing of men and women in the Indigenous communities studied in Canada were seen to be more equal, with communities counting female chiefs in their lineage. Therefore this outcome was not considered a change that resulted from the investment in the Canada.

The material social and economic outcomes that have been generated for Community members in Canada but not in Australia are:

 Increased access to traditional foods  Increased capacity for self-determination

The differences in social and economic outcomes seen in Canada and Australia relate to the unique contexts in which these programs operate and these communities live. The Indigenous communities studied in Canada rely heavily on traditional foods to supplement their diets, and guardian work is used as an opportunity to practice traditional relationships with land and water and to bring what game or fish is caught back to the community to share.

The outcome of ‘increased capacity for self-determination’ is an outcome that has been achieved in Canada by virtue of their self-organisation of these programs. It is a long-term outcome that has not yet been achieved in Australia.

Differences in environmental outcomes

The material environmental outcomes that have been generated for Community members in Australia but not in Canada are:

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 22

 More burning using cultural practices  Less noxious weeds  Less ferals

The material environmental outcomes that have been generated for Community members in Canada but not in Australia are:

 Greater awareness of activity on land

The differences in outcomes relate to the unique context in which these communities live. In Canada, Guardians referred to their activities as ‘stewarding’ the land and water, recognising the fairly intact state of the land and water and the natural ability of the harsh and unforgiving environment in Canada to restore itself. In contrast, Rangers in Australia referred to their activities as ‘managing’ the land and water, recognising the need for more active land and fire management techniques to combat the wildfires, weeds, and ferals that would otherwise proliferate the landscape.

This difference in context may be a point-in-time, as evidence of the observed impacts of climate change is accumulating quickly in the Canadian North. Communities and their partners in Canada may find that management activities around climate-driven changes such as wildfire, etc. become an important part of Guardian work in the future. The current role of Guardians involved in monitoring and traditional knowledge work may provide important information about the need for more active management strategies in this area.

3. Government

A summary of the outcomes (changes) experienced by Government in Canada and Australia is included in Table 3.3 below.

Material outcomes in Canada Material outcomes in Australia 3.1 Guardians are skilled and trained 3.1 Rangers are skilled and trained 3.2 Additional funding leveraged (new) 3.2 Reduction in income support payments (not 3.3 Data monitoring using TK (new) seen in Canada) 3.3 Increase in income tax (not seen in Canada) 3.4 Effective governance of Indigenous corporations (not seen in Canada) 3.5 Less offending by Rangers (not seen in Canada) 3.6 Improved engagement with communities (not seen in Canada) 3.7 Partnership model promoted (not seen in Canada) 3.8 Greater respect for TEK (not seen in Canada) 3.9 Low cost land management (not seen in Canada) Table 3.3 – Material outcomes realised for Government in Canada and Australia. Outcomes in bold and labelled ‘(new)’ are outcomes that are unique to Canada. Outcomes in italics and labelled ‘(not seen in Canada)’ are outcomes that were seen in Australia but not in Canada.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 23

Differences in social and economic outcomes

The material social and economic outcomes that have been generated for Government in Australia but not in Canada are:

 Reduction in income support payments  Increase in income tax  Effective governance of Indigenous corporations  Less offending by Rangers  Improved engagement with communities  Partnership model promoted

The above outcomes were not observed in Canada. This is likely due to the limited scale and relative novelty of Indigenous guardian work in Canada compared to in Australia. It also likely reflects the modest involvement of Government in Canada in these programs compared to in Australia, where Indigenous land and water stewardship is a nationwide program backed by the Federal Government and also supported to varying degrees by state governments, NGOs, corporate partners, and self- generated income streams.

In Australia, there is evidence of a correlation between active participation in land and sea management and improved key health indicators.7 Similar results were not observed in the Canadian context, but may well exist. This may warrant additional study.

Differences in environmental outcomes

The material environmental outcomes that have been generated for Government in Australia but not in Canada are:

 Greater respect for Traditional Ecological Knowledge  Low cost land management

The material environmental outcomes that have been generated for Government in Canada but not in Australia are:

 Additional funding leveraged  Data monitoring using TK

‘Greater respect for Traditional Ecological Knowledge’ was not seen to be an outcome that was material in Canada. This is not because the Canadian Governments do not respect TK but rather a reflection of the respect they had for TK even prior to the commencement of Indigenous guardian programs. The GNWT’s Traditional Knowledge Policy, which, as previously discussed, recognises the value of and seeks to incorporate TK where possible, was passed in 1997, well before Indigenous guardian programs were established. As a result, it was deemed that the relevant outcomes to be measured in Canada are the value ascribed to data monitoring using TK which helps fulfil the mandate of the Traditional Knowledge Policy and the additional funding leveraged through the NWT CIMP program, which uses TK.

‘Low cost land management’ or the equivalent ‘Low cost data monitoring’ is achieved in Australia with the effective utilization of Rangers as a widely distributed, highly skilled workforce that can be mobilized to do management work at much lower cost than would be possible by a centralized agency. This has proven to be effective in managing fire regimes over large areas resulting in reduced wildfire, greater biodiversity protection, carbon pollution control, reduction of feral animal impacts on biodiversity, control and limitation of negative impacts of weeds on biodiversity and fire,

7 Christopher P Burgess et al., Health country, healthy people: the relationship between Indigenous health status and “caring for country.” Med J Aust 2009; 190(10):567-572.

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and a much better information base through collaborative research projects. Most of these benefits are either just being developed or have not yet been realised in the Canadian context. This outcome is anticipated to be achieved with time and additional training.

4. NGO partners

A summary of the outcomes (changes) experienced by NGO partners in Canada and Australia is included in Table 3.4 below.

Material outcomes in Canada Material outcomes in Australia 4.1 Access to support and advice 4.1 Deeper connections and relationships 4.2 Better meet core environmental objectives 4.2 Better meet core biodiversity objectives Table 3.4 – Material outcomes realised for NGO partners in Canada and Australia. Outcomes in bold and labelled ‘(new)’ are outcomes that are unique to Canada. Outcomes that have been crossed out are outcomes that were seen in Australia but not in Canada. Outcomes in italics and labelled ‘(not seen in Canada)’ are outcomes that were seen in Australia but not in Canada.

Outcomes for NGO partners were similar in Canada and Australia.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 25

4 Current and potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada 4.1 Overview

This section assesses the current and potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada. 4.2 Methodology

Calculating the investment

The investment included in this analysis is a valuation of all the inputs required to achieve the outcomes that have been described, measured, and valued. For the purpose of this analysis, the investment includes the value of financial (cash) investment over the eight-year period between FY09 and FY16 as well as the in-kind (non-cash) investments that were found to be material.

Measuring and valuing the change

In order to estimate the current and potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Canada, efforts were made to first measure and then value the change that has occurred.

Measures of the change that has occurred was inferred through stakeholder consultation and other quantitative data. Where possible, we have estimated the extent to which outcomes have occurred through the use of quantitative data previously collected by program staff or by other sources. The measures have also been deeply informed by stakeholder consultation.

Once the extent of change was measured, financial proxies were used to value all material outcomes. This valuation was completed in accordance with the Social Value principle of valuing what matters. This means that there is a need to value outcomes even if they do not carry a commonly agreed or understood market value.

There are a number of techniques used to identify financial proxies and value outcomes. The techniques used are presented in Appendix A6. Importantly, in accordance with Social Value principles, the financial proxy reflects the value that the stakeholder experiencing the change places on the outcome. This could be obtained directly through stakeholder consultation, or indirectly through research. Where appropriate, we have also drawn on financial proxies used in the Australian analysis. The financial proxies approximate the value of the outcome from the stakeholder’s point of view.

Two commonly used approaches, often used in tandem, are the revealed and stated preference techniques. Financial proxies are inferred through the revealed preference technique from the value of related market prices. For instance, when Jake Basil – a former Guardian of the Ni Hat’ni Dene program – described an increase in his confidence resulting from working on the land and interacting with visitors, he explained that he was now far more comfortable speaking to visitors about himself, his land, and his culture. An appropriate financial proxy in that case might therefore be the cost of a public speaking course.

“We did training in interpersonal skills, communication skills, and data collection… [The program] really built me up, gave me skills.”

Jake Basil, Ni Hat’ni Dene guardian

Stakeholders were further asked to identify the relative importance of outcomes – their stated preference – to ensure that the financial proxies used were in line with the relative value placed on those outcomes by stakeholders.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 26

One of the principles of SROI is to not over-claim. This is typically accomplished by adjusting for deadweight, displacement, and attribution. In this analysis, stakeholder consultations suggested that the outcomes identified and measured were as a direct result of the investment (no deadweight), did not replace other value being created (no displacement), and were not a result of other contributions (no attribution). Therefore no adjustments to the financial proxies were needed.

Estimating the value

The total value for each outcome was calculated by taking into account the following components:

 Quantity – how much of the outcome happened  Financial proxy – the value of the outcome

4.3 Investment

The total financial (cash) and in-kind (non-cash) investment over the eight years investment was approximately $4.5 million.

Investment Summary

Table 4.1 and Figure 4.1 include a summary of the investment for Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region.

Stakeholder Total Notes Includes funding from Lutsel K’e Community $344,280 Dene First Nation (100%) Includes funding from Parks Canada (5%), the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (8%), and Government $3,932,748 GNWT (87%) Includes funding from conservation NGO partners $240,000 donors (100%)

Total $4,517,028 Table 4.1 – Investment by stakeholder group, FY09-FY16

Figure 4.1 - Investment by stakeholder group, FY09-16.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 27

4.3 Current value of Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region

The combined value of the outcomes by stakeholders is estimated at $11.1 million over the eight-year investment period. The greatest value is created for Community members, particularly those employed as Guardians, and for Government.

Figure 4.2 – Value of outcomes by stakeholder

Guardians and Community members

Guardians and Community members were the primary beneficiaries of the program and have achieved significant positive outcomes:

 The most significant outcomes for Guardians relate to their increased pride and sense of self and the opportunity to earn additional income. This speaks to the unique opportunity afforded by Indigenous guardian work for people to be ‘paid to be Dene, paid to be who they are’.  Community member engagement with the land and water is a substantial contributor to value created through Indigenous guardian work, particularly where cultural activities precipitate the transfer of knowledge in relation to land, culture, and language.  The increased capacity for self-determination is also seen to be a key source of value for Community members.  The total combined value created for Guardians and Community members is $8.4 million.

Government

While it is too early to realise some of the outcomes that are expected to be achieved, some positive outcomes are already being achieved:

 More Indigenous people are working as Guardians and being trained for other local jobs in their communities.  Through partnership with Indigenous guardian groups, Government has been able to leverage significant partner funding at a ratio of 3:1 for every dollar invested in support of joint environmental monitoring work.  Government has been able to work with partners to conduct monitoring activities using TK, which both allows it to fulfil its TK mandate as well as to ‘see with two eyes’ and develop a

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stronger and more comprehensive understanding of impacts to the environment. This will guide more informed decision-making relating to land and water.  The total value created for Government is $2.7 million.

NGO partners

NGO partners also experienced material outcomes as a result of Indigenous guardian work. The total value created for NGO partners is $0.4 million.

Comparison of value by stakeholders in Canada and in Australia

There are some notable differences when we compare the value generated by stakeholders in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region with the value generated by stakeholders in the five IPAs studied in Australia.

Figure 4.3 – Proportion of value generated by stakeholder in Australia and Canada

Of note, the proportion of value generated for Guardians and community members in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region are significantly higher than in Australia, reflecting in part the value of increased capacity for self-determination through self-organisation of the guardian programs, and in part the comparatively smaller value that is realised by Government. In contrast with Canada, the Australian Government is the principal investor in the Australian IPAs and is understandably a significant beneficiary there. 4.4 Calculating the Social Return on Investment (SROI) ratio of Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region

An SROI ratio was generated by comparing the total value of the outcomes experienced by stakeholders to the investment required to create the value over the same eight-year period.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 29

Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho has delivered an SROI ratio of 2.5:1 based on the investment across eight years between July 2008 and June 2016.

That is, for every $1 invested, approximately $2.5 of social, economic, cultural, and environmental value has been created for stakeholders.

Present value of benefits That is for every $1 invested, approximately $[ ] of social value is created. $11.1 million SROI Ratio = 2.5:1 Present value of investment $4.5 million

When interpreting the SROI ratio, one should consider the following:

 The values for the outcomes created are estimates and provide an indication of the value that was generated through Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and in the Dehcho region  The SROI ratio represents the additional value created, based on Social Value principles. This is the unique value that is created by Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and in the Dehcho region attributable to the investment for this specific period  SROI ratios should not be compared without having a clear understanding of the mission, strategy, theory of change, geographic location and stage of development. A judgement about investment decisions can only be made when using comparable data.

Limitations of SROI While the breadth and depth of the consultation process provides a compelling picture of the impact of the Indigenous guardian work in Canada, it is important to consider the limitations of this analysis.

The key limitations concern the lack of accurate data available to measure outcomes, particularly for Guardians and community members, and the involvement of other organisations in achieving the identified outcomes. To help overcome these limitations and inform assumptions, SVA Consulting drew on the rich information provided through the stakeholder engagement process as well as on the Australian analysis and other existing research, and made conservative assumptions where necessary.

The scope of stakeholders interviewed was also limited to those who were considered the primary beneficiaries of the program, namely Guardians, community members, Government, and NGO partners. There may be other stakeholder groups that have experienced material benefits. Therefore this analysis is likely to represent a conservative estimate of the value that was created.

4.5 Potential future value of Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region

Throughout the consultation, many stakeholders emphasized that the programs are still in the early stages of development and that significant value can be generated with a few modifications to the programs. We have therefore tested some scenarios to assess the potential future value of Indigenous guardian work.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 30

The specific scenarios tested were:

1. Year-round, full-time guardian work is made available: Sufficient resources are provided to enable each of the current guardians to engage in full-time work year-round. It also assumes that the guardian program currently being set up in the Dehcho region is running at full capacity over the eight years of investment. 2. Scenario 1 and the quality of data from monitoring activities improves: In addition to Scenario 1, additional training is provided to guardians to enhance the quality of data from their monitoring activities 3. Scenario 2 and a diversified conservation economy is established: In addition to Scenario 2, a diversified conservation economy is built through the establishment of protected areas such as the pending Thaidene Nene (“land of our ancestors”) National Park. Capital and ongoing investment is provided to set up infrastructure and to cover ongoing operational costs, such as wages, goods, and services. The local economy is enhanced with sustainable ecotourism opportunities.

The SROI ratios estimated for the base case, Scenario 1, and Scenario 2 are:

Base case Scenario 1: Scenario 2: Year-round work Scenario 1 & training Investment ($) 4,517,028 8,644,961 8,676,961 Value created ($) 11,079,895 25,536,866 32,075,398 SROI ratio 2.5:1 3.0:1 3.7:1 Table 4.2 – Investment, value created, and SROI of base case and scenarios

A breakdown of the value created by outcome and by scenario over the period of investment is presented in Appendix A7.

Increased investment in the capacity of these programs, such as year-round work and training, should result in an improved return on investment.

In addition, an investment in a diversified conservation economy has the potential to generate significant value. Such investment is likely to not only generate more of the outcomes already realised and some of the longer-term outcomes articulated in the theory of change, but it is also likely to result in a whole host of other outcomes not articulated in the theory of change. For instance, the investment required to set up a diversified conservation economy and the income generated through a diversified conservation economy is likely to have a multiplier effect on the economy. The size of this multiplier will depend on a number of factors, including where and with whom organisations spend their money, and where and how suppliers and employers re-spend their incomes.

The value that can be created through a diversified conservation economy is likely to depend on the amount of investment that is provided and the specific form it takes. It was not deemed appropriate to estimate the value and return on investment using the theory of change outlined in this report as it is likely inadequate to capture the vast changes that would occur

The potential value that can be generated as a result of a diversified conservation economy has been previously explored elsewhere in Thaidene Nene – Land of our ancestors: Business case.8 In that report, potential economic benefits expected to be generated included new full-time and seasonal

8 Cathy Wilkinson, Thaidene Nene – Land of our ancestors: Business case, 2013.

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jobs in park operations and in tourism, new capital infrastructure investment with flow-on benefits for local builders and suppliers, and ongoing operational funding. 4.6 Potential future value of Indigenous guardian work if scaled nationally

There is extensive demand for Indigenous guardian work both within the communities studied and nationally. In the communities studied, only about 30-40% of applicants were accepted into guardian positions. Many of those who were guardians expressed an interest in doing guardian work year- round. Nationally, at least 30 Indigenous guardian programs have been established or are in the process of being established in locations ranging from the British Colombia coast to the Yellowknife region to Labrador.

National support for these programs is recommended to sustain the positive outcomes that are already being achieved and to meet the high demand for Indigenous guardian work.

Indigenous guardian work have provided opportunities for Indigenous guardians to deepen their connection with their culture, land, and water while engaging in meaningful employment that values traditional knowledge and pays them ‘to be Dene, to be who they are.’ Guardian work is seen as part of a broader vision where practicing and strengthening indigenous culture creates sustainable livelihoods and opportunities for communities to share their culture, land, and water with other Canadians.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 32

5 Key lessons from Australia for growing the impact of Indigenous guardian work in Canada 5.1 Overview

This section discusses key lessons from Australia in relation to growing the impact of Indigenous guardian work in Canada. 5.2 Key lessons from Australia applied to Canada

National Government-backed Indigenous guardian programs have been in operation in Australia for almost 20 years now. By contrast, Indigenous guardian work in Canada is still emerging

The following presents key lessons from Australia that may be useful to bear in mind as Canada considers its involvement in growing the impact of Indigenous guardian work.

Key lessons from Australia applied to Canada Program design: 1. A critical reason why the IPA and associated guardian programs have been so well- received in Australia is that they are consultative and voluntary in nature Individual circumstances: 2. History, location, and landscape are all contributing factors when understanding the extent of change that is likely to occur in each IPA Value creation: 3. The creation of value for a range of stakeholders is directly tied to investment in meaningful employment opportunities for Guardians on land and water 4. Indigenous guardian work can be a catalyst for deep and long-term partnerships with Government and other partners Return on investment: 5. Long-term investment promotes significant, sustained change 6. Investment in training to build management capacity and technical land and sea management skills drives sustainable value creation Evidence base: 7. A shared (but flexible) measurement and evaluation framework based on the theory of change articulated in this report may be useful for guiding the establishment of an evidence base of outcomes in Canada. Significant investment may be required to support measurement and evaluation capacity and capability on the ground

Program design

1. A critical reason why the IPA and associated guardian programs have been so well-received in Australia is that they are consultative and voluntary in nature 2. In Australia, the process of establishing and committing an IPA is highly consultative and entirely voluntary. Indigenous groups are provided funding during an open-ended consultation period in which they can decide whether to proceed to IPA declarations or not. If they choose to proceed, any commitments made by Indigenous communities to manage their land and water are set out in a negotiated contractual arrangement between both parties, rather than by unilateral statutory action on

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the part of the Government. This has built significant trust with Indigenous groups and allowed for more collaborative relationships.

Individual circumstances

2. History, location, and landscape are all contributing factors when understanding the extent of change that is likely to occur in each IPA

Not all of the outcomes identified in the theory of change will be relevant to each program or location. For instance, the nature of the landscape and the particular community context is likely to dictate which activities are needed to care for the land and water and the value that may be generated.

Value creation

3. The creation of value for a range of stakeholders is directly tied to investment in meaningful employment opportunities for Guardians on land and water

Guardians working on land and water are the foundation upon which almost all outcomes are based. The value created by Indigenous guardian programs is, therefore, largely proportional to the size of investment in guardian employment opportunities:

When Guardians work on country, they experience personal benefits including increased skills and confidence, and better health and wellbeing.

Community members benefit from Guardians’ activities through reassurance that land and water are being looked after and protected, through an increased access to traditional foods, and through the transfer and conservation of culture and language that occurs while Guardians are working on the land and water. As a result, all of the outcomes experienced by community members are related to Guardians’ activities.

Similarly, all Government outcomes are linked to Guardian work on country because of its flow-on effects, including skilled Guardians, additional leveraged funding, and access to TK.

4. Indigenous guardian work can be a catalyst for deep and long-term partnerships with Government and other partners

Through partnership with Indigenous guardian programs, Government is already realising significant value from additional leveraged funding at a ratio of 3:1 for every dollar invested. NGO partners are also realising significant value from being able to better meet core environmental outcomes.

In Australia, through their engagement with the IPAs, Government and partner organisations are able to build deeper relationships in community to better meet their core objectives, while Guardian and community members benefit from additional funding and economic opportunities. As a result, the quantity and quality of partnerships with Government and other partners can be key sources of value for both Indigenous communities and partners.

Successful partnerships are based on recognition of shared values and mutual benefits. The IPAs in Australia that were able to generate the greatest value from partnerships invested significant time and resources into building and maintaining those partnerships. Without sufficient resources to invest in partnership coordination and management, it will be difficult for groups to leverage Guardian work to their full potential.

Return on investment

5. Long-term investment promotes significant, sustained change

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 34

The IPAs studied in Australia showed varying stages of progress along the theory of change, and some of have achieved more advanced outcomes than other IPAs. This is most likely to be on account of either additional time since project inception, resources, or changing community circumstances (or all of them).

In discussions with Guardian groups and managers of several IPA projects in Australia, a consensus emerged that there is likely to be a ‘threshold’, beyond which investment in Indigenous guardian work will increase in efficiency. That threshold will differ on account of individual circumstances – e.g. location, landscape, and personnel.

6. Investment in training to build management capacity and technical land and water monitoring skills drives sustainable value creation

7. In order to ensure that Government funding effectively seeds further investment from other sources, sufficient up-front and ongoing core support investments in management capacity is critical. If Indigenous guardian programs are to leverage outside funding, the brokerage of new partnerships and the management of grants and reporting can require a significant investment of time and resources. Additional and effective management capacity was seen to be a key distinguishing factor between IPAs in Australia that were able to leverage a range of valuable partnerships and those that struggled to do so.

Furthermore, unless Guardians receive appropriate training to build their technical land and water monitoring skills, the return associated with positive Guardian outcomes is likely to plateau. Many Guardians bring with them TK skills. However, training in Western scientific techniques and practical technical skills are also needed to ensure they are able to ‘see with two eyes.’

Evidence base

7. A shared (but flexible) measurement and evaluation framework based on the theory of change articulated in this report may be useful for guiding the establishment of an evidence base of outcomes in Canada. Significant investment may be required to support measurement and evaluation capacity and capability on the ground

The theory of change presented in this report provides insight into the outcomes that have been achieved and that matter most to stakeholder groups such as Guardians, community members, Governments, and NGO partners. It can provide a basis for planning future measurement improvements and developing an understanding of the cross-sector outcomes being generated through Indigenous guardian work.

As with the Australian analyses, a limitation of this project was the absence of data to support the measurement of outcomes that we understood – through consultation – were being achieved. Project staff were only able to provide limited payroll and financial data, which in some cases was patchy and necessitated modelling work to arrive at basic indicators. The use of threshold assumptions, based on stakeholder consultation, was often required to measure the achievement of outcomes.

For Government to truly understand the full extent of outcomes that are being achieved through Indigenous guardian work, it will be helpful to develop a shared (but flexible) measurement and evaluation framework for use by Indigenous guardian programs, Governments, and third party investors. Such a framework would provide a common set of indicators, guiding Indigenous organisations in their understanding of the information that they could be capturing to prove and improve the impact of their work. When consolidated, Government would receive far better information about the impact of Indigenous guardian work across various domains.

Significant investment may be required in improved measurement and evaluation capacity and capability on the ground. In particular:

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 35

 Significant investment may be required to provide Indigenous organisations with the tools required to measure outcomes in a way that is not overly burdensome (e.g. hardware and software to capture data, hands-on training, and on-going support).  Significant work may be required within Government to coordinate relevant departments and agencies to capture and make available relevant health, justice, employment, education, housing and family and community services data. Having a single lead entity within Government is understood to be essential to ensure that effective delivery occurs and that there is accountability for tracking the outcomes of the investments in these programs.

Once a process for data collection has been developed and implemented, Government could consider the applicability of a ‘data-labs’ model, as has been successfully trialled in the United Kingdom, to make aggregated, anonymised data available to Indigenous guardian programs for the purposes of benchmarking.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 36

6 Conclusion

This report has considered the nature and value of changes resulting from investment in Indigenous guardian work in Lutsel K’e and the Dehcho region, drawing on the SROI methodology. The analysis concluded that over the eight-year period of investment, an estimated $11.1 million of social, economic, cultural, and environmental outcomes was generated from the original investment of $4.5 million. This analysis supports the prevailing view – promoted in a range of previous evaluations and reports in the public domain9 – that Indigenous guardian work has a profound positive effect on Indigenous people and their communities, Government, and other stakeholders.

Indigenous guardian programs support Indigenous people in their pursuit of self-determination, enabling them not only care for land and water but also to secure the Indigenous way of life for generations to come. These programs provide opportunities for Indigenous people to deepen their connection with their culture, land, and water while engaging in meaningful employment that values traditional knowledge and pays them ‘to be who they are.’ Concurrently, Federal, State, and Territorial Governments value the ability to access and use traditional knowledge in conjunction with Western scientific knowledge in environmental monitoring and conservation, enabling Government to ‘see with two eyes’ and make more informed decisions relating to land and water.

Additional investment in the capacity of these programs is expected to result in an improved social return on investment. In particular, additional funding for year-round, full-time work complemented by training to enhance the quality of monitoring activities can increase the amount of social, economic, cultural, and environmental value that is generated from $2.5 for every $1 of investment to $3.7 for every $1 of investment. An investment in building a diversified ‘conservation economy’ through protected area establishment and ecotourism has the potential to generate significant value through the creation of more jobs, capital infrastructure investment with flow-on effects to the local economy, and ongoing operational funding.

National support for these programs is recommended to sustain the positive outcomes that are already being achieved and to meet the high demand for Indigenous guardian work.

9 See e.g. Gilligan, 2006; Smyth, 2011; The Allen Consulting Group, 2011; Urbis, 2012; Social Ventures Australia, 2014; Social Ventures Australia, 2016.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 37

Appendices A1. Social value principles

The SROI methodology was first developed in the 1990s in the USA by the Roberts Enterprise Development Fund, with a focus on measuring and evaluating organisations that provided employment opportunities to previously long-term unemployed. During the early to mid-2000s, the United Kingdom (UK) Office of the Third Sector provided funding to continue the development and application of the SROI methodology, resulting in the formation of the UK SROI Network (now Social Value UK).

The Social Value principles (previously known as the SROI principles) that guide SROI analyses were developed through Social Value UK. These principles, described in Table A1.1, form the basis of an SROI analysis.

Principle Definition

Stakeholders should inform what gets measured and how this is measured 1 Involve stakeholders and valued.

Articulate how change is created and evaluate this through evidence 2 Understand what changes gathered, recognising positive and negative changes as well as those that are intended and unintended.

Use financial proxies in order that the value of the outcomes can be 3 Value the things that matter recognised.

Determine what information and evidence must be included in the accounts Only include what is 4 to give a true and fair picture, such that stakeholders can draw reasonable material conclusions about impact.

Organisations should only claim the value that they are responsible for 5 Do not over claim creating.

Demonstrate the basis on which the analysis may be considered accurate 6 Be transparent and honest and show that it will be reported to and discussed with stakeholders.

7 Verify the results Ensure appropriate independent verification of the analysis. Table A1.1 – Social Value Principles

For more information about the Social Value principles, please see: http://socialvalueint.org/our- work/principles-of-social-value/

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 38

A2. Project methodology

The analysis has been completed across six stages and is presented in Table A2.1 below. Although represented sequentially, the process is iterative by design.

Stage Description

 Define the project scope including stakeholders, programs, and the period of Stage 1 investment Scope project  Develop an initial theory of change drawing on theory of change developed for Indigenous guardian work in Australia

 Consult with stakeholders to understand the outcomes were created through Stage 2 Indigenous guardian work and to test the relationship between objectives, Understand the change inputs, and outcomes  Refine the theory of change

Stage 3  Identify and measure the outcomes that were created through Indigenous Measure change guardian work

 Identify relevant indicators and financial proxies to value the outcomes, drawing Stage 4 on the financial proxies used in the Australia analysis Value change  Determine those aspects of change that would have happened anyway or are a result of other factors

Stage 5  Calculate the value of the outcomes and compare to the investment Calculate the SROI

Stage 6  Synthesise and present key findings Reporting Table A2.1 – Project methodology

Stages 2, 3 and 4 (i.e. understand, measure and value stakeholder outcomes) are the key stages of analysis. As part of each stage, a number of questions need to be considered. These are outlined in Box A2.1 below and are included to highlight the types of issues being addressed.

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 39

Understanding, measuring, and valuing change

Understand the change  What is the theory of change?  What are the changes that matter most to stakeholders?  What are the changes that matter most to stakeholders and have occurred within the investment period being analysed?  Have any negative or unintended changes occurred as a result of the investment?  What are the links between the activities and different changes that are expected to be experienced by stakeholders?  Are the changes consistent between stakeholder groups?

Measure the change  How do we know if changes have happened?  How do we measure changes for stakeholders when there is limited data and evidence available?

Value the change  What is the relative importance of each change?  What is the value of the changes that are experienced by different stakeholders?  Using financial proxies, how valuable is a particular change?  How long would the change last for (duration) and does it change over time (drop off)?  Would this value have been created anyway (deadweight)?  Who else is forecast to be contributing to the value being created (attribution)?  Would this value creation displace other value being created (displacement)?

Box A2.1 – Understanding, measuring, and valuing change

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 40

A3. Interview guides

Basic interview guide

The following is a basic interview guide provided to Indigenous guardian program staff prior to consultation to help them understand what we were hoping to get out of our interviews with stakeholders. This was intended as a guide only; the intent was to have open-ended conversations wherever possible.

When meeting with people we will want them to answer five main questions:

1. What has changed for you because of guardian work?

Changes might be positive and/or negative and they might occur immediately or over a long period of time. Broadly speaking, those changes could be categorised as:  Social (e.g. less drinking)  Economic (e.g. increased reliable income)  Cultural (e.g. preservation of cultural knowledge)  Environmental (e.g. less ferals on country)

2. How much change has happened?

These changes might be big or small (e.g. five less fights per year; 10 weeks less drinking per year; three less hospital visits per year).

3. Who else has changed because of guardian work?  Has your family changed?  What about other people in the community? (e.g. old people who see the work that young people are doing)

4. How important are the changes?  Which of these changes are most and least important?  How valuable are they? (e.g. when compared to other changes or possessions to which a value might be easily ascribed)

5. How much is as result of guardian programmes?  Would these changes have occurred if it weren’t for guardian programmes?  Have other organisations, programmes or services contributed to these changes?  How long would the changes last if guardian work stopped tomorrow?

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 41

Detailed interview guide

Introduction

 Thank interviewee and introduce the SROI project  State that they can stop the interview at any point  Request permission to identify interviewees in report

Involvement with Indigenous guardian work

We need to understand the person’s story/background, and identify what the change has been for each stakeholder group (or what they want to change) through their involvement with Indigenous guardian work.

History

Tell me about your:

 Background / story  Involvement with Indigenous guardian work

Objectives

 Why did you become involved with Indigenous guardian work?  What do you hope to achieve?

Inputs

 What have you given to the programs (e.g. time, cash) in order to achieve the desired outcomes?  If volunteer/pro bono, how can this be valued ($/hr)?

Activities

 What programs have you been involved with (including what specific activities)?  What are the immediate consequences of your involvement in those programmes?

Outcomes

 What has changed for you as a result of being involved with Indigenous guardian work?  Are you using other government or community services more or less since your involvement with Indigenous guardian work?  What impact has this had on your life, your family’s lives, your community, your land?  Have there been any negative changes as a result of your involvement with Indigenous guardian work?  If so, what are they?

Check on objectives and outcomes

The initial conversation might give us some insight into the outcomes that result from these changes but if they don’t, drill down further into what the changes actually look like for this group in practice.

 What do you (or your family, or your community) do differently now, since becoming involved with Indigenous guardian work?  How do the negative changes affect you (or your family, or your community)?  What do you do differently?

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 42

A4. List of interviewees

Over the course of this project, 34 stakeholders were interviewed, including 27 stakeholders that were included in the analysis and seven stakeholders that were excluded from the analysis.

All stakeholders were interviewed either in person during two weeks of consultation in Yellowknife, Lutsel K’e, and the Dehcho region or by phone. Two Indigenous co-researchers were engaged to assist with stakeholder consultations for the Dehcho region.

A concerted effort was made to interview people of different ages and genders where possible. A breakdown of the 34 interviewees by stakeholder group appears in Table A4.1 below.

Stakeholder groups Location No. consulted

Guardians (young adult) Lutsel K’e 3

Dehcho 2

Guardians (adult) Lutsel K’e 5

Dehcho 1

Community members Lutsel K’e 9

Dehcho 5

Government Yellowknife 1

NGO partner Yellowknife 1

Program staff Lutsel K’e 3

Dehcho 4

Total 34

Table A4.1– Interviewees by stakeholder group and location

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 43

A5. Stakeholder groups

The stakeholder groups were defined in three stages:

1. A preliminary list of stakeholders was developed through group discussion with program staff and was used as a basis for stakeholder consultation. 2. Throughout stakeholder consultations the materiality of, and distinction between, changes experienced by different stakeholder groups was considered. The project team tested their emerging hypothesis with program staff throughout the consultation period. 3. Following stakeholder consultation, the stakeholder groups were revisited and refined.

The table below identifies the stakeholders and the rationale for including or excluding them from the SROI analysis.

Included / Stakeholder Group Rationale for Inclusion / Exclusion Excluded

 Guardians are the primary beneficiaries of the Indigenous guardian work  Although a distinction between rangers based on age and gender was considered, stakeholder consultations revealed there was no material difference between the Stakeholder 1: outcomes experienced by Guardians on this basis Guardians Included  Differences in the experiences of Guardians was attributable to time spent working with the programs

 It is likely that a Guardian working on country fits within two stakeholder groups: Guardians and community members, which reflects both their job and their role within community  Outcomes achieved by Guardians are additional to those that are achieved by community members  Community members are also primary beneficiaries of Indigenous guardian work  There was no material difference in the outcomes achieved by different community members based on age or gender hence no need to separate this group into sub- Stakeholder 2: groups Community Included  Differences detected within community members reflects members time spent engaging with land and water (including accessing the land and water, and participating in land- based cultural experiences) and interaction with Guardians  Indigenous guardian work impacts community members indirectly by exposing young people to role models and conserving culture and language Stakeholder 3: Government,  Indigenous guardian groups have received funds and in- including the kind support from Canadian Federal Government Canadian Federal departments and agencies and the Government of Included Government and Northwest Territories the Government of  The Government of Northwest Territories works closely Northwest with Indigenous guardian groups through joint monitoring Territories activities, trainings, and workshops

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 44

Included / Stakeholder Group Rationale for Inclusion / Exclusion Excluded

 The Government of Northwest Territories has been able to access additional leveraged funding through partnership with Indigenous guardian programs Stakeholder 4:  Partnerships with NGO partners are long-standing and Included NGO partners have contributed to multiple co-benefits including better watching over land and water Table A5.1 –Stakeholder groups included or excluded from the SROI analysis

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 45

A6. Valuation techniques

The following valuation techniques were applied in this analysis to value outcomes:

Technique Description and examples

Cash An actual cash saving or cash spent by the stakeholder group. For example: transaction  A reduction in welfare payments is a direct cash benefit to the Government

A programme or service results in outcomes that allow resources to be used in Value of different ways. For example: resource  A reduction in crime may not result in less cost to the justice system because reallocation there is not a change in the overall costs of managing the justice system (so it is not a “cash transaction”). However, a value can be placed on the amount of resources that can be reallocated for other purposes This is when a financial proxy is inferred from the value of related market prices. This can be achieved in the following ways:  Is there something in a stakeholder’s group behaviour that will reveal the value Revealed of an outcome? For example, we may observe that stakeholders with less preferences depression are now socialising more and going out for dinner with friends. The financial proxy is therefore the value of the dinners  Through stakeholder consultation, is there a similar service or programme that would achieve the same amount of change? This is often referred to as a “replacement valuation” This is when stakeholders are explicitly asked how much they value an outcome. This can be done in a number of ways:  Stakeholders are asked their “willingness-to-pay” or willingness-to-avoid” to Stated achieve the outcome preferences  These are hypothetical cash transactions.  Stakeholders are asked to make a choice based on a series of options presented to them through “participatory impact” exercises. This can also be referred to as “choice modelling”. Table A6.1 – Valuation techniques descripti

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 46

A7. Value by outcome and by scenario over the period of investment

Base case

Outcome Value for outcome Value per stakeholder

Guardians 1.1 Increased skills $260,190

1.2 Increased confidence $125,400

1.3 Increased income $1,084,200 $5,717,048 1.4 Better health and wellbeing $137,520 (52%)

1.5 Increased pride and sense of self $2,620,058

1.6 Better watching over country $1,489,680

Community members

2.1 More role models for young people $90,000

2.2 Less violence $153,051

2.3 Increased access to traditional foods $389,248

2.4 Increased capacity for self-determination $435,600 $2,680,399 2.5 Increased respect from non-Ind. $21,600 (24%) 2.6 Better cultural asset management. $49,500

2.7 Relationship with land strengthened $551,200

2.8 Culture and language conserved $500,000

2.9 Greater awareness of activity on land $490,200 Government

3.1 Rangers skilled and trained $396,783 $2,271,531 3.2 Additional funding leveraged $1,620,000 (21%) 3.3 Data monitoring using TK $254,748 NGO partners $200,000 4.1 Access to support and advice $410,917 (4%) 4.2 Better meet biodiversity objectives $210,917 Table A6.1 – Value by outcome over the period of investment – Base case

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 47

Scenario 1: Year-round, full-time work is made available

Sufficient resources are provided to enable each of the current guardians to engage in full-time work year-round. It also assumes that the guardian program currently being set up in the Dehcho is running at full capacity over the eight years of investment.

Outcome Value for outcome Value per stakeholder

Guardians 1.1 Increased skills $010

1.2 Increased confidence $388,740

1.3 Increased income $5,212,133 $13,265,251 1.4 Better health and wellbeing $426,312 (52%)

1.5 Increased pride and sense of self $2,620,058

1.6 Better watching over country $4,618,008

Community members

2.1 More role models for young people $279,000

2.2 Less violence $593,073

2.3 Increased access to traditional foods $389,248

2.4 Increased capacity for self-determination $435,600 $7,974,101 2.5 Increased respect from non-Ind. $66,960 (31%) 2.6 Better cultural asset management. $49,500

2.7 Relationship with land strengthened $1,708,720

2.8 Culture and language conserved $500,000

2.9 Greater awareness of activity on land $490,200 Government

3.1 Rangers skilled and trained $1,230,028 $1,620,000 3.2 Additional funding leveraged $3,886,596 (15%) 3.3 Data monitoring using TK $254,748

3.4 Increased in income tax $781,820 NGO partners $200,000 4.1 Access to support and advice $410,917 (2%) 4.2 Better meet biodiversity objectives $210,917 Table A6.2 – Value by outcome over the period of investment – Scenario 1

10 This value of this outcome is subsumed by the later related outcome ‘Increased confidence.’

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 48

Scenario 2: Scenario 1 and the quality of data from monitoring activities improves

In addition to Scenario 1, additional training is provided to guardians to enhance the quality of data from their monitoring activities.

Outcome Value for outcome Value per stakeholder

Guardians 1.1 Increased skills $011

1.2 Increased confidence $388,740

1.3 Increased income $5,212,133 $13,365,251 1.4 Better health and wellbeing $426,312 (41%)

1.5 Increased pride and sense of self $2,620,058

1.6 Better watching over country $4,618,008

Community members

2.1 More role models for young people $279,000

2.2 Less violence $593,073

2.3 Increased access to traditional foods $389,248

2.4 Increased capacity for self-determination $435,600 $7,974,101 2.5 Increased respect from non-Ind. $66,960 (25%) 2.6 Better cultural asset management. $49,500

2.7 Relationship with land strengthened $1,708,720

2.8 Culture and language conserved $500,000

2.9 Greater awareness of activity on land $3,952,000 Government

3.1 Rangers skilled and trained $1,230,028 $1,620,000 3.2 Additional funding leveraged $10,425,128 (33%) 3.3 Data monitoring using TK $6,793,280

3.4 Increased in income tax $781,820 NGO partners $200,000 4.1 Access to support and advice $410,917 (1%) 4.2 Better meet biodiversity objectives $210,917 Table A6.3 – Value by outcome over the period of investment – Scenario 2

11 This value of this outcome is subsumed by the later related outcome ‘Increased confidence.’

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 49

The model used to analyse these scenarios is available upon request from [Insert organisation]. To obtain a copy, please contact:

[Name] [Position] [Telephone] [Email]

End of report

This information is confidential and was prepared by SVA Consulting solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any third party without prior consent. 50

URBIS STAFF RESPONSIBLE FOR THIS REPORT WERE:

Director Roberta Ryan Associate Director Dr Ania Wilczynski Senior Consultant Sam Ryan Watkins Group Support Jillian Rose Job Code SPP00811 Report Number Final

xdisclai mer x

Urbis’s Social Policy team has received ISO 20252 Certification for the provision of social policy research and evaluation, social planning, community consultation, market research and communications research.

© Urbis Pty Ltd ABN 50 105 256 228

All Rights Reserved. No material may be reproduced without prior permission. While we have tried to ensure the accuracy of the information in this publication, the Publisher accepts no responsibility or liability for any errors, omissions or resultant consequences including any loss or damage arising from reliance in information in this publication.

URBIS Australia Asia Middle East urbis.com.au

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acronyms ...... 3

Executive Summary ...... i Key Findings ...... i Program barriers and challenges ...... iv Proposed assessment framework ...... iv

1 Introduction ...... 5 1.1 This report...... 6

2 Methodology ...... 7 2.1 The case study research ...... 7 2.2 The selection of projects ...... 7 2.3 Projects included in this research ...... 8 2.4 The consultations ...... 9

3 Policy context ...... 11 3.1 The funding context ...... 11 3.2 The policy context ...... 11 3.3 Strategic framework ...... 13

4 Conceptual framework for understanding the social outcomes ...... 15

5 Case study projects ...... 18

6 The social outcomes ...... 38 6.1 Social outcomes for individual rangers ...... 38 6.2 Social outcomes for families ...... 53 6.3 Social outcomes for communities ...... 57

7 Key findings and implications ...... 73 7.1 The Key success factors of Working On Country...... 74 7.2 The diversity and consistency of program outcomes ...... 74 7.3 Program barriers and challenges ...... 75

8 Measuring the social outcomes ...... 77 8.1 Framework development ...... 77 8.2 Potential indicators ...... 77 8.3 Potential data sources ...... 79

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

FIGURES: Figure 1 – Research methodology ...... i Figure 2 –Social outcomes of WoC ...... ii Figure 3 – Methodology overview...... 7 Figure 4 – The policy context of WoC ...... 14 Figure 5 – Social outcomes of WoC ...... 15 Figure 6 – Program logic for the social outcomes of WoC ...... 16

PICTURES: Picture 1 – Case study project locations ...... 10

TABLES: Table 2 – Case study projects ...... 8

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acronyms

ACRONYM DEFINITION

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

AQIS Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service

BAC Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation

CDEP Community Development Employment Projects Program

Contract Employment Program for Aboriginals in Natural Land and Cultural CEPANCRM Resource Management

CLC Central Land Council

CMA Catchment Management Authority

COAG Council of Australian Governments

DERM Department of Environment and Resource Management

DOGIT Deed of Grant in Trust

FTE Full-Time Equivalent

CTG Closing the Gap

IPA Indigenous Protected Areas

KLC Kimberley Land Council

MERI Monitoring Evaluation Reporting and Improvement

MOU Memorandum of Understanding

NLC Northern Land Council

NRM Natural Resource Management

NSW New South Wales

NT Northern Territory

QLD Queensland

SA South Australia

(Department of) Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and SEWPaC Communities

TIDE Taree Indigenous Development and Employment Ltd

TSRA Torres Strait Regional Authority

WoC Working on Country

WA Western Australia

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

Executive Summary

This report documents findings from research undertaken by Urbis to assess the social outcomes of Working on Country (WoC).

WoC is an Australian Government program that provides employment and training opportunities for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples living in regional and remote Australia to undertake natural resource management (NRM) work that aligns with Australian Government and local community environmental and cultural priorities. The program aims to employ and train over 690 rangers by June 2013, with this target growing to 730 rangers by June 2016.

This research was prepared for the Australian Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities (SEWPaC or the Department) to provide an independent demonstration of the social value and achievements of WoC and complementary Indigenous NRM programs, and to establish an assessment framework for future studies.

The research methodology involved three key components, outlined in the diagram below.

FIGURE 1 – RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

18 case studies with purposefully selected projects

Consultations Review of with key program and Departmental policy data and personnel documentation

KEY FINDINGS The social outcomes of WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives are diverse, wide-ranging and interconnected. As demonstrated by the diagram below, the social outcomes of WoC and related initiatives can be categorised according to health and wellbeing, economic, cultural and educational outcomes for the individual rangers, their families and communities.

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT EXECUTIVE Summary i

FIGURE 2 –SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WOC

WoC is a highly valued program. Research participants feel the program has significant demonstrable benefits and indicate it is important the program continues in the future.

WoC is designed as a program which recognises Indigenous people have a great deal to offer the broader community. WoC invests in the application of Indigenous skills and knowledge in natural resource and cultural management, valuing these contributions as legitimate and important. It is this valuing and acknowledgement which is central to the demonstrated social benefits of the program.

URBIS ii EXECUTIVE Summary SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

WoC occupies a unique space in which the aspirations of Indigenous communities intersect with the aspirations of the Australian Government. It is this shared interest which is central to the program’s success.

Developed from a strong cultural and economic foundation, WoC empowers communities in managing the natural and cultural values of their traditional estates. WoC is a critical resource and focal point for communities providing economic development, building community capacity and social capital. WoC supports the emergence of positive role models and community leaders who inspire and bring hope to the younger generations, while respecting traditional authority and cultural knowledge.

The program’s partnership model fosters new and improved relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous organisations. Interest from and partnerships with external organisations provides communities with access to new knowledge and information, raises the profile of communities, and affirms Indigenous culture and knowledge. Increased exposure to traditional skills and practices in caring for country generates respect for and positive perceptions of Indigenous people amongst the non-Indigenous community.

WoC engages people in meaningful and fulfilling employment. Being a ranger provides opportunities for self-improvement and career development. It provides a platform for people to undertake work they view as making important and positive contributions to country and community. The program achieves a range of financial, educational, cultural, and health and wellbeing outcomes for participants. Rangers feel an improved sense of self including increased pride, self-esteem, confidence, hope, and happiness.

The benefits of the program extend to the ranger’s families. Rangers act as role models for family members providing them with a positive sense of the future and something to aspire to, broadening horizons and raising expectations of what is possible to achieve. The program improves standards of living and the financial status of entire families and also strengthens relationships and family functioning.

A number of key program success factors have been identified by program and project stakeholders throughout the length of this research project. These are described below.

RECOGNISING THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIANS WoC recognises and values the skills and knowledge of Indigenous Australians and the economic, environmental and cultural contributions they have to make.

The program is mutually beneficial in that it supports the interests of Indigenous people in caring for country, which in turn helps the Australian Government to meet its responsibility to protect and conserve the environment.

A TWO-WAY LEARNING MODEL WoC values and uses both western and traditional knowledge, providing unique cross-cultural sharing and learning opportunities.

LOCAL DELIVERY AND COMMUNITY OWNERSHIP WoC projects are led by the local community and underpinned by community ownership and action. Traditional owners and local communities are involved in the design, development, implementation and leadership of projects to ensure they align with the needs and interests of the community, and benefit the environment.

COMMUNITY CAPACITY BUILDING The program provides auspice organisations and local communities with opportunities for economic development and self-management.

WoC is highly visible within communities and involves engagement at a whole-of-community level. The program facilitates relationship building between individuals, clan groups, Indigenous and non-Indigenous people, and local and external organisations.

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT EXECUTIVE Summary iii

The spiritual and cultural offerings of the program are critical and contribute to cultural continuity in supporting the intergenerational transfer of knowledge.

HOLISTIC AND MULTI-DIMENSIONAL The program is holistic and multi-dimensional in offering employment, career and professional development and training opportunities that address the economic, social and cultural needs of employees and communities.

WoC provides long-term, real employment opportunities that align with needs and opportunities in local contexts. This involves Indigenous people doing real work and being paid real wages, and high expectations of what can be achieved by Indigenous people.

WoC provides meaningful and culturally appropriate employment that recognises traditional activities as legitimate forms of employment and matches work opportunities to the goals and aspirations of individuals and the community.

The program has targeted and integrated training designed to address skills gaps in local and regional industry. WoC effectively links training to employment.

PROGRAM BARRIERS AND CHALLENGES This project addressed the social outcomes of WoC and did not explore program challenges and barriers. Notwithstanding this, stakeholders identified a number of key challenges that may be useful to consider.

While the program is viewed by some stakeholders as providing pathways to employment opportunities external to WoC, this is not always viable due to limited employment available locally and the reluctance of rangers to move away from their traditional country to seek out work. Many employees say they want to continue working as rangers in the future. Some suggest that career development opportunities within the program could be strengthened.

The WoC ranger positions are attractive and often sought-after by community members. The high demand for positions on the program can be difficult to balance with the limited number available. As a result, the allocation of ranger positions by funded organisations can be a source of tension and conflict within some communities.

The successful implementation of the program can be a challenge for economically underdeveloped and remote communities due to their isolation from retail and social services and poor physical infrastructure such as housing. Additional program investment in supporting resources and infrastructure (e.g. housing and transport) would support program implementation and improve outcomes.

Many raised concerns that ongoing government investment in the program is not secured beyond 2013. Rangers particularly voice uncertainty and concern about their job permanency and future prospects.

PROPOSED ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK A conceptual framework (i.e. program logic) for understanding the social outcomes of WoC has been developed (see Chapter 4). This was informed by the WoC program logic as part of the Caring for our Country Monitoring Evaluation Reporting and Improvement (MERI) framework, focusing on the social outcomes only (not the intended environmental outcomes).

A proposed assessment framework has been developed in line with the program logic and broader Government policy objectives. The framework outlines a range of indicators and data sources that can be used to further identify and measure the social outcomes of WoC in the future.

The assessment framework proposes the collection of qualitative and quantitative data to identify social outcomes at the individual, project and community levels and capture input from a diversity of project stakeholders.

URBIS iv EXECUTIVE Summary SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

1 Introduction

It is a big privilege to be working here. I was born and bred here; it means a lot to put back into the community. That’s what makes us who we are…. I love working, I was working in Western society since I was eighteen years old and I forgot about my country. Being able to work here has made my life. Coming back to my grass roots, I am proud of what I have done.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger and elder)

Working on Country (WoC) is an Australian Government program that provides employment and training opportunities for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples living in regional and remote Australia to undertake natural resource management (NRM) work that aligns with Australian Government and local community environmental and cultural priorities.

In April 2011, Urbis commenced research for the Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities (SEWPaC or the Department) to assess the social outcomes of the Working on Country (WoC) program.

This research report provides the Department with an independent demonstration of the social value and achievements of WoC and complementary Indigenous NRM programs.

More specifically, this research:

. defines, identifies and analyses the range and extent of social outcomes achieved by WoC and complementary Indigenous NRM projects, in particular, the Indigenous Protected Areas (IPA) program

. examines the social outcomes across purposefully selected projects to make an assessment at a whole of program level, while capturing the distinctive features of specific projects

. assesses the strategic link between WoC and the broader policy agenda, including its contribution to the Closing the Gap (CTG) agenda and other relevant government policy such as Caring for our Country, and SEWPaC portfolio commitments

. reflects on the value and worth of WoC

. establishes an assessment framework and benchmark for future studies.

In line with the project terms of reference described above, the assessment of social outcomes focuses on addressing key questions such as:

. How are social outcomes defined in relation to WoC and complementary Indigenous NRM initiatives? What are the categories or range of social outcomes associated with this program?

. How can the identified social outcomes be attributed to the program? What is the evidence that indicates a direct link between WoC and complementary NRM programs and the social changes that have occurred?

. What individual social changes have occurred and what are the cumulative effects of these?

. What social outcomes are achieved distinctly for each project and cumulatively across all projects?

. What social changes have occurred at the individual, familial and community levels?

. What is the worth of WoC? What is the public value created by the program?

. What is unique or different about this program?

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT 0BINTRODUCTION 5

. How do the social outcomes link, relate or contribute to the CTG agenda and other relevant government policy?

. How can the social changes associated with the program be identified and measured? What are the key indicators that demonstrate the outcomes and value of the program?

1.1 THIS REPORT This report provides the Department with findings from the conduct of 18 case studies with purposefully selected WoC and related Indigenous NRM projects, a review of program and policy documentation and data, and consultations with key SEWPaC personnel.

The report briefly discusses the historical and policy context of WoC and related policies and programs, provides a conceptual framework for categorising and understanding the range and type of social outcomes associated with WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives, identifies and describes the social outcomes achieved across the eighteen case study projects, discusses key findings and implications at a whole of program level, and outlines a proposed assessment framework for ongoing monitoring and evaluation.

The report is structured as follows:

. Chapter One: Introduction

. Chapter Two: Methodology

. Chapter Three: Policy Context

. Chapter Four: Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Social Outcomes

. Chapter Five: Case Study Projects

. Chapter Six: The Social Outcomes

. Chapter Seven: Key Findings and Implications

. Chapter Eight: Measuring the Social Outcomes.

URBIS 6 0BINTRODUCTION SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

2 Methodology

As shown in the diagram below, the research methodology involved three key components: the conduct of 18 case studies with purposefully selected WoC and related Indigenous NRM projects, review of program and policy data and documentation, and consultations with key SEWPaC personnel.

FIGURE 3 – METHODOLOGY OVERVIEW

Data and Consultation with Case Study Research Documentation Review Departmental staff • Selection criteria • Program • Telephone and face- developed documentation, data to- face interviews • 18 WoC projects and policy documents with Departmental selected in were reviewed to: staff to establish a accordance with the • understand the sense of the strategic agreed criteria relationships between and organisational • Research instruments WoC and related drivers for the and communications policies and initiatives research project materials developed • inform the • A workshop with • Face-to-face development of a SEWPaC staff and consultations with 8 conceptual community WoC projects framework model for representatives to discuss and confirm • Telephone interviews the representation of the research approach with 10 WoC projects outcomes and activities • inform the case study approach • A second workshop with SEWPaC staff and community representatives to discuss and confirm the proposed assessment framework

2.1 THE CASE STUDY RESEARCH Eighteen case studies were conducted with purposefully selected WoC and related Indigenous NRM projects. Eight projects, across five locations, were consulted during site visits (the primary case studies) and the remaining 10 as telephone consultations (supplementary case studies).

Case study research involves an in-depth investigation of a ‘case’. Case study research examines and describes contemporary, real-life situations. It considers the voices and perspectives of all key players, and the political, social, historical and cultural context.

2.2 THE SELECTION OF PROJECTS Eighteen projects for case studies were purposefully selected to ensure they provide evidence that satisfies the specific research questions posed. Case studies focus on projects demonstrating positive outcomes to maximise learnings in relation to the range and extent of social outcomes being achieved by WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives.

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT 1BMETHODOLOGY 7

A criteria for the selection of case study projects was developed in consultation with the Department and other key stakeholders. The selection criteria included:

. a representation of projects that have co-funding arrangements with IPA

. a spread across large-scale and small-scale projects (based on number of employees)

. a spread across organisations that support several WoC projects and those that support only one WoC project

. representation across the Australian states and territories

. representation across regional and remote locations

. projects that have been established for at least two years

. projects that employ women and involve elders

. the inclusion of a few projects with cross-tenure arrangements.

2.3 PROJECTS INCLUDED IN THIS RESEARCH The following 18 WoC projects were consulted with as part of this research:

TABLE 1 – CASE STUDY PROJECTS FACE-TO-FACE CONSULTATIONS

Kalan and Lama Lama Ranger Projects, Coen, QLD

Dhimurru Working on Country, Nhulunbuy, NT

Working on Country to manage the Djelk Indigenous Protected Area, Maningrida, NT

Thamarrurr Rangers Land and Sea Management Project, Wadeye, NT

Riverland Rangers Project, Renmark, SA

Ngarrindjerri Working on Ruwe (Country), Meningie, SA

Raukkan Natural Resource Management Project, Raukkan, SA

Managing Identified Natural and Cultural Resources across the Central Land Council Region, Anmatyerr Rangers (Ti Tree), NT

TELEPHONE CONSULTATIONS

Kimberley Rangers: Working on Country - Bardi Jawi Rangers, WA

Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, Taree, NSW

Kimberley Rangers: Working on Country Wunggurr Rangers, WA

Mapoon Land and Sea Centre, QLD

Improving Landscape Scale Conservation of Threatened Grassy Woodland Ecosystems in the Greater Murray Goulburn Catchment project, VIC

URBIS 8 1BMETHODOLOGY SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

WoC/IPA projects in the Torres Strait, QLD

Implementation of immediate and high priority actions from the Laynhapuy Indigenous Protected Area Management Plan, NT

Tyrendarra Indigenous Protected Area, VIC

Northern Territory Top End Aboriginal Land and Sea Management - Gumurr Marthakal, NT

Protecting country, supporting land management workers for the Warddeken Indigenous Protected Area, NT

The map on the following page provides a geographical representation of the 18 projects.

2.4 THE CONSULTATIONS Eight site visits were conducted across five locations. A range of stakeholders were consulted during the site visits including: staff from the auspice organisation, the rangers, elders and traditional owners, board members, partner organisations, registered trainers, researchers and anthropologists, school teaching staff, government personnel, employment service providers, farmers and private land holders.

Site visits involved both formal and informal consultations, and often included a tour of the local community and significant cultural/NRM sites, and the rangers’ work locations.

In addition to the site visits, in-depth telephone consultations were conducted in relation to 10 projects. The telephone interviews were targeted primarily at organisational stakeholders but in some cases also involved speaking with the rangers.

The range of program stakeholders consulted with enabled a comprehensive and multi-perspective analysis of the social outcomes of WoC, closely related programs such as IPA and related initiatives supported under Caring for our Country.

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT 1BMETHODOLOGY 9

PICTURE 1 – CASE STUDY PROJECT LOCATIONS

URBIS 10 1BMETHODOLOGY SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

3 Policy context

This section of the report briefly discusses the historical and policy context of WoC to provide a framework for conceptualising the strategic link between WoC and related programs and policies. This includes a discussion of both the environmental and the social/economic policy contexts with particular reference to:

. Caring for our Country and related Indigenous-specific environmental management initiatives

. Closing the Gap (CTG) in Indigenous disadvantage.

3.1 THE FUNDING CONTEXT In May 2007, the Australian Government announced Working on Country (WoC); a $47.6 million program to support 100 Indigenous rangers over four years under it’s A better future for Indigenous Australians: Building an Indigenous Workforce in Service Delivery initiative. Further Government commitments have seen significant growth in the program which is now committed to supporting over 730 Indigenous rangers by June 2016. The program is considered ongoing.

WoC employs Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples living in regional and remote Australia to undertake environmental work that aligns with Australian Government and local community environmental and cultural priorities. The program aims to train and employ approximately 680 rangers by June 2013, with this target growing to 730 rangers by June 2016.

The stated aims of WoC are to:

. support Indigenous aspirations in caring for country

. provide opportunities for Indigenous people to deliver environmental services that protect and manage Australia’s environmental and heritage values

. provide training and career pathways for Indigenous people in land and sea management, in partnership with others

. facilitate a partnership approach between Indigenous people and others to deliver environmental outcomes.

The environmental work funded under WoC includes:

. the sharing of traditional ecological knowledge and land management practices in relation to country

. controlling weeds and feral animals

. protecting and monitoring threatened plant and animal species

. fire management

. caring for significant wetland areas and marine environments . a range of cultural heritage management activities.

3.2 THE POLICY CONTEXT

3.2.1 THE ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY CONTEXT Caring for our Country is the overarching environmental initiative of which WoC and related programs (e.g. the IPA program under the National Reserve System, the National Landcare Program, and the Environmental Stewardship Program) form an integral part.

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT POLICY context 11

Caring for our Country, a key environmental management initiative of the Australian Government, aims to:

. achieve an environment that is healthier, better protected, well managed, resilient, and provides essential ecosystem services in a changing climate

. connect all Australians with the natural environment

. develop a greater awareness and association between Australians and Australia’s landscape and natural resources.

Two Indigenous-specific environmental management initiatives developed as predecessors to WoC should be noted here: the IPA program and the Contract Employment Program for Aboriginals in Natural Land and Cultural Resource Management (CEPANCRM).

In 1995 the Minister for the Environment approved funding for IPA, a program that recognises the benefit of applying traditional Indigenous environmental management practices to contemporary issues such as feral animals, weeds, soil conservations and sea management. There are currently 50 declared IPAs established across Australia covering more than 20 million hectares, which continue to support Indigenous communities to manage their land for conservation.

The IPA program has three core objectives:

. to support Indigenous land owners to establish, develop and manage IPAs on their land as part of wider Australian Government environmental policy

. to support the interests of Indigenous people and develop cooperative management arrangements with state, territory and federal government agencies to effectively manage protected areas

. to integrate Indigenous cultural knowledge of ecology and conservation with contemporary protected area management practices. The IPA program has been well received by Indigenous communities and is successfully fulfilling program objectives and meeting program targets. The IPA and WoC programs integrate closely, particularly where there are shared funding arrangements at the community level, and deliver complimentary outcomes.

In 1988 the CEPANCRM was established to provide Indigenous Australians with increased opportunity to access employment in remote areas. This program aimed to increase the participation of Indigenous Australians in natural land management on Indigenous owned land and on state and territory managed protected areas. While the program did not make significant headway in the recruitment of Indigenous Australians, it did represent a first step in recognising the efficacy of programs of this nature and legitimised the principle that Indigenous Australians have much to offer the wider community in managing and understanding the Australian landscape and environment. The CEPANCRM was terminated in 1997.

3.2.2 THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC POLICY CONTEXT In 2007-08, Australian governments agreed on a national strategy to ‘Close the Gap’ (CTG) in Indigenous disadvantage through the Council of Australian Governments (COAG).

COAG agreed on six CTG targets:

. closing the life expectancy gap within a generation

. halving the gap in mortality rate for Indigenous children under five within a decade

. ensuring all Indigenous four year olds in remote communities have access to early childhood education within five years

. halving the gap for Indigenous students in reading, writing and numeracy within a decade

. halving the gap for Indigenous students in Year 12 or equivalent attainment rates by 2020

URBIS 12 POLICY CONTEXT SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

. halving the gap in employment outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians within a decade.

To achieve these targets, COAG has developed a number of strategic platforms or building frameworks in seven broad areas:

. early childhood development

. education and training

. healthy lives

. economic participation

. home environment

. safe and supportive communities

. governance and leadership.

WoC makes a direct contribution to the CTG employment target, currently providing employment for approximately 690 Indigenous people across Australia, almost 80% of whom live in remote areas.

WoC also contributes to three of the seven strategic areas for action:

. Economic participation: the training and paid employment opportunities provided through WoC increase the current and future employment options for Indigenous people in regional and remote Australia. Due to their paid salaries, rangers and their families have increased purchasing power and economic participation. Wages are often spent within communities, helping to support local businesses and initiatives. Many WoC teams support the local economy by purchasing project supplies such as equipment and petrol and leasing vehicles from local businesses.

. Safe and supportive communities: many WoC projects are undertaken on Indigenous-held lands, and the program enables rangers and community members to access country and supports communities to actively manage their traditional country. The program also enables Indigenous people to access and work on traditional lands not currently under Indigenous control through partnership projects. The program supports Indigenous rangers and community members to carry out cultural responsibilities on traditional country, participate in cultural activities such as ‘back to country’ trips, transfer traditional ecological knowledge, and share cultural practices and knowledge across generations.

. Governance and leadership: many of the Indigenous ranger groups report an improvement in leadership skills amongst employees, and an increased capacity for self-management by the auspice organisation. Some projects have demonstrated improved financial independence and self- management capacity, having attracted funding from external sources and entered into private funding arrangements.

3.3 STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK WoC forms one component of the large and complex web of interrelated Indigenous and non-Indigenous land and sea management initiatives. The assessment of the social outcomes of WoC is grounded in the understanding that while WoC is one part of a suite of programs operating within the same space, it plays a contributing role to the Australian Governments broader policy objectives. Furthermore, the program evaluation conducted by Walter Turnbull in 2010 identified the potentially good CTG value in WoC as an employment focused environment program delivered at a community level.

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT POLICY context 13

Figure 4 demonstrates the relationship of WoC to related NRM projects and the broader environmental and Indigenous policy agenda.

Figure 4 – The policy context of WoC

Source: Urbis, 2011

URBIS 14 POLICY CONTEXT SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

4 Conceptual framework for understanding the social outcomes

This section of the report provides a conceptual framework and outlines a program logic model for understanding the social outcomes of WoC.

The social outcomes of WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives are diverse, wide-ranging and interconnected. As demonstrated by the diagram below, the social outcomes of WoC and related initiatives can be categorised according to health and wellbeing, economic, cultural and educational outcomes for the individual rangers, their families and social changes at a whole of community level.

FIGURE 5 – SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WOC

Source: Urbis 2011

CONCEPTUAL framework for understanding the social outcomes URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT 15

A program logic for understanding the social outcomes of WoC has been developed using an outcomes hierarchy model. The development of the program logic was informed by the WoC logic model as part of the Caring for our Country Monitoring Evaluation Reporting and Improvement (MERI) framework, focusing on the social outcomes only (not the intended environmental outcomes).

FIGURE 6 – PROGRAM LOGIC FOR THE SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WOC

CLOSING THE GAP . CTG Target: Halve the gap in employment outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians within a decade

. CTG strategic areas for action: economic participation, safe and supportive communities, governance and leadership

WoC Ultimate Outcome

Indigenous people are managing the natural and cultural values of their traditional estates.

. Long term outcomes . Indigenous people and communities achieve their aspirations in caring for country

. Improved social, economic, health, political and cultural outcomes for Indigenous communities

. Increased economic sustainability of Indigenous land and sea management practices

. Increased awareness and appreciation by the Australian community of Indigenous peoples role and contribution in caring for country

Intermediate outcomes . Increased future employment opportunities and career pathways for Indigenous people

. Improved levels of skills, knowledge and qualifications of Indigenous people

. Increased opportunities for younger community members to be exposed to a wider range of employment opportunities, have their horizons broadened and career aspirations raised

. Improved engagement of Indigenous communities with traditional knowledge, culture and land management practices

. Improved physical and emotional health and well-being of Indigenous community members from engagement in productive, physical work that aligns with Indigenous aspirations and values

. The development of leadership qualities amongst project participants and the emergence of community leaders

. Improved cohesion and strengthened relationships (e.g. between elders and younger community members) in Indigenous communities

. Immediate outcomes . Increased paid employment opportunities for Indigenous rangers in land and sea management

. Increased nationally accredited and informal training opportunities for Indigenous people in land and sea management

. Increased levels of engagement and participation rates of Indigenous communities in activities to manage natural resources

URBIS 16 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING THE SOCIAL OUTCOMES SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

. Increased opportunities for elders and others within the communities with experience in caring for country to actively transfer cultural and traditional knowledge

. Increased opportunities for community involvement by elders, traditional owners, women and young people in land and sea management activities facilitated by ranger groups

. Inputs/activities . Indigenous rangers are employed in full-time, part-time or casual positions and paid salaries to undertake conservation work in places that have demonstrated important natural and cultural values

. Formal nationally accredited and informal training is delivered

. Funding is provided for operational costs such as materials, equipment and vehicles

. Community environment management plans that articulate the community vision, values and goals for country ensure the management of land and sea under WoC addresses these

. Project design and delivery involves traditional owners and respects Indigenous decision-making, governance regimes and land management accountabilities

. Planning and delivery involves partnership building and stakeholder consultation

. Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms are developed to document progress made against key social and economic outcomes

. Needs . Meaningful stakeholder engagement, relationship building and the establishment of partnerships to support and enhance program outcomes

. An understanding of Indigenous aspirations, values and issues in caring for country to ensure that the employment opportunities offered resonate and align with these

. A whole of Government approach to Indigenous issues and understanding the link between WoC and the CTG agenda and other key government policy and programs

. Access to land and sea country

. Alignment of Indigenous aspirations in caring for country and the Australian Government’s responsibilities in meeting its environmental outcomes

. Recognition of ranger positions as ‘real jobs’ that deliver key services and are appropriately remunerated, and distinct from simply an alternative mechanism for delivering welfare to communities though wage subsidisation

CONCEPTUAL framework for understanding the social outcomes URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT 17

5 Case study projects

This section of the report provides a brief description of each of the 18 case study projects.

The descriptions detail project aims and objectives, employment and training information, the nature of the work and the activities undertaken, project governance, leadership and funding, and information relating to the social context. A number of the case study projects have co-funding arrangements with IPA and Caring for our Country.

The project descriptions provide a useful context for understanding the social outcomes of case study projects, detailed in Section 6 below.

URBIS 18 CASE STUDY PROJECTS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

KALAN RANGER AND LAMA LAMA RANGER PROJECTS, COEN, QLD – SITE VISIT

KALAN AND LAMA LAMA RANGER CONSULTATIONS KALAN AND LAMA LAMA RANGER CONSULTATIONS PHOTO: ANIA WILCZYNSKI 2011. PHOTO: ANIA WILCZYNSKI 2011.

Both the Kalan Rangers, based in Coen in Queensland, and the Lama Lama Rangers, based in Port Stewart, are managed by Balkanu Cape York Development Corporation in Cairns, acting on behalf of the traditional owners (the Kalan Aboriginal Corporation and Toolka Land Trust, and the Lama Lama Land Trust respectively). The Lama Lama project employs six rangers - four female and two male rangers. The Kalan Rangers project employs six rangers and a trainee - two female and five male rangers. Both projects have only been in operation since early 2010. Prior to receiving WoC funding, there was a long history of variable and piecemeal investment in ranger-type activities, including utilising some Community Development Employment Projects Program (CDEP) positions. Both projects are based in the Cape York Peninsula. The Lama Lama National Park covers 35,560 hectares and is located east of the Great Dividing Range. It contains highly significant wetlands, coastal and river bank vegetation, and extensive woodlands. The Kalan Ranger project operates in the Mt Croll Nature Reserve and surrounding Aboriginal freehold land. It covers around 17,990 hectares of pristine ecosystems of which 5,132 hectares are designated as a Nature Refuge under the Queensland Nature Conservation Act (1992). The Lama Lama Rangers focus on assessing, documenting and managing the natural and cultural values of their country. The Lama Lama are the only traditional owner group in Cape York to have all of their traditional country handed back (under various tenure arrangements). In the case of the Kalan Rangers, the Conservation Agreement between the Toolka Land Trust and the Queensland Government to establish the Mt Croll Nature Refuge provides the framework for the rangers’ land management plan. Although the two projects cover distinct geographical areas, similar activities are conducted. These include: weed control, feral animal management, soil erosion, visitor management, cultural heritage work, fire management, biodiversity and carbon assessment (including the Lama Lama Ranger project jointly managing the national park with the Department of Environment and Resource Management - DERM). The two projects are funded through WoC, and each also has $150,000 annually in funding for an Indigenous Management Agreement with the Queensland Parks and Wildlife Service for joint management of the areas (which involves sharing work plans etc). Currently there is little fee for service work conducted, but the projects are investigating some such work for DERM and local station owners (e.g. in relation to fencing, fire management). All the Kalan Rangers have recently completed their Certificate III in Conservation and Land Management, and there are plans for some of the Lama Lama rangers to do the same. A range of other skills-based training has been conducted including chainsaw, CyberTracker (a monitoring tool), use of computers, and financial management training (with Westpac).

URBIS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT CASE study projects 19

DHIMURRU WORKING ON COUNTRY, NHULUNBUY, NT – SITE VISIT

DHIMURRU RANGERS TRAINING IN GPS AND GIS AT CROCODILE MANAGEMENT YIRRKALA PHOTO: JANE DERMER 2010. PHOTO: JANE DERMER 2010.

Dhimurru Working on Country, managed by Dhimurru Aboriginal Corporation, is based in Nhulunbuy in the Northern Territory (NT). Dhimurru is an incorporated Aboriginal organisation established by Yolngu landowners in Northeast Arnhem Land to look after the land on their behalf. Dhimurru is governed by a Board of 10 Directors elected by the members, and drawn from the 17 clans which have an interest in the region. The Dhimurru Indigenous Protected Area declared in 2000 covers approximately 101,000 hectares, of which the Yolngu are the traditional owners. Dhimurru aims to assist its traditional Aboriginal owners to protect and utilise their land and waters for their collective benefit and for the benefit of their descendants, and to assist them to develop and implement sustainable land and sea use and management schemes that promote and achieve the training and employment of traditional owners in NRM work. A key social and natural resource management issue identified in Nhulunbuy is management of the impact of the (predominantly non-Aboriginal) workers associated with the bauxite mine in Nhulunbuy (NT’s largest industrial project). The Ranger Project has been in operation since 1992 (on a much smaller scale, with some CDEP placements), and received WoC funding since 2007. The project also receives funding from IPA and Caring for our Country programs. A total of 17 rangers, 13 male and four female, are currently employed. The rangers undertake a variety of activities including weed control, feral animal management, cultural activities, reviewing and contributing to development proposals (e.g. relating to the salmon fishery and the Cane Toad Abatement Plan generated under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 (C’th)), and visitor impact management in relation to the bauxite mine and the associated service industry. Formal partnerships (not attached to funding) are established with the CSIRO (a service agreement for yellow crazy ant management), and the Batchelor Institute (to conduct ranger training). There are fee for service partnerships with the Australian Quarantine Inspection Service (AQIS) to monitor foreign debris and plants and animals and Ghost Nets Australia to manage the impact of ghost nets. Dhimurru also works with the North Australian Indigenous Land and Sea Alliance on the use of CyberTracker for data collection. Training undertaken by the rangers includes Conservation and Land Management Certificate III and Communication in Written and Spoken English – Introductory and Certificate I and II (both delivered locally through the Batchelor Institute). They have also participated in a Business Studies course (delivered remotely through the Batchelor Institute), and chainsaw use, 4WD operation, small engine maintenance, fire suppression and coxswain’s (boat operation) training. This has been delivered through a combination of distance and on-site training. The rangers also regularly attend conferences and networking events as part of the ranger training program.

URBIS 20 CASE STUDY PROJECTS SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF WORKING ON COUNTRY – FINAL REPORT

KIMBERLEY RANGERS: WORKING ON COUNTRY - BARDI JAWI RANGERS, WA – TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

BARDI JAWI RANGERS MONITORING DUGONG BARDI JAWI RANGERS MONITORING DUGONG PHOTOS: RICHARD MEISTER 2008. PHOTOS: RICHARD MEISTER 2008.

The Kimberley Land Council (KLC) is the peak Indigenous regional community organisation and native title representative body for traditional owners in the Kimberley region of WA. The KLC established their Land and Sea Management Unit (LSMU) in 1998 to assist traditional owners in looking after and managing their traditional land and sea country. The most prominent program managed by the LSMU is the Kimberley Ranger Program which provides employment and training for Indigenous people to manage and protect their country. The rangers undertake a variety of land and sea management projects including cultural heritage site management, recording of traditional knowledge, fire management, removal of ghost nets and marine debris, control of weeds and feral animals, visitor management, protection of threatened species and their habitats and planning for country. A key social and natural resource management issue identified in the Kimberley is managing the impacts of increasing tourism in the region. Through WoC, eight ranger projects support traditional owners to manage 243,800 square kilometres of land and more than 1,800 kilometres of coastline. Groups include the Bardi Jawi, Wunggurr, Uunguu, Paruku, Nyikina Mangala, Karajarri, Ngurrara and Nyul Nyul Rangers. Ranger work plans are developed under the direction of traditional owners and incorporate traditional knowledge and western technologies to care for country. More than 60 Aboriginal male and female rangers are currently employed, and an additional 180 elders and casual rangers were engaged in part time work during 2010/11. This indicates that the ranger program was potentially one of the largest employers of Aboriginal people in the Kimberley. In addition, the KLC supports six developing ranger groups from across the Kimberley region including the Bardi Jawi Oorany, Kija, Balanggarra, Dambimangari, Gooniyandi and Jilajin Rangers. The Bardi Jawi Rangers are representatives of the Bardi (land) and Jawi (island) saltwater people. Their ranger program was established in 2006 and has been supported by WoC since 2008. Six Bardi Jawi rangers are employed to undertake a range of resource management activities including: weed management, land rehabilitation, fire management, monitoring and managing turtle and dugong numbers and habitats, monitoring sea grass meadows, monitoring river water quality; controlling feral animals; monitoring threatened species; managing remnant vine thickets; recording visitor data; protecting important cultural sites and recording traditional knowledge. The rangers have undertaken Conservation and Land Management certificates as well as various other accredited and non-accredited training programs including coxswains certification, chainsaw use, chemical use, numeracy, literacy and computer skills.

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WORKING ON COUNTRY TO MANAGE THE DJELK INDIGENOUS PROTECTED AREA, MANINGRIDA, NT – SITE VISIT

The Djelk Ranger Program is based in Maningrida in the NT. Maningrida is a community comprising 12 traditional language groups. The project is managed by Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation (BAC), an Aboriginal community organisation whose objectives include: the promotion of sustainable use of traditional lands in Maningrida and the 32 outstations it serves, to provide or assist in the provision of employment, and to foster business opportunities and promote economic independence. BAC is managed by a Board made up of Aboriginal elders from the area. The Djelk rangers manage and monitor the Djelk IPA (declared in 2009) in central northern Arnhem Land. The Djelk IPA covers 6,732 square kilometres of land managed by a team of 28 male and six female rangers. The rangers are also responsible for surveillance of sea country and islands up to three nautical miles off the coast. The ranger program has operated since the early 1990s with CDEP placements, and since 2007 with WoC funding. The Djelk rangers work with partner organisations on a number of projects including controlling invasive species, maintaining historical fire regimes, monitoring marine resources and preventing pests entering Australia. Partner organisations include a neighbouring WoC ranger group, Warddeken Rangers, to jointly manage areas with the NT Department of Natural Resources, Environment, the Arts and Sport which funds a scientist to support the work of the Djelk and Warddeken rangers by providing training and direction on biodiversity issues. The rangers also conduct a variety of fee-for-service work with partners such as: the Department of Resources – Fisheries to carry out fishery patrols related to fishery compliance; DAFF Biosecurity to undertake quarantine activities; and the Australian Customs and Border Protection Service to carry out coastal patrols, including surveillance of foreign fishing vessels. This fee-for-service work has enabled the program to expand and attract funding for capital items such as boats which support the work of the rangers. Land and sea management activities undertaken by the Djelk rangers include weed management, feral animal management, seed collection, sacred site and cultural heritage management, sustainable wildlife-based enterprise development, fisheries compliance and monitoring, customs surveillance, monitoring and removal of marine debris, and sea rescues. The women rangers work on significant environmental and cultural conservation projects including seed collection and propagation of native plants for the BAC nursery, harvest of bush food for old people which is distributed through the BAC Aged Care Program, and leading participation in junior ranger camps and training. The majority of rangers are undertaking their Certificate II in Conservation and Land Management through Charles Darwin University. Other training completed has included firearms licence, aerial platform shooting, Certificate II in Fisheries Compliance, sacred site compliance (conducted by the Aboriginal Areas Protection Authority) and coxswain’s licence (boat operation) training.

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THAMARRURR RANGERS LAND AND SEA MANAGEMENT PROJECT, WADEYE, NT – SITE VISIT

THAMARRURR RANGERS SITE VISIT THAMARRURR RANGERS SITE VISIT PHOTO: ANIA WILCZYNSKI 2011. PHOTO: ANIA WILCZYNSKI 2011.

The Thamarrurr Rangers program, hosted by Thamarrurr Development Corporation, is based in Wadeye (the largest Indigenous community in the NT). The Thamarrurr region incorporates 18,000 square kilometres of relatively intact landscapes, including 240 kilometres of coastline. Thamarrurr Development Corporation is a community-based organisation owned by the 20 clan groups of the Thamarrurr region. The governing board of the Corporation is made up of 12 Board Directors representing the three ceremony groups and the 20 clan groups. There are a range of socio-economic issues in Wadeye which are shared by many remote Indigenous communities: overcrowded and limited housing, poor health, low education levels, social dysfunction, limited employment opportunities, high cost of food and limited essential services. There has also historically been conflict between different clan groups in the region. These issues create a challenging environment for the operation of the ranger group. The ranger program has been in operation since 2001, initially as a CDEP project before securing WoC funding in 2008. It currently employs 20 rangers full-time – 10 male and 10 female. The Thamarrurr Rangers Strategic and Operational Business Plan (March 2011) states that the expected benefits of the ranger program include: greater ownership and control of economic development opportunities by local people in the region; employment opportunities for Indigenous people on country; income generation; the sustainable use of natural resources; the opportunity to use Indigenous ecological and cultural knowledge in a contemporary, practical application, resulting in maintenance and transference to the younger generation; a stronger relationship with traditional owners in the region; a range of skills and products that the community can be proud of; and fostering greater entrepreneurship in the region. The rangers undertake a variety of land and sea management activities, including fire management, feral animal management, weed management, cultural site protection and documentation, coastal patrols, removal of ghost nets, flora and fauna surveys, water testing, revegetation and a school ranger program. The Ranger project is funded through the WoC program, NT Fisheries, the Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations (through the Indigenous Employment Program) and undertakes fee-for-service work for the ENI gas plant and Northern Australian Quarantine Strategy (under AQIS). The rangers have undertaken a range of training courses including handling of firearms, 4WD, operation and maintenance of small machinery, handling of trailers, and remote area first aid.

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MID NORTH COAST ABORIGINAL RANGERS, TAREE, NSW – TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

The Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, managed by Taree Indigenous Development and Employment Ltd (TIDE), is a WoC supported project based in New South Wales (NSW). The Mid North Coast accounts for over 10 per cent of the Aboriginal population of NSW. High unemployment and low levels of education and skills development were reported as key issues for Aboriginal people in the Mid North Coast. TIDE currently supports the employment of eight Aboriginal people (including one female) across three ranger teams. This comprises: four full-time rangers in Taree, two full-time rangers at Karuah, and two part-time rangers at Gloucester. TIDE is in the process of recruiting another ranger for the Karuah team. Seven of TIDE’s ranger positions are funded through WoC while the other positions are non-WoC funded. TIDE, a community based non-profit organisation, provides employment and training services. The members of TIDE, the majority of who are required to be Aboriginal, elect the company’s directors. TIDE also has an Aboriginal Employment Strategy that requires at least 40 per cent of staff to be Aboriginal. The rangers undertake a range of natural and cultural resource management activities including: weed control, bush regeneration, parks and gardens maintenance, endangered species management, feral animal control, Aboriginal cultural heritage monitoring and assessments, and aquatic ecosystems improvement. The rangers undertake work on public and privately owned land, including work for: National Parks and Wildlife Service, Land and Property Management Authority, Hunter Central Rivers Catchment Management Authority, local councils, Mid North Coast Weeds Advisory Committee, Landcare, Coastcare, private landholders, conservation organisations, Aboriginal land councils, schools, and golf courses. The four Taree rangers have completed their Certificate IV in Conservation and Land Management, while the others have commenced their Certificate III. The ranger supervisor has commenced a Diploma in Conservation and Land Management. Other training undertaken by the rangers includes: chemical applications, chainsaw use, first aid, all-terrain vehicles, weed identification, supervisor training and occupational health and safety. The Taree and Karuah ranger teams were established in 2005 under the CDEP. With the closure of the CDEP in June 2009 TIDE secured WoC funding to support the ranger teams. The Gloucester team has been operating since February 2010. The operations of the ranger teams are overseen by a steering committee that meets quarterly. The steering committee comprises representatives from: TIDE, Karuah Local Aboriginal Land Council, Foster Local Aboriginal Land Council, National Parks and Wildlife Service, Great Lakes Council, Taree Council, Gloucester Shire Council and the Mid North Coast Weeds Advisory Committee. A Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between TIDE, Forster Local Aboriginal Land Council, and Karuah Local Aboriginal Land Council addresses cross-boundary issues of importance to the local Aboriginal communities by governing the way work is allocated to the teams. The MOU ensure the rangers only work on each other’s country with the consent of the relevant Aboriginal land council.

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MAPOON LAND AND SEA CENTRE, QLD – TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

MAPOON COUNTRY (GHOSTNETS) PHOTO: CRAIG WHEELER 2010.

Mapoon Land and Sea Centre, managed by Mapoon Aboriginal Shire Council, is based in Mapoon on North Queensland’s Cape York Peninsula. The Mapoon community is situated on the traditional lands of the Tjungundji people. Mapoon was originally established as a church mission community. In 1989, a Deed of Grant of Land in Trust (DOGIT) covering 1,839 square kilometres was handed back to the Mapoon people by the Queensland Government. Mapoon Land and Sea Centre employs a total of eight rangers. Six of these rangers and a coordinator are employed through WoC and two rangers are employed through the Wild Rivers Ranger Program (Queensland Department of Environment and Resource Management). The Mapoon Land and Sea Rangers manage the Mapoon DOGIT lands. The area contains the catchments of the Skardon River, Ducie River, Wenlock River, Dulhunty River and Janie Creek as well as numerous smaller tributaries. Limited local employment and career opportunities and limited access to training and education opportunities due to geographic remoteness were identified as key issues for Aboriginal people in Mapoon. The rangers undertake a range of land and sea environmental works including turtle research and tracking, revegetation, cultural site management, weed and feral animal control, the protection and conservation of wetlands, controlling visitor access, re-introduction of traditional fire management, crocodile surveys and water quality monitoring. Mapoon Aboriginal Shire Council acts in partnership with the traditional owners. The Land and Sea Committee comprising two elders from each of the council representatives and trustees meet monthly, to oversee the operations of the ranger program. The Mapoon Land and Sea Centre works in partnership with a range of organisations, including the Queensland and Australian governments, Australia Zoo, AQIS, Birds Australia, Australian Customs, Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority, Ghost Nets Australia and the University of Queensland.

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IMPROVING LANDSCAPE SCALE CONSERVATION OF THREATENED GRASSY WOODLAND ECOSYSTEMS IN THE GREATER MURRAY GOULBURN CATCHMENT PROJECT, VIC –TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

WEAVING TREE PLANTING PHOTO: THE BORDER MAIL. PHOTO: THE BORDER MAIL.

The Threatened Grassy Woodland Ecosystems in the Greater Murray Goulburn Catchment Project was delivered by the North East Catchment Management Authority (CMA), Victoria, in partnership with Goulburn Broken CMA, Murray CMA, Victorian Department of Sustainability and Environment, Victorian Department of Prime Industries, Trust for Nature, Australian National University, and Nature Conservation Trust. Funding for the Threatened Grassy Woodlands Project was provided by Caring for our Country for a two year period. The funding completion date was June 2011. The Project, which spanned the three catchment areas of North East (Victoria), Goulburn Broken (Victoria) and Murray (NSW), aimed to improve the conservation management of three nationally threatened grassy woodland ecological communities: the White Box-Yellow Box- Blakely’s Red Gum grassy woodland and Derived Native Grassland, Buloke Woodlands of the Riverina and Murray-Darling Depression bioregions, and Weeping Myall Woodlands. The Project addressed six Caring for our Country targets: 1) increasing native habitat, 2) reducing the impact of weeds, 3) increasing landscape scale conservation, 4) improving knowledge and skills of land managers, 5) engaging Indigenous communities, and 6) increasing community knowledge and skills. To achieve these targets, the Threatened Grassy Woodlands Project focused on two Indigenous engagement targets: develop an Indigenous partnership by establishing and supporting an Indigenous Landcare group, and deliver six Indigenous community engagement activities within priority woodland areas. The project led to the formation of an Aboriginal men’s Landcare group named ‘Bidja Bila’ (Men of the River) and an Aboriginal women’s Landcare group. Community engagement activities included: tree planting, traditional fire workshop, stone tool making workshop, three weaving workshops, NAIDOC films and artefacts exhibition, the making of a Women on Country film, field days, a strategic workshop for the Landcare groups, and cultural knowledge exchange. Indigenous elders and community members were engaged to deliver the activities and facilitate the workshops. In some cases they were financially compensated for their time and travel/accommodation costs. An Indigenous Landcare Involvement Officer and an Indigenous Liaison Officer, employed full-time through the North East CMA, facilitated Aboriginal engagement in the Project. An existing local Aboriginal advisory group of elders and traditional owners was involved in the initial planning of the Project, the design of activities and provided advice on how to engage the local Indigenous community. A Steering Committee, which met on a monthly basis, was established to oversee the strategic and operational aspects of the project.

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WOC/IPA PROJECTS IN THE TORRES STRAIT, QLD –TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

IAMALGAL RANGERS MONITORING WALKING TRACKS MALU KIAI RANGERS MONITORING SWAMPS PHOTO: REBECCA CLEAR 2010. PHOTO: ALEX WELLS 2010.

The WoC and IPA projects in the Torres Strait aim to support community-based management of land and sea environments in a culturally appropriate way. The Torres Strait, the waterway separating Australia's Cape York Peninsula and the island of New Guinea, comprises 19 culturally distinct communities spread over 15 inhabited islands. The Torres Strait is characterised by its predominantly marine environment and geographic remoteness. Travel to the Torres Strait Islands is generally by light air craft and boat. Torres Strait Islanders have their Native Title land rights recognised and there are Registered Native Title Body Corporates in place for all inhabited and most uninhabited Torres Strait Island communities. A Native Title sea rights claim for the region is currently pending. There are limited economic development opportunities in the Torres Strait. Fishing is the primary industry, and with the exception of government agency positions based on Thursday Island and emerging tourism and art industries there is a lack of land-based economic opportunities. Welfare dependency was identified as a key social issue for the Torres Strait. Some Torres Strait Island communities have reportedly experienced social and cultural decline, and disempowerment as a result of welfare dependency. The economic and social conditions in the Torres Strait have also reportedly been affected by the recent CDEP reforms. The WoC and IPA projects in the Torres Strait are managed by the Torres Strait Regional Authority (TSRA), an Australian Government Statutory Authority that operates under the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) Act 2005. TSRA’s role includes local governance, policy coordination, and program delivery. TSRA established a Land and Sea Management Unit in 2006 to support regional and community-based environmental initiatives. The Unit comprises approximately 20 regional staff and employs 22 full-time outer island-based rangers through WoC. In addition to the WoC rangers, the Torres Strait has dugong and turtle officers employed by the Torres Strait Island Regional Council (TSIRC) funded by Caring for our Country. Currently no women are employed as rangers through the program, although TSRA are looking to address this. Seven Torres Strait Island communities have established ranger groups, these include: Mabuiag, Badu, Boigu, Erub, Mer, Moa, and Iama. TSRA has secured WoC funding for the expansion of the program to all remaining inhabited island communities, pending community support for participation in the program. There are two declared IPAs and an IPA consultation project in the Torres Strait. The work undertaken by the rangers includes: pest and weed management and feral animal control; marine debris management, removal of coast nets and coastal clean-up activities; monitoring of sea grasses and inter tidal habitats; monitoring and sustainable management of dugongs and turtles; education and awareness raising activities regarding environmental issues and protection of cultural heritage sites; and recording and management of traditional ecological knowledge.

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WOC/IPA PROJECTS IN THE TORRES STRAIT, QLD –TELEPHONE INTERVIEW TSRA works closely with the Torres Strait Islander Regional Council and Registered Native Title Body Corporates in delivering WoC, formalised through a MOU. Council provides support to the program, for example, it leases office and storage space (for vehicles) to TSRA. Registered Native Title Body Corporates participate in the recruitment and selection of rangers, determine cultural and environmental priorities for ranger activities, provide approvals to access Native Title land and culturally sensitive sites, and input into the development of the WoC work plans.

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RIVERLAND RANGERS PROJECT, SA – SITE VISIT

RIVERLAND RANGERS BEING INTERVIEWED AT CALPERUM THE RIVERLAND RANGER NURSERY STATION PHOTO: STU JORDAN 2011. PHOTO: STU JORDAN 2011.

The Riverland Rangers Program, managed by the South Australian Murray-Darling Basin Natural Resource Management Board, involves protecting significant cultural and environmental sites on the Murray River in South Australia (SA). The Mallee scrubland of Australia is one of the most endangered vegetation types in the world. The program grew out of earlier CDEP and Aboriginal Learning on Country (ALOC) programs and was proposed by staff of Regional Development South Australia. It currently supports the employment of six Aboriginal people, including two females. It works closely with a range of local organisations including Mission Australia, the South Australian Department of Natural Resource Management and the local Catchment Management Board via a memorandum of understanding. A key aim of the program is to work with the strengths of Aboriginal people, drawing upon their strong connection to the land to create a knowledgeable, skilful, qualified and employed Aboriginal community able to confidently manage their local environment. Building capacity and leadership within the Aboriginal community, protecting biodiversity and natural icons, landscape restoration and establishing a small-scale nursery are some of the key objectives of the ranger program. The rangers undertake accredited training in conservation and land management, equipment operation and occupational health and safety. The rangers are trained in database management for their wetland management monitoring activities and learn to use data loggers and GPS technology. Most rangers have completed accredited training at Certificate II - IV level. The Riverland Rangers work closely with natural resource management organisations on local priority projects. These include weed control, fauna surveys (often in conjunction with university-based researchers), and restoring and protecting nesting and foraging sites for the nationally vulnerable Regent Parrot. They implement fire management plans and undertake monitoring of groundwater and surface water quality of the wetlands. They also collect seed from local native remnant vegetation and maintain a seed bank in their extensive nursery. The Riverland Ranger team works on properties along the Murray Darling Basin in SA, such as Calperum Station and Kurlana and on significant Mallee and Murray River wetlands in the local region. These properties contain significant environmental and heritage sites. Calperum Station is home to a Ramsar listed wetland and along with nearby Taylorville Station, is part the National Reserve System, Australia's network of protected areas. Both properties are managed by the Australian Landscape Trust which hosts the Riverland Ranger’s headquarters on Calperum Station. The project plays an important role in conserving and raising awareness about Aboriginal cultural heritage by protecting heritage sites including middens, burial sites and scar-trees, along with culturally significant species such as bush tucker and medicinal plants. Local elders and community members participate by sharing knowledge and taking part in tag-along tours while a women’s group undertake traditional foods and craft activities.

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IMPLEMENTION OF IMMEDIATE AND HIGH PRIORITY ACTIONS FROM THE LAYNHAPUY INDIGENOUS PROTECTED AREA MANAGEMENT PLAN, NT – TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

The WoC and IPA projects in Yirrkala, Arnhem Land, are delivered by the Laynhapuy Homelands Aboriginal Corporation, established by the Yolngu in 1985. The Laynhapuy Homeland forms a major part of the eastern peninsula. It is home to the Yolngu people, one of the largest Indigenous groups in Australia, who are recognised as maintaining strong Indigenous traditions and culture. The Laynhapuy homelands are on Aboriginal-held land established under the Commonwealth’s Aboriginal Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) 1976. Declared in 2006, the Laynhapuy IPA protects internationally significant wetlands and coastal landforms, and its sea country is home to endangered turtles and dugong. The work on Laynhapuy IPA is guided by senior traditional owners and aims to support them in the achievement of self-sufficiency in the management and determination of their future. The infrastructure and economic development activities of the Laynhapuy Homelands Aboriginal Corporation pre-dates the WoC initiative and, in 2003, as part of the IPA program, the Yirralka Ranger Program was established in response to traditional owners desire to manage their country and deal with threats to cultural and environmental values. WoC support for the program commenced in 2008. Another rangers’ station office was established at Gangan in 2008 and a third Ranger Station was established at Dhalinbuy in 2009. The Yirralka Ranger Program currently employs 50 rangers on staff at various locations in the homeland network. Of these, 32 rangers (29 men and three women) are employed under WoC. Some of the key social issues identified in the local area include limited employment opportunities and general health issues such as overcrowded living conditions, poor hygiene and nutrition, and poor emotional wellbeing from lack of direction and loss of cultural connectedness. The work undertaken by the rangers includes: managing visitor activities; controlling weeds, pigs and buffalo; managing fire through traditional burning techniques; addressing the delicate needs of the coastline and the sea country, including removing marine debris such as ghost nets and monitoring turtle habitats and protection of cultural heritage sties; and recording and management of traditional ecological knowledge. The Australian Government supports the work of Laynhapuy IPA through the IPA and WoC elements of the Caring for our Country initiative. The established programs and initiatives of the Laynhapuy Homelands Aboriginal Corporation are further supported by the WoC initiative through the development of an IPA manager role with responsibility for program oversight; establishing relationships with funders; promoting program; managing works program; consulting with the ranger groups; and leadership promotion. These functions support the goal of achieving self-sufficiency articulated by the traditional owners. Crucially the traditional owners retain the authority to authorise, amend or review initiatives that are intended to improve community life in north east Arnhem land and have significant input into the development of the WoC work plans.

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RAUKKAN NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PROJECT, SA – SITE VISIT

RAUKKAN RANGERS BEING INTERVIEWED INTERVIEW WITH RAUKKAN RANGER AND ELDER PHOTO: STU JORDAN 2011. PHOTO: STU JORDAN 2011.

The Raukkan Natural Resource Management project, an initiative of the Ngopamuldi Aboriginal Corporation, is situated at Raukkan on Lake Alexandrina near the Coorong and Murray Mouth. The settlement (formerly Point McLeay), a small Aboriginal community of approximately 150 people, is notable as the home of David Uniapon a famous early Aboriginal Australian inventor, writer and lecturer whose image is on the $50 note. There have been record low river flows to the Coorong, Lower Lakes and Murray Mouth region due to drought and over-allocation across the Murray-Darling Basin. This has resulted in a range of environmental and community issues affecting the region, in addition to ongoing long-term issues. River flows have recently increased, resulting in higher water levels and flow reaching the Coorong for the first time in over three years. However the issues affecting the region remain. The Ngopamuldi Aboriginal Corporation was established in 2004 to increase the capacity of Aboriginal people to participate in the management of natural resources throughout SA. A priority of the Corporation is to rehabilitate at least 4.5 square kilometres of land in the area, whilst protecting culturally sensitive sites. The land lies within a Ramsar Wetland of International Significance. The Raukkan Community Council manages the operation of the project. This WoC funding commenced in 2008 and the project employs around eight rangers (six male; two female) and involves partnerships with: local tourism; NRM contract work; cultural and heritage survey work; local/state/commonwealth government; NRM regional bodies; nursery operations and plant and animal conservation. This work is part of a larger effort aimed at bioremediation of the lower lakes region. Some of the key social issues identified in Raukkan include limited local employment opportunities, and issues with accessing further education and skills development. The sustainability of the community has reportedly been affected by the removal of CDEP and other key government services, and community members moving away to seek employment opportunities elsewhere. The local school closed temporarily because of inadequate enrolment numbers but has now reopened due to families returning to Raukkan. The rangers all receive accredited natural resource management training and most have now completed a Certificate IV qualification. The ranger’s work is providing long-term control of environmental weeds such as boxthorn and artichoke thistle; re-establishing off-shore reed beds to prevent erosion; re- snagging the wetlands and lake edge with trees for fish habitat; and reinstating historical water flow connections. They have also undertaken significant weed control work around the Teringie Wetland. To date about 10,000 seedlings have been planted out with a further 7,000 to come over the next two to three years. A longer term goal is to plant out 35,000 - 40,000 seedlings. The project has many links including being part of a nurseries network that is contracted to provide plants for local action planning groups. The project has worked with the local school to establish a native plant garden. Currently the project is working with scientists from Flinders University to monitor migratory birds as part of a National Parks and Wildlife survey and local community members and students often assist the rangers with plantings. The community owns a dairy farm five kilometres from the town where rangers work to stabilise sand drift areas through revegetation and gain valuable work experience in fencing and land management.

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NGARRINDJERI WORKING ON RUWE (COUNTRY), SA – SITE VISIT

LAKE ALBERT, WARRANGIE FARM RANGERS AT WARRANGIE FARM PHOTO: STU JORDAN 2011. PHOTO: STU JORDAN 2011.

The Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe (Country) is situated on the Coorong and Lower Lakes which lie on the south east coast of SA and is home to 18 Ngarrindjeri tribes who have been living along the Coorong since it was created. The Ngarrindjeri culture and traditions and the Coorong are inextricably linked. Across the landscape are middens and sacred sites including burial grounds. The Coorong is a beautiful yet fragile ecosystem which encompasses almost 47,000 hectares of great diversity and stunning scenery including a Ramsar Wetland of International Significance. The shallow lagoons and waterways are a sanctuary for a diversity of animals and fish and more than 200 bird species including the largest breeding colony of the Australian pelican. The Ngarrindjeri Land and Progress Association manages 20 square kilometres of land, including 30 kilometres of coastline along the Coorong and the Lower Lakes. The Ngarrindjeri have developed a sea country and culture plan, Yarluwar-Ruwe Plan, to guide work on some of the environmental challenges of the region. Work undertaken by the WoC Aboriginal rangers includes revegetation of land and feral animal management; and protection of endangered species and culturally significant plants and animals including burial grounds. The Ngarrindjeri rangers have identified and surveyed burial sites in association with the Ngopamuldi Aboriginal Corporation and Flinders University and have been trained in cultural survey work to help in the repatriation of more than 300 old people to burial sites around the Coorong. This is an undertaking of great significance for both the rangers and their community. The program employs around eight staff who undertake formal training in conservation and land management; financial services; leadership skills; fencing; chemicals management; and heavy equipment operation. Staff have provided input into the local community through dedicated skills transfer sessions and seminars; and tree planting sessions with local schools. Increased employment has increased knowledge and confidence of project participants improving community wellbeing generally. The project involves a wide range of community awareness raising activities. For example, the media team conducted four one-day workshops with Ngarrindjeri Caring For Country and Heritage Rangers.. During the production in Murray Bridge, Raukkan and Meningie members of the Ngarrindjeri Ruwe and the Raukkan Caring for Country organisations learned skills in film narrative, interview and editing techniques. The team made a 10 minute documentary about their caring for country practices, including re-vegetation of their traditional country and caring for burial and other cultural sites.

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MANAGING IDENTIFIED NATURAL AND CULTURAL RESOURCES ACROSS THE CENTRAL LAND COUNCIL REGION - ANMATYERR RANGERS (TI TREE), NT – SITE VISIT

ANMATYERR RANGERS’ WOMEN’S TRIP PHOTO: NIKKI COWCHER.

The Central Land Council (CLC) in the NT has been operating a Community Ranger Program since 2001. The CLC is a statutory body under the Aboriginal Land Rights (NT) Act 1976, and also has functions under the Native Title Act 1993 and the Pastoral Act 1992. The organisation works to represent and promote Aboriginal rights and supports traditional owners to build on-ground capacity to manage their country. The main aim of the ranger program is to identify and coordinate education, training and employment opportunities in cultural and natural resource management to support the employment of Indigenous community ranger groups across the region. The rangers’ work is mainly in the remote areas where few other employment opportunities exist. Aboriginal people make up 28% of the Northern Territory population with 24,000 Aboriginal people living in Central Australia. Aboriginal people own 49% of the land in the NT. The CLC Region covers 771,747 square kilometres of remote, rugged and often inaccessible areas in the southern half of the NT. There are 15 different language groups in Central Australia. The CLC is divided into nine regions based around these language groups. The initial programs were funded using a variety of funding arrangements and predominantly hosted within CDEP programs operated by regionally-based resource centres and community councils. With the demise of the CDEP in 2009, the CLC secured funding through WoC to expand the ranger network. The CLC now operates a network of ten ranger programs (three in pilot phase). The ranger program is primarily funded (over 50%) under WoC with additional funding coming from IPA, the Indigenous Land Corporation’s Real Jobs Program, and NT Parks and Wildlife Service contracts. WoC funds over 54 rangers in the CLC region. According to the latest available WoC Annual Report (2009/10) there were over 70 rangers employed across the established ranger programs on a permanent or casual basis. Of the 76 permanent rangers employed over this period, all but 11 were still employed at the end of the financial year, indicating a retention rate of 85%. An additional 45 rangers were engaged on a casual basis in the three pilot ranger programs. Around one in eight of the rangers employed in that year (13%) were women. The Anmatyerr Rangers are based at Ti Tree, a small town approximately half way between Tennant Creek and Alice Springs. There are six Anmatyerr rangers funded under WoC to undertake a range of activities including recording and caring of flora and fauna for future generations, recording and care of sacred sites, weed control, feral animal monitoring and management, surveys of threatened species, maintenance of infrastructure at tourist camp grounds, fire management, rubbish/litter control, community education and cultural heritage management.

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TYRENDARRA INDIGENOUS PROTECTED AREA, VIC – TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

Tyrendarra, which was declared an Indigenous Protected Area in 2003, is owned and managed by the Winda-Mara Aboriginal Corporation on behalf of the Gunditjmara nation. Tyrendarra means 'where rivers meet' and the property is bounded by the Fitzroy River and the Darlot's Creek, and is part of the Budj Bim National Heritage Landscape. The management of Tyrendarra IPA centres on reinstating the pre-1840s wetlands system, supporting the consequent regrowth of the manna gum woodland, managing introduced flora and fauna, and establishing an eel aquaculture industry as a sustainable business venture. The Tyrendarra IPA comprises many registered cultural sites such as fish traps, tool making sites and stone houses. Through WoC the Winda-Mara Aboriginal Corporation employs a team of Aboriginal rangers to protect the natural and cultural values and provide a range of environmental services across the Tyrendarra estate. Six rangers are currently employed (some on a full-time and some on a casual basis) through WoC. Aboriginal elders and mentors are also included in the ranger team. Community members are casually employed to carry out natural resource management tasks (e.g. tree and shrub planting) on the estate. Through a mix of WoC and IPA funding the rangers are supported in undertaking vegetation, threatened species monitoring, weed and feral animal mapping and control, protection of heritage and cultural sites, repairing and upgrading infrastructure on the property (e.g. bridge, visitors centre and carpark), and building visitor boardwalks, walking tracks and interpretative signage. The Tyrendarra IPA is easily accessible to the broader community, with wheelchair accessible facilities. Rangers are also involved in natural resource management work external to the work conducted on the Tyrendarra IPA. Rangers have undertaken first aid, chainsaw use, tractor, fencing, weed and pest control, legal compliance, GIS, and GPS training. The Tyrendarra IPA hosts a range of visitor groups on-site including school excursions, overseas visitors, traditional owners, local organisations and Indigenous and non-Indigenous community members. Cultural education tours are conducted by rangers, elders and traditional owners. An average of two to three schools visit the IPA each year including local schools from Portland, Hamilton and Hayward as well as schools from Melbourne and Adelaide. The police force, hospital staff, Council members and other local organisations have visited the IPA as part of their cultural awareness training. The local Catchment Management Authority is looking to hold an upcoming conference on the estate. The IPA and WoC activities are governed by a land management plan, which is supported by the Gunditjmara Elders and community. A management committee meets yearly and a sub-committee meets quarterly to discuss the management of the land. Committee representatives include Winda-Mara Board Members, the Traditional Owners Corporation, elders, rangers and the ranger coordinator.

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KIMBERLEY RANGERS: WORKING ON COUNTRY WUNGGURR RANGERS, WA– TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

The Wunggurr Rangers are based along the world-renowned Gibb River Road looking after the land of the Wanjina Wunggurr Wilinggin native title claim, which covers 60,150 square kilometres of land in the central northern Kimberley. The area comprises mixed tenure arrangements of Aboriginal and non- Aboriginal pastoral leases, vacant crown land and Aboriginal and public purpose reserves. The land is home to culturally significant sites including Wanjina and Gwion Gwion rock art sites, sandstone plateaus, watermills, rich biodiversity and pristine country. Established in 2007, the Wunggurr Rangers program is managed as part of the Kimberley Ranger Program. Currently five rangers and a ranger coordinator are employed, and numerous traditional owners are engaged as casual staff. The Wunggurr Ranger program is managed under the direction of the Wilinggin Traditional Owners and a Cultural Advisory Committee.

We are the Wanjina Wunggurr Wilinggin clan and our law and culture is strong. We are keeping it alive by working with both old and young people to look after our country for future generations.

( Wungurr Ranger Storybook Report 2010)

The rangers’ work involves: cultural resource and knowledge management, cultural sites protection; biodiversity surveys and monitoring; fire planning and operations; weed and feral animal management; protection of threatened species and their habitats; and managing the impacts of tourists. The rangers also deliver a range of school-based and youth mentoring activities and are involved in supporting the Wilinggin Aboriginal Corporation and the Wilinggin IPA Consultation Project. The Wunggurr Rangers program provides learning and skills development opportunities for the rangers including training in conservation and land management, aerial burning, literacy and numeracy, introduction to computers, recreational skippers ticket, turtle monitoring and driver training. The Wunggurr rangers have also attended conferences such as the Oxfam Indigenous Youth leadership Conference and the Cape York Ranger Conference.

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NORTHERN TERRITORY TOP END ABORIGINAL LAND AND SEA MANAGEMENT - GUMURR MARTHAKAL, NT– TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

GUMURR MATHAKAL RANGER LIRRWA IS HOLDING A LIRRWA AND MATHEW, GUMURR MARTHAKAL RANGERS NORTHERN QUOLL, CAUGHT ON MARCHINBAR ISLAND ARE LOADING COLLAPSIBLE MAMMAL TRAPS IN DURING SURVEYS LOOKING FOR THE GOLDEN PREPARATION FOR RESEARCH INTO THE GOLDEN BANDICOOT BANDICOOT PHOTO: PHIL WISE 2010. PHOTO: PHIL WISE 2010.

The Gumurr Marthakal rangers, managed by the Marthakal Homelands Resource Centre, are based at Galiwinku on Elcho Island. The Gumurr Marthakal rangers manage a large area of land and sea country at the north-east tip of Arnhem Land. Gumurr Marthakal’s coastline is a mixture of sandy beaches, mangroves and rocky outcrops/cliffs. The Gumurr Marthakal rangers were established in 2004 with WoC funding commencing in 2007. Other funding sources for the ranger program includes: NT Fisheries, AQIS, Ghost Nets Australia, the IPA program, fee-for-service work, and NT government NRM grants. The project currently employs 11 rangers who conduct various land and sea management activities including: feral animal control; weed eradication; fishery surveillance; and coastal patrols and marine debris management. The rangers do extensive work monitoring and removing ghost nets from their patrol area. The rangers' weed management work includes managing coffee bush and monitoring billabongs for the potential arrival of Mimosa. The rangers are involved in an annual monitoring program of the threatened Northern Quoll, after a successful relocation program to two islands to protect the quolls from the poisonous cane toad. In consultation with the broader community, the Gumurr Marthakal rangers are completing an IPA consultation process and are currently developing an Indigenous Protected Area plan of management. Traditional owners are closely involved in the Gumurr Marthakal project. Once a year the Traditional Owner’s Board meets to provide direction for the ranger work. Traditional owners are consulted with on a regular basis concerning the delivery of ranger activities and are also involved in the conduct of NRM work alongside the ranger team. Rangers have undertaken Certificates I and II 2 in Conservation and Land Management and training in fisheries compliance, occupational health and safety, quad bike tickets, poison application, firearm usage, animal trapping, plant identification, numeracy and literacy classes, firearms, forklift licence, and operation of large vessel and vehicle maintenance.

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PROTECTING COUNTRY, SUPPORTING LAND MANAGEMENT WORKERS FOR THE WARDDEKEN INDIGENOUS PROTECTED AREA, NT– TELEPHONE INTERVIEW

ROMEO LANE AT MANAMNAM ROCK ART SITE CLEARING A FIRE BREAK ON THE WEST ARNHEM PLATEAU PHOTO: DANIEL HANISCH PHOTO: PETER EVE

Indigenous landholders declared the Warddeken IPA as a protected area in September 2009. Warddeken IPA covers 1,394,951 hectares of stone and gorge country on the western Arnhem Land plateau. Adjoining Kakadu National Park, Warddeken is globally significant for its natural and cultural values. The area is home to many endemic plants, numerous threatened species and unique threatened ecological community – sandstone heathlands. A number of clans of the Bininj Kunwok language group are the area's traditional owners. The establishment of Warddeken Land Management was driven by traditional owners from western Arnhem Land, who led the movement to reinstate Indigenous fire management in these depopulated lands. They established an outstation in remote western Arnhem land as a base for the ranger operations. Warddeken Land Management Limited comprises a mix of full-time, part-time and casual employment.

Our vision is to have our healthy people living and working on our healthy country in the Arnhem Land Plateau. We want to work with partners to achieve mutually agreed objectives using Indigenous and western science-based knowledge systems. We want the management of our land to be in our hand now and into the future. (Warddeken Land Management Limited Annual Report 2010-11)

The rangers undertake various cultural and natural resource management activities in accordance with the Warddeken Indigenous Protected Area Plan of Management. Activities include fire management, feral animal (e.g. buffalo, black rats, cats and introduced bees) management and weed control, cultural management and maintenance of rock art sites. The rangers have undertaken training, both through accredited courses and on the job. Accredited training undertaken to date includes use of firearms, use of quad bikes, operation and maintenance of small machinery, weed identification, chemical safety, wildfire awareness and first aid. While on the job the rangers have gained skills in bookkeeping, administration, mechanics, and ecological survey techniques. Warddeken Land Management has a range of partnerships and collaborative projects. Their most notable partnership is the West Arnhem Land Fire Abatement project, in which five Indigenous ranger groups undertake fire management in western Arnhem Land, to offset greenhouse gas emissions from a gas plant in Darwin. The Warddeken rangers also work in collaboration with Kakadu National Park rangers in fire management, weed control and dealing with the problem of feral buffalo. The Warddeken rangers are also working with a mining exploration company in Mikginj Valley in relation to land management issues. Weather is a significant challenge for the Warddeken rangers. During the wet season road access to Wardekken IPA can be cut-off for months at a time, and monsoon rains can severely damage the roads. Isolation is another key challenge for people living and working on the Wardekken IPA. Access to essential services such as food shops, postal services, banking facilities and medical services is difficult, and due to weather and public transport constraints, access is often only possible by expensive charter flights. There is also limited infrastructure to support and accommodate the ranger teams with rangers living in safari tents and older outstations and limited access to power and many modern conveniences that people take for granted.

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6 The social outcomes

This section of the report describes the social outcomes of WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives as identified by stakeholders of the 18 case study projects.

Stakeholders unanimously agree WoC has achieved significant and far reaching social outcomes for individuals and communities. The social outcomes are wide and varied, and interconnected in interesting and nuanced ways. WoC appears to have a ripple effect in communities, like a pebble in a pool.

This section of the report thematically documents the economic, cultural, health and wellbeing, and educational outcomes identified in relation to individual rangers, their families and the broader community.

While this chapter focuses on reporting the social outcomes of WoC, it is important to note that several of the case study projects receive considerable investment from IPA, Caring for our Country and other related federal and state government funded NRM programs. The assessment of social outcomes achieved by these projects should be understood as a result of funding in this space as a whole, rather than attributed only to WoC.

6.1 SOCIAL OUTCOMES FOR INDIVIDUAL RANGERS

6.1.1 REAL JOBS WoC is viewed by stakeholders as a ‘real job’ that offers a decent salary and good working conditions and benefits (e.g. annual leave).

They can choose to go on a holiday. They have four to five weeks off in summer and still get paid. That would not have happened before.

(Anmatyerr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Rangers themselves see WoC as a proper job and career development opportunity. Many compared their experience of WoC with CDEP suggesting WoC provides considerably better remuneration, better conditions, more interesting work (on CDEP rangers were often doing basic tasks such as picking up rubbish) and training that is linked to employment.

[WoC] provides opportunities for people to work and better themselves. CDEP is glorified work for the dole; [WoC] is a destination rather than a stepping stone.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

It replaces a part-time CDEP project, it becomes more ongoing, it’s career development, not stopping and going. You get up and go to work every day, whereas on CDEP it’s only two days a week, and it’s boring.

(Lama Lama and Kalan Ranger Projects, organisational stakeholder)

CDEP is alright I suppose but it can’t touch the ranger program.

(Bardi Jawi Rangers, ranger)

Project managers suggest a key success factor of WoC is achieving the right balance between a holistic, flexible program that addresses the social and cultural needs of workers while demanding appropriate levels of worker responsibility and accountability. Importantly, project managers and coordinators say WoC allows them to balance enforcing worker accountability with flexible working conditions to facilitate the sustainable employment of rangers, many of whom have limited work histories and experience.

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Riverland Rangers 'We learned from CDEP that social problems needed to be tackled as part of the program. Participants had to be frank about whether it was right for them. We had about 60 CVs to choose from. So we had to have a water-tight structure where workplace culture, community culture and Aboriginal culture came together. We said, “you don’t get too many chances” - and generated positive mental attitude.' (Organisational stakeholder) Wunggurr Rangers 'Many rangers haven't had work before... It's hard for coordinators, you have to push a certain level of work ethic but it has to be balanced. Flexibility is really great. Some rangers are happy to work 12 hours straight but not five days a week 9am-5pm. Most rangers were on CDEP program previously, which is fairly slack'. (Organisational stakeholder) Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA 'WoC is a means of transitioning out of CDEP. We deliberately have a small number of rangers because work in a formal sense is very unfamiliar to rangers…The smaller team enables us to manage the quality of engagement with the process of work…The rangers are living

A holistic and flexible program and holistic flexible A in safari tents or older outstations, until 2010 there was no power supply and no fridge. People are doing it tough, which causes churning in the workforce. The young ones are thrilled to be out working on country to start with but the gloss comes off pretty quickly. You can’t just plop people into full-time jobs, give them four to six weeks in holidays and time-off over the weekend, it doesn’t work'. (Organisational stakeholder)

Many rangers indicate the salary earned through WoC is one of the key benefits of the program. Earning an income allows rangers to purchase material goods, improve their standard of living and increase their personal freedom and choices. The ability to maintain a decent standard of living also frees people up to engage more with their culture.

The freedom to put fuel in my car and go wherever I want to. Not being restricted anymore.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, ranger)

Previously people are just surviving – worrying about rent and housing. Employment gives people the opportunity to improve their lives. When dominant culture came in, it swallowed up culture really quickly. It suppressed cultural activity because people were worried about how to survive in a changing world. Employment can re-invigorate culture from a different perspective, because it gives people the freedom to do those things.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, organisational stakeholder)

6.1.2 SUSTAINABLE EMPLOYMENT WoC offers stable, full-time employment to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples under multi-year contracts. This stability of tenure was identified by stakeholders as a key success factor of the program. Stable employment provides the rangers with financial security and enough time to effectively build skills, knowledge and capacity.

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Secure employment [is a good outcome]. The three year contracts are very important. It allows you to maintain and train staff. Both the people and program benefit from that ownership.

(Tyrendarra IPA, organisational stakeholder)

Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe One Ngarrindjeri ranger recounted his sporadic working history. Having

grown up in Raukkan he left school at 16 years of age and worked for a local council for three months. He then travelled to Hong Kong to undertake maintenance work on a synagogue. Two years later he returned to community because his grandfather was sick. He was on CDEP from 2000 until it was removed from community, at which point he spent some time working on the Murray Mouth as part of the drought response. This ranger said a key attraction of WoC was the offering of a three year contract - ‘If it was a one year program I was not going to get involved, it has to be sustainable employment’.

Job stability Job stability A young Ngarrindjeri Land and Progress Association (NLPA) board member and previous ranger coordinator (who wrote the original WoC funding application) said WoC was his first job out of school 'I was working at NLPA picking up whatever work I could, WoC gave me meaningful employment and job security for three years, full-time. I was 18, I got a mortgage for my first house, for me it was life changing'.

The projects consulted with as part of this research have maintained a high retention rate of employees. Some project managers suggest they have been surprised by the stability of tenure. While some rangers have left the program, reasons cited include: to work elsewhere or because of family reasons. Project managers indicate that rangers do not generally leave the program due to job dissatisfaction.

The retention rate for Aboriginal job seekers is not high but WoC examples show that it’s possible to hold down a job. This infiltrates the community. Employers are seeing that Aboriginal people can have work skills and commitment.

(Riverland Rangers, external stakeholder)

6.1.3 MEANINGFUL EMPLOYMENT WoC offers meaningful employment that aligns with the rangers’ interests and abilities. The rangers indicated that instead of work simply being a means of surviving, work is now a vehicle through which they can pursue their interests, develop their skills and competencies, and contribute to the broader community.

WoC offers paid positions for the rangers who are providing a great public service caring for country and contributing to the good of the nation.

(Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA, organisational stakeholder)

Importantly, the employment opportunities offered by WoC are aligned with cultural and community needs, and provide an opportunity for the rangers to realise their aspirations in caring for country. Many rangers suggest they were primarily attracted to the job because of the cultural and spiritual offerings, and that the financial rewards were a secondary consideration. A number of rangers assert that WoC is the best job they have ever had, and project managers note that rangers wear their uniforms with pride.

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Can’t get a better job than this, it’s the best. Two or three of us applied for job interviews, got jobs, and then said ‘what is the pay like? ’It was an afterthought.

(Bardi Jawi Rangers, ranger)

I am here for the land and my people; it’s not about the money.

(Dhimurru Working on Country, ranger)

We are Ngarrindjeri people. The importance of protecting and working on country is incredibly important, I can’t state that enough.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

The biggest difference from when I was a park ranger is - I was mainly dealing with people but now I am working on country and seeing the benefits. It is a big privilege to be working here. I was born and bred here; it means a lot to put back into the community. That’s what makes us who we are…. I love working, I was working in Western society since I was eighteen years old and I forgot about my country. Being able to work here has made my life. Coming back to my grass roots, I am proud of what I have done.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger and elder)

6.1.4 INCREASED SKILLS AND KNOWLEDGE Rangers have completed varying Certificates in Conservation and Land Management (Certs I, II, III, and IV) and have also undertaken various NRM related training courses including: chemical applications, terrain vehicles, weed identification, chainsaw, first aid, occupational health and safety, supervisor training, GPS, data collection and recording, coxswain tickets, shooters licence, car, truck, trailer, boat and motorbike licenses.

Stakeholders indicate the training opportunities improve the ranger’s technical skills and knowledge, increase their capacity to conduct their work, broaden their minds, and build their general management skills.

Rangers have undertaken Certificates I and II in Conservation and Land Management, fisheries compliance, OH&S, coxswain, quad bikes, poisons, firearms, animal trapping, and plant identification training. They learn to do their job and they look at the world differently.

(Gumurr Marthakal, organisational stakeholder)

Stakeholders report rangers ‘have skilled themselves’. Rangers are enthusiastic about their studies and proactive in seeking out training opportunities. As an example, the majority of the Raukkan rangers have completed their Certificate IV in Conservation and Land Management. The Raukkan rangers have excelled at their studies, with most completing the twelve month course in four to six months. The rangers themselves indicate they value the training opportunities provided through WoC.

Before I used to look at trees and think of nothing, and now I know their scientific names.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

All the training is a benefit to us. It broadens our knowledge and technical skills. It teaches us how to go about our jobs in a safe and orderly manner.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, ranger)

The training model of WoC is seen as exemplary and a key to the program’s success. It is a holistic training model that caters for a wide-range of learning needs and levels. Training is delivered in a culturally appropriate way that offers practical, hands-on learning experiences.

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The training model used by the WoC program is excellent. It’s practical, on the job, with learning in groups. Connection with cultural interests is a huge success factor. There is good transfer both ways between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. The mentoring aspect is a huge part of its success.

(Riverland Rangers, external stakeholder)

The rangers are often trained on their own land or work sites. Training for the Lama Lama and Kalan Rangers, for example, is now being delivered locally in Coen rather than the rangers travelling to Cairns, with project management indicating this arrangement is more appropriate and effective. The Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe project has partnered with a local registered training organisation to provide input into how the training is developed and delivered to ensure it responds to the specific needs of the ranger group.

The training provided is linked with and matched to the ranger work; it is training in context rather than in isolation. The training is relevant and applicable, with the rangers able to apply the learnings immediately to the work they are undertaking.

The training opportunities have allowed some rangers to engage with tertiary education for the first time or to re-engage after a long absence. Rangers have re-developed skills relating to how to behave in a formal education setting such as concentration, time management, following instructions and so on. The program has also raised expectations about what level of training can be achieved.

[Because of the training success of the rangers] we are now pushing Certificate III and IV rather than Certificate II. We are encouraging another level of training.

(Riverland Rangers, external stakeholder)

WoC projects also offer non-NRM related training and learning opportunities including: numeracy and literacy courses, computer skills and financial literacy. These training opportunities address education and learning gaps (some rangers have limited formal education) and assist rangers not only to carry out their work duties but to better manage their lives.

Ti- Tree Rangers The Central Land Council provides workers with financial literacy training. This involves assisting rangers manage their tax , superannuation, timesheets and bank accounts. As a result, rangers

training training have increased capacity to manage loans and debt. '50% of them didn’t have bank accounts before. We take for granted what they have been able to achieve.' Some rangers are on salary sacrifice packages. However, there is no direct debit and the rangers have to take responsibility for managing this. 'Most rangers would have some other complicating factors such as Financial literacy Financial literacy court fines, now they can make separate payments right away. It’s a benefit that can’t be undersold - they can get on top of their fines. That’s the barrier point. If you’ve got a fine, you can’t get a license, or buy a phone, so you can’t get a job.'

Rangers also have informal learning opportunities, for example attending NRM conferences and visiting other ranger projects. These professional development and informal learning opportunities expose rangers to professional networks, and new and other ways of doing business. They also assist with building relationships and fostering knowledge sharing.

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6.1.5 CAREER DEVELOPMENT WoC is considered to be an effective career development opportunity. Within WoC ranger teams there is generally the opportunity to progress from trainee, to ranger, through to senior ranger and coordinator. Some stakeholders view the program as a useful stepping stone for future career opportunities. Through their involvement in WoC, rangers further develop their skills, knowledge and their marketability in the workforce. There are various transferrable skills learned through WoC including: communication, planning, filling out paperwork, teamwork, decision-making, public speaking, understanding governance structures and NRM skills.

It gives everyone the opportunity to grow, it is beautiful stepping stone.

(Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe, ranger)

The training provided develops skills and knowledge the rangers can use as a basis for transitioning into other employment.

Professionalism and opportunities that flow from that – a career path, experience and training. If they choose to leave the region they have a basis for moving forward.

(WoC/IPA projects in the Torres Strait, organisational stakeholder)

Rangers reportedly have increased confidence in seeking out other employment options and greater awareness of the employment process. A few examples were provided of rangers successfully transitioning into other jobs.

It’s made a difference to how they think about employment. We’ve been able to transition several rangers into other employment. They have resumes; they know what an interview is about. They turn up dressed neatly. One guy turned up in a tee shirt with “I love beer” on it, our guy followed him into the interview wearing a suit.

(Riverland Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

WoC has given several rangers ideas about future employment options. Some rangers indicate they have aspirations to start up their own businesses (e.g. gardening and landscaping businesses or tourism businesses), venture into private industry (e.g. work in the mines doing landscape restoration and rehabilitation and tree surveys), or progress in the WoC program (e.g. be a trainer or ranger supervisor).

[Working in the program] makes you feel confident in yourself in what you do. I’m planning to start up my own enterprise with my family... maybe looking at tourism, set up a car hire business – I might get involved in that.

(Kalan Ranger Project, female ranger)

Notwithstanding this, other rangers indicate they want to continue working as a ranger, and suggest there are limited employment options available locally. Some project stakeholders also indicate that the notion of WoC as a program to facilitate career pathways for rangers is not always viable, particularly if this involves rangers moving away from their traditional country to seek out work. This appears to be especially relevant for remote WoC projects on traditionally owned lands where the Indigenous people maintain a strong, continuing connection with culture and country.

6.1.6 INCREASED CONFIDENCE Improved confidence was a commonly reported outcome of WoC. As part of their involvement in the program, rangers may be required to speak in public at conferences or give presentations to local community groups and organisations, to other ranger projects, or to funding or partner bodies. Rangers also have opportunities to interact with people they would not usually such as registered trainers, government personnel, private land holders, universities and research centres, and tourists.

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The main thing I notice is confidence when dealing with bureaucrats, get up and do PowerPoint presentations, a whole new level of confidence in dealing with things they otherwise wouldn’t engage in.

(Lama Lama and Kalan Rangers, SEWPAC representative)

I wouldn’t say boo but now you can’t shut me up, I now got that confidence in myself.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

Interacting with people - with the training organisation, with government departments, you have to communicate in a proper manner. Rangers are generally shy to talk to white fellas, but now we have certificates and rangers feel very confident, very proud of where it can take us.

(Bardi Jawi Rangers, ranger)

A number of project stakeholders mentioned the increased confidence amongst women rangers in particular, see text box below for an example.

Thamarrurr Rangers 'Seeing the women getting stronger and stronger in this program. This is a very patriarchal society – seeing the women get more confident in their ability to do the tasks and get out on country … This program is really helping to push women looking after country side by side with men doing this. Women are starting to feel they have a right and a role Increased Increased that is equal to the men’s role. Then that confidence bleeds out into the rest of their lives. I’ve seen the women go from being so fearful of some

confidence in confidence situations, driving a vehicle, camping out, it’s really crucial to get some

women rangers rangers women balance back, not just see it as men’s business.' (Organisational stakeholder)

Increased confidence was also attributed to rangers having new experiences and broadened horizons, through educational, networking and travel opportunities. See example in text box below.

Mapoon Land and Sea Centre The Mapoon Land and Sea rangers visited Australia Zoo. As part of this trip they were required to travel by plane, catch taxis, and stay in a hotel. Some of the rangers had never been on a plane before. According to project management, the ranger's success in negotiating a horizons horizons metropolitan city contributed to increased confidence in their abilities. Broadening Broadening

The rangers’ pride and sense of achievement from the work and training they have undertaken and their increased skills and knowledge, has also improved confidence in their abilities and their future options. Some rangers spoke of doing work or training they never thought they would be able to do.

Most Aboriginal people are shy, can’t get up in a classroom and talk... The first time I did I had tears coming out of my eyes, the emotion and feeling was there.

(Mapoon Land and Sea Centre, ranger)

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It taught me that I could still learn at the age I am at and further that more if I want, I know that if I want to there is opportunities out there for me.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

6.1.7 LEADERSHIP SKILLS WoC reportedly assists rangers develop their leadership skills. Some rangers are elected members of Council and others act as representatives for the local community at conferences and other events.

Raukkan Natural Resource Management Two of the young male rangers are elected members of the local

skills council. The farm manager who used to drive the school bus said WoC has enabled one of these rangers, in particular, to channel his leadership potential in a positive and constructive way. 'As a kid you could see his leadership potential, he was always a leader but he used those skills in a bullying and disruptive way. On the school

of leadership leadership of bus - sitting up the back, whacking people on the back of the head. Now Development Development he is using these skills in the right way.' (External stakeholder).

Rangers appear to be aware of their status as community role models, a responsibility they are proud of and take seriously.

[The program has] made a good man of me, I respect people, the people I approach around Djelk, strengthening relationships, talking with visitors, public presentations with other rangers about our work here and how we do it, I have more confidence and am being bold, like a role model to the other [younger] rangers.

(Djelk Land Management Extension Project, ranger)

Women rangers were often mentioned by stakeholders as being particularly important role models. Some women rangers are undertaking tasks not conventionally done by women. WoC is helping break down gender barriers regarding work roles by showing younger women what is possible.

Riverland Rangers While there was only one female Riverland ranger, she was a highly visible example to younger girls. 'She is showing what girls can do. She was very shy but now she’s the models best backhoe operator. She also has her car licence and chainsaw ticket. Since being on the job she’s a lot more confident. She can talk to people and is seen as a leader and an organiser. She teaches mum and the aunties. She’s taking her skills home - putting in native plants at home and mulching. Her mum is really pleased with her. (Organisational as positive role

Women rangers rangers Women stakeholder).

6.1.8 WORK AND ORGANISATIONAL SKILLS WoC has improved work orientation and readiness skills amongst the rangers including: planning, goal setting, self-discipline and work ethic. Rangers demonstrate commitment to their job and responsibility to their team mates. Rangers reportedly have improved team work, communication, negotiation and problem solving skills.

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They are committed to their job and interested in working, admirably so. They have had fewer days off than I have; a demonstration of their level of commitment.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

The program has been very successful in addressing issues of work attendance and attitudes to work. It’s helped to break down barriers of stereotypes and employers say that young people are more switched on.

(Riverland Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

The work stabilises people. They see that if you don’t come to work you are letting the team down. The rangers are learning that they owe the project their time – they’re working on company time. It’s a big step; we are trying to transition them into responsible employment behaviour. We want them not to have a taste of mainstream; we want them to be mainstream. They see that they owe their paid time to the employers. For example, when the manager isn’t there, they continue to work.

(Riverland Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

6.1.9 INCREASED EXERCISE AND IMPROVED NUTRITION A commonly reported health outcome was the improved fitness of the rangers due to the physical nature of the work undertaken. In some cases, broader community members also experience improved fitness from their involvement in the ranger work, for example, from participating in ‘on country’ camps, tours and tree planting.

It leads to better outcomes as people are on the ground doing stuff, being active, planting trees. Getting people out and getting active, walking.

(Threatened Grassy Woodlands, organisational stakeholder)

Wunngur Rangers A stakeholder of the Wunngur Rangers reports the program has led to improved fitness of the rangers. ‘The rangers get exercise; they are walking around and getting fresh air’. It is reported that exercise and

Physical Physical healthy eating initiatives have been incorporated into the Wunngur exercise exercise Rangers program, with the rangers participating in regular boxing and

fitness and fitness aerobics classes.

Stakeholders frequently identify improved nutrition as a positive health outcome of WoC. Rangers and their families have improved nutrition as a result of increased knowledge of food sources and traditional medicine, increased food production, improved access to fresh food, and healthy food provided by the auspice organisations. Some rangers indicate they have lost weight due to increased exercise and improved nutrition. See text box overleaf for some examples.

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Thamarrurr Rangers Land and Sea Management Project On field trips the Thamarrurr Development Corporation provides the rangers with healthy food, and all rangers make a small financial contribution towards the purchasing of healthy lunches each week. Their work on the land and waterways has provided the Thamarrurr rangers with increased access to fresh fish and bush tucker. The Coordinator also notes that since their employment through WoC, the rangers have improved knowledge of healthy eating habits. Djelk Land Management Extension The Djelk rangers hunt fresh food including fish, yams, buffalo, and kangaroo, which they often provide to the local aged care facility to give older Aboriginal people the opportunity to eat traditional bush foods. Mapoon Land and Sea Centre From their WoC wages the Mapoon Land and Sea rangers report being able to afford better quality food. Some rangers have also purchased cars which enables them to drive into town to do their grocery shopping and access a greater variety of food, including cheaper food options. Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe One Ngarrindjeri ranger said his WoC wage enabled him to undertake the weight loss program, Tony Fergeson, he comments: 'I lost 14 kilos in Improved nutrition and weight nutritionloss and weight Improved 8.5 weeks, got my sugar levels down to the 4/8 range… I went to my doctor and he wanted to hug me'. Gumurr Marthakal The Gumurr Marthakal rangers live and work on the land for periods of three to four weeks at a time. During this period the rangers will gather and eat fresh food from the land including: stingray, fish, crayfish, mud crab, mud mussles, yams, oysters and wild honey. A stakeholder of the program suggests the Yolngu people generally have a low life expectancy. The positive health outcomes of the program are seen to be particularly important given this context. Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA The high cost of food and the difficulties of supply are a key issue for rangers and their families living on the Warddeken IPA. The shipping of food from the shop in town is expensive and takes a long time. The food delivered is often not what people ordered and receipts are not always provided. Warddeken Land Management are assisting rangers and their families with ordering food for delivery. People nominate to put money aside out of each for groceries, Warddeken Land Management manage the orders, communicate with shop staff to ensure receipts are provided and cover the freight costs for rangers and their families.

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6.1.10 HEALTHY COUNTRY, HEALTHY PEOPLE The rangers suggest WoC enables them to live a healthy lifestyle working outdoors and in touch with the natural environment.

It’s a healthier lifestyle down here – you don’t see all those tourists that come all the way from Cairns and drop off their bugs. You’ve got the fresh air.

(Lama Lama Ranger Project, ranger)

The spiritual and psychological health benefits of maintaining a strong connection to country and culture and of the opportunity to contribute positively to the community were frequently mentioned. The intrinsic link between the health of the natural environment and of Aboriginal people emerged as a strong theme throughout the consultations.

People are able to sustain on country. If people look after country, country looks after people – it’s a circular thing.

(Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA)

It feels good to be out on your country, taking care of it. I find it very exciting because I never spent time down here before when working in Coen. I now get to see all the places [of] the Lama Lama people. It’s a wonderful experience; it’s so good to be there.

(Lama Lama Ranger Project, ranger)

Being on country locates people within themselves; there is a sense of being real, of being whole.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, Indigenous Health Project worker)

The benefit of being out on some of the most pristine country. There isn’t too many benefits of working in this community…. but mentally there is a lot of benefits with the day-time work and access to country.

(Thamarrurr Rangers, organisational stakeholder )

The opportunity for Aboriginal people to connect with their lands and waters (with some connecting for the first time) and the revival of traditional NRM and cultural practices also contribute to the psychological well-being of community members.

Taking away country and language created the gap. WoC increases people’s sense of who they are, regaining what was once taken away, that is a really critical Closing the Gap strategy.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, Indigenous Health Project worker)

Not just physical outcomes but mental health outcomes as well. The denial of Aboriginal culture for so long, previously there was no opportunity to re-access that culture, people are starting to feel good about it again.

(Threatened Grassy Woodlands, organisational stakeholder)

Some rangers said they have noticed tangible improvements to the environment due to the investment in NRM activities made by WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives. This has improved the psychological health of community members who have witnessed the neglect and decline of the natural environment over the years.

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Raukkan Natural Resource Management For many years, an older ranger from Raukkan would not go down to the river because seeing the degradation of the environment depressed him. Since WoC he has noticed significant ecological change with frogs, some birds and fish species returning to the lands and waters. Now he takes joy in visiting the river, 'I can see the regeneration of the land; I know that is a good thing'. healthy people people healthy Healthy country, country, Healthy

6.1.11 IMPROVED HEALTH CARE Some WoC projects indicate the rangers have increased access to health services. Stakeholders suggest the rangers have increased motivation and sense of purpose as a result of being gainfully employed, which encourages them to look after themselves and seek out health care when needed. Being employed encourages some rangers to take more care and pride in their personal appearance and the cleanliness of their house. WoC has contributed to building confidence levels, with rangers being more confident in accessing services and are better able to self-advocate. Some rangers have purchased cars with their WoC wage facilitating greater access to the health clinic and enabling them to transport other community members (e.g. older people) to the clinic.

Some projects actively provide their workers access to health care (see text box below).

Lama Lama and Kalan Ranger Projects The Lama Lama and Kalan ranger groups have regular visits from a local health care professional who performs a general check-up. The Balkanu Cape York Development Corporation will sometimes refer rangers to other services such as the Wellbeing Centre for treatment if a particular

access to health issue is identified, for example drug and alcohol abuse. Improved Improved

health care health care

Occupational health and safety outcomes were also identified by stakeholders. Training opportunities provided through WoC encourage safe work practices and teach the rangers how to undertake their work in a safe and orderly manner.

6.1.12 DECREASED DRUG AND ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION Stakeholders report that some rangers have decreased their drug and alcohol consumption. Rangers often work in remote locations or dry communities where drug and alcohol access is limited. Gainful employment has also motivated some rangers to cut back on their drug and/or alcohol use, self-regulating their drug and alcohol consumption because of their work responsibilities. Some rangers, for example, report restricting their drinking to the weekends.

Less drinking and drug taking amongst the rangers, they drink a lot less because they know they have to turn up to work every day and I know if they are pissed and stoned, but they take their work responsibilities seriously.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

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Some projects have implemented strategies specifically aimed at addressing drug and alcohol consumption. An example is provided in the text box below.

Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe The Ngarrindjeri Lands and Progress Association (NLPA) has implemented a Drug and Alcohol Free Workplace Policy and workers are subject to regular drug testing. According to one stakeholder, all thirty workers are currently clean with a number of workers supported by the NLPA to address their drug and alcohol issues. The benefits of breaking the cycle of dependency for these families is reportedly alcohol use appreciated by the broader Aboriginal community and thought to be a positive influence on the younger generation. The Drug and Alcohol Free Workplace Policy is described by an organisational stakeholder below: 'It's about working with people, supporting them through the process. It Decreased drug andDecreased is not about zero tolerance or excluding people but about being safe and healthy... for their families trying to break the cycle of dependency, show the future generations what's possible. Big positives are recognised by the broader Aboriginal community – we had Aunties and Uncles coming up to us and saying thank you'.

6.1.13 IMPROVED MENTAL HEALTH The rangers consistently say they enjoy their jobs and their involvement in WoC makes them feel happy. As one ranger coordinator comments ‘the rangers are coming to work with smiles on their faces’. The mental health of rangers has reportedly improved. Rangers report increased motivation, positivity and hope and reduced depression and stress.

Living in dysfunctional towns there is drug and alcohol abuse, idleness, overcrowded housing, violence and sexual abuse. [WoC and IPA assist people with] getting away from bad shit in the towns. Life in the bush there is less violence and more happiness … [WoC and IPA improves] optimism. You don’t come across [optimism] much, the attitude is often life is shit and then you die but on our own country there is connection with ancestors, we feel good about ourselves, about creating a future for our kids.

(Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA, organisational stakeholder)

Meaningful paid employment – people are less prone to depression and other social diseases; off the welfare system, active and fitter and healthier. Out on country the spiritual and physiological social benefits and also the cultural benefits associated with that are very important.

(WoC/IPA projects in the Torres Strait, organisational stakeholder)

You’d often have trouble getting people out of bed, now there is a reason to do that.

(Anmatyerr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Stops you from feeling depressed because you are not doing nothing, stops stress, everything. Keeping your mind healthy, you are getting out in the fresh air. All the opportunities we get, it makes you feel so much better about yourself.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

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Wunggur Rangers The Wunggur Rangers program has implemented a suicide prevention initiative with some of the rangers undertaking training in suicide intervention. This has involved a one week training course and Suicide Suicide workshops. One stakeholder suggests suicide and poor mental health program program are key social issues affecting the local community. The rangers have

prevention prevention reportedly learnt how to identify signs of depression and risky behaviour and have gained skills in approaching discussions of this nature with their family, friends and members of the broader community.

6.1.14 SENSE OF SELF Rangers have increased pride and self-respect, including an improved sense of identity and direction in life, which stems from working in a real job that is important to them and their community.

Improved morale. Everyone wants to be a ranger, they look up to us. Rangers have better self-esteem, a purpose in life. Pride is an important outcome – we love what we do.

(Gumurr Marthakal, organisational stakeholder)

People are walking around with their heads held high.

(Anmatyerr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Rangers report feeling increased levels of independence and autonomy and also report a greater ability to take control and manage their own lives.

Being able to take control and make decisions.

(Anmatyerr Rangers, ranger)

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Implications for measuring the social outcomes in the future

• The range of social outcomes for individual rangers, as identified by stakeholders, suggest there are various dimensions that could potentially be investigated in order to measure the social outcomes of WoC in the future. These include: • The total number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples employed through WoC • The employment status of rangers previous to their involvement with WoC (e.g. were rangers previously unemployed, employed part-time, full-time, on a temporary basis or employed through CDEP) • The retention of rangers in the program (e.g. what proportion of rangers sustain the three to four year contract compared to the proportion of rangers that leave the program) • The career progression of rangers (e.g. how many rangers transition from the program to other employment opportunities and career progression within the ranger teams) • The impact of employment and financial security for rangers (e.g. how many rangers are able to pay-off debts, take out financial loans, set up bank accounts) • Self-reported employer job satisfaction (e.g. to what extent do rangers enjoy their work? Does it offer career development opportunities? Does it align with their interests and needs?) • Rangers demonstrating job commitment (e.g. getting to work on time, number of days off, accountability to the team) • The type and level of formal and informal training undertaken and completed by rangers • The number of rangers who have got their drivers license • Self-reported learning outcomes for rangers • Professional development opportunities (e.g. networking with other rangers, attendance at conferences) • Self-reported future career aspirations of rangers • Increased confidence (e.g. demonstrated through public speaking and presentation at conferences and to project partners or funding bodies) • Rangers taking on leadership roles (e.g. demonstrated through becoming elected members of Council, being a spokesperson for their community at conferences and events, leading tours and community events, working with school children) • Improved eating habits and weight loss amongst rangers • Rangers have increased and more frequent contact with health services • Decreased drug and alcohol consumption amongst rangers • Improved mental health amongst rangers (e.g. decreased depression and anxiety).

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6.2 SOCIAL OUTCOMES FOR FAMILIES

6.2.1 INCREASED CONNECTION WITH COUNTRY AND CULTURE Stakeholders report that rangers discuss their work with their family, and family members participate in on-country fieldtrips, increasing their connection to country and culture.

Family members reportedly have an enhanced interest in participating in cultural and NRM activities facilitated under WoC and the IPA programs, demonstrated by some family members getting involved in ranger activities on a voluntary basis.

Rangers are also able to pass on their knowledge to younger family members, which is important for maintaining continuity of culture.

I got four boys. I take them out into the bush and teach them about plants. I can teach them traditional Aboriginal knowledge. I didn’t know this before.

(Riverland Rangers, ranger)

It’s helping to keep the place alive.

(Anmatyerr Rangers)

6.2.2 IMPROVED EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES FOR CHILDREN Stakeholders suggest WoC has contributed to improved educational outcomes for children. Rangers act as positive role models for family members, promoting the message that educational attainment increases the likelihood of meaningful and fulfilling employment options. For some families, WoC has contributed to breaking the cycle of unemployment exposing children to family members who are engaged with employment and training for the first time. Seeing family members, who were previously unemployed or on CDEP, engaged in full-time work increases children’s understanding of the value of education, provides them with a sense of the future and gives them something to aspire to.

They see their parents committed to a job that translates into getting up to and going to school in the morning. It could possibly affect school attendance.

(Anmatyerr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Through their exposure to the ranger jobs, ranger’s children and other family members have raised career aspirations, with some aspiring to be rangers when they grow up.

The rangers act as important role models to other members of the community. It has been demonstrable for the first time, that Aboriginal people can start off with nothing and get full-time work and get qualified. Some of these communities haven’t seen that before.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Women rangers participating in a work sphere that is traditionally male dominated, contributes to broadening horizons of work possibilities for young women.

They love it, they look up to us, they will become rangers, even my little sister who is ten now said ‘I want to be a ranger’, she asks me a lot of questions.

(Mapoon Land and Sea Centre, female ranger)

On a practical level, having a parent or family member getting up and ready for work each day reportedly increases the likelihood of their children getting up in the morning and getting driven to school. Stakeholders also report the rangers have increased capacity to fund their children’s education due to their WoC wage. Some examples are provided in the text box below.

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Kalan and Lama Lama Ranger Projects All the Kalan and Lama Lama Rangers with children have established a Student Education Trust (SET) fund. SET, an initiative designed and delivered by Cape York Partnerships, allows families to put aside money for their children's school fees and other education related expenses such as uniforms and textbooks. The Government Coordination Officer in Coen suggests the rangers are contributing more money to their children’s SET funds since being employed by WoC, with some rangers contributing in the Gold Category - the program's highest category. Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe The Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe Ranger Coordinator said his WoC wage enabled him to provide a quality education for his children. All his children's education children's children have attended a local private school and two of his children ability to finance ability to their successfully attained their Year 12 qualification. He states: Rangers have increased increased have Rangers 'If I didn’t have this job I couldn’t send my kids to a good school. Two boys I didn’t think would make it to Year 12 did’.

6.2.3 IMPROVED STANDARDS OF LIVING The improved financial status and standard of living for families is frequently mentioned as a social outcome of WoC. Having just one family member earning a decent, stable income can make a significant difference to the financial status of an entire family.

Just having an income… having an ATM card around is a benefit to the whole family.

(Wunngurr rangers, organisational stakeholder)

It is a way out of poverty on a smaller scale.

(Bardi Jawi Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Rangers have been able to pay-off fines and address previously standing financial problems, relieving families of financial burden and stress. Having stable employment has enabled rangers to undertake long-term financial planning rather than simply covering immediate expenses. The rangers frequently report being able to purchase cars, furniture and household goods, clothes and food for the family. Rangers said they have been able to afford a family holiday, some for the first time.

For participating rangers there have been unprecedented levels of income. They now have ability to pay bills, to plan for and purchase things over time such as cars due to wage stability.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

It’s really important, you can see it has improved some of the families… one person working, you have a vehicle, at Christmas time – in the past you couldn’t really buy too much – now you have money saved up, you can take the family to Cairns.

(Kalan Ranger Project, ranger)

It makes me look rich. I bought a leather lounge I never, ever thought I would buy. And an iphone 4 and plasma screen TV I never, ever thought I would have.

(Riverland Rangers, ranger)

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Rangers consistently mention the importance of being able to support and provide for their families, particularly their children. Rangers experience pride and peace of mind being able to purchase toys etc for their children.

It is horrible when you have to say no to your kids because you got not money.

(Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe, ranger)

It made us worry; to see things on TV you can’t buy for the kids… It means we can now buy nice things for our kids.

(Djelk Land Management Extension Project, ranger)

Some rangers indicate their WoC wage has been important for enabling them to support their extended family. For example, a female ranger from the Mapoon Land and Sea Project said her father has passed away and she is able to assist look after her four brothers and one sister, many of whom experience trouble securing work.

6.2.4 IMPROVED LIVING CONDITIONS For some families, WoC has led to improved living conditions. A few examples were given of the auspice organisation providing housing for rangers and their families on their properties. This has provided housing stability for some families who were previously moving around a lot. Others report the WoC wage has enabled rangers to transition their families from living in overcrowded housing into the private rental market. Other rangers are entering into home ownership or aspiring to do so.

Lama Lama and Kalan Ranger Projects The Government Coordination Officer in Coen has identified a number of Aboriginal community members, including a number of the WoC rangers, currently living in Coen Regional Aboriginal Corporation houses

housing interested in purchasing the house they are living in. They are currently in the process of assisting these rangers in transitioning to Improved Improved home-ownership through the Indigenous Business Australia home-ownership scheme.

6.2.5 BRINGING FAMILIES TOGETHER WoC contributes to strengthening family relationships in a number of ways. The provision of jobs locally enables family members to remain living on community with their families, instead of relocating to find employment.

I am just loving full-time employment. Living away from home, working on the mines, puts huge pressure on family back home.

(Bardi Jawi Rangers, ranger)

The local employment opportunities generated through WoC have enabled some rangers to stay in community rather than re-locating to seek out work. One Ngarrindjeri Working on Ruwe ranger, a single father of twins, who previously had full-time employment as a park ranger said WoC provides better flexibility for him to care for his children. Rather than travelling out of community for work, his work is located closer to home which enables him to visit his children during breaks if needed.

Rangers who have purchased cars have increased mobility and can more regularly visit family members who live out of town or in different communities. Some rangers have also purchased communications technology (e.g. computers and mobile phones) and have improved computer literacy though training, enabling them to stay better connected with family members.

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There were also numerous instances whereby family members of rangers (children, cousins, siblings) have become involved with the ranger activities on a volunteer basis, or of family members working in the program side by side.

6.2.6 BETTER FAMILY FUNCTIONING Stakeholders report that in some cases WoC has contributed to reduced domestic violence and better family functioning amongst the ranger families. See text box below.

Kalan and Lama Lama Ranger Projects A number of Kalan and Lama Lama Project stakeholders suggest rangers have reduced levels of domestic and other violence from being actively and meaningfully engaged in employment. Reduced destructive behaviour amongst the rangers reportedly translates violence violence positively to their children, with improved family functioning leading to better behaved children. 'There are really only two crimes in Coen which people go to prison for- physically harmful domestic violence and multiple drink driving offences. One of the major causes of domestic violence is people sitting around all day bored out of their mind, getting horribly drunk and then having an argument with their missus and it all goes pear-shaped. We have had a notable reduction in domestic violence since the ranger program. Partly because if you go to work, go home tired, have two drinks and go to bed tired you are less likely to stay up all night pissed out of your brain.'(Coen Justice Group representative) 'There used to be a high level of violence, that happens at a much lower

Reduced domestic and other domestic Reduced level now. The violence and domestic violence has dropped tremendously. The police say the WoC project is an amazing success. Local coppers say this is the best thing that has happened in Coen for years. I have 15-20 young people actively engaged in work and not out on the streets'. (Ranger management)

Implications for measuring the social outcomes in the future • The range of social outcomes for families, as identified by stakeholders, suggest there are various dimensions that could potentially be investigated in order to measure the social outcomes of WoC in the future. These include: • The extent to which family members participate in on-country fieldtrips and other ranger activities • Self-reported future career aspirations of rangers’ family members • Increased school attendance and achievement amongst the rangers’ children • The capacity of rangers to financially contribute towards their children’s education • Improved standards of living for rangers and their families (e.g. demonstrated by the increased ability to purchase homewares) • Improved housing conditions (e.g. demonstrated by the number of rangers transitioning into private rental or home ownership) • Reduced domestic or other family violence.

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6.3 SOCIAL OUTCOMES FOR COMMUNITIES

6.3.1 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT A number of projects consulted with indicate WoC is one of the biggest employers of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the local community. This includes small, remote communities such as Raukkan, Coen and the Torres Strait Islands, which have very limited economic infrastructure and also larger communities such as Wadeye.

If WoC didn’t come along when it did there would be ten people without a job right now. For a community with a population of 140, that is huge. There is no other bigger employer in town.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, organisational stakeholder)

Apart from CDEP with 40 to 50 people, the ranger program is the primary full-time employer in Coen by far. The hotel employs a small number on a fly-in fly-out basis and the health clinic employs three to four Indigenous people. So it makes a big impact having that many people employed.

(Lama Lama and Kalan Ranger Projects, external stakeholder)

There aren’t many full time positions on the island. [The WoC position] is a real privilege and security of tenure.

(WoC/IPA projects in the Torres Strait, organisational stakeholder)

Stakeholders suggest many rangers would not have been able to secure the same level of employment without WoC. The majority of rangers consulted with were not employed full-time prior to their involvement with WoC. Rangers were unemployed, employed on a sporadic and temporary basis or employed through the CDEP. WoC provides career development opportunities for unskilled workers with few alternative options due to their limited educational attainment and employment histories.

I am getting older, the opportunities for employment elsewhere are lacking, because of [low levels] of education.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

Notwithstanding this, some of the rangers have extensive employment histories in NRM. For example, a few were previously employed as rangers within national parks. WoC appears to accommodate and appeal to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples with a range of work experience and skill levels.

Stakeholders are cognisant of the wide-ranging positive outcomes at a whole of community level that stem from the generation of stable and meaningful employment. As one stakeholder suggests:

Employment is a key driver for addressing social issues in the community. When people are gainfully employed there are wide and varied flow-on effects. People are more inclined to look after themselves, to seek out better health care, take their children to school because they have a purpose and a sense of the future. This flows on to the younger generations by providing children with a vision for the future.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, organisational stakeholder)

Stakeholders indicate the visibility of WoC in communities has affected the way both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people see employment:

WoC is important for maintaining the employment base for Aboriginal people. It seems to have a ‘halo effect’. I notice that more people are seeking traineeships and attending interviews. We do reverse marketing, finding people to put into jobs - we’re finding it easier to put people into jobs because employers see WoC rangers as examples of what people can do.

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(Riverland Rangers, external stakeholder).

Stakeholders suggest WoC plays in important role in supporting the local economy and other local Indigenous businesses. WoC invests significant funds into the local community. For example, numerous projects indicate they purchase project supplies such as equipment, petrol, vehicles and so on from local businesses.

The flow on effects to businesses in Coen would have to be positive – cash spent in town, fuel spent for vehicles for the program, it would have a flow-on effect for businesses in town such as cafes also. Indigenous people tend to buy most of their things such as food in town – white people have more capacity to travel elsewhere.

(Lama Lama and Kalan Ranger Projects, external stakeholder)

Tyrendarra IPA While the Tyrendarra IPA and WoC projects emphasise the importance of traditional owners and the local Aboriginal community carrying-out the NRM work on the property (e.g. fencing, maintenance of walking tracks) in order to promote a sense of community ownership of the the local

economy economy land, local businesses provide materials and supplies and are sometimes contracted to provide building services. Supporting

6.3.2 MAINTAINING AND PROTECTING SACRED SITES The work undertaken by the rangers is reportedly helping to improve, protect and restore sites and species of cultural significance. This involves: fencing to keeping out animals (e.g. wallabies) that damage cultural sites, putting up interpretation signs to raise awareness of culturally significant sites so visitors are careful not to damage them, rehabilitation of culturally significant species (e.g. rushes for weaving), and the upkeep of walking trails.

The general land management side of things, fire, feral animals, weeds, it’s helping to protect sites of cultural significance.

(Djelk Land Management Extension Project, organisational stakeholder)

The Ngarrindjeri rangers, for example, have been trained in cultural survey work to help in the restoration of more than 300 burial sites around the Coorong. They have also partnered with Flinders University to undertake archaeological digs.

The Tyrendarra IPA comprises many registered cultural sites such as fish traps, tool making sites and stone houses. Protecting the cultural values of the estate is a key part of the rangers’ work. The rangers maintain the cultural sites, repair and upgrade infrastructure on the property (e.g. bridge, visitors Centre and carpark), and have built visitor boardwalks, walking tracks and interpretative signage.

The supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA involves the maintenance of historically and culturally significant rock art and the conduct and teaching of traditional practices such as spear making and traditional food preparation (e.g. washing yams in baskets).

…once you stop using these cultural practices you lose the knowledge of how to do it. There is a lot of excitement about bringing it back; it’s good for people’s heads.

(Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA, organisational stakeholder)

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6.3.3 SHARING OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE WoC and related Indigenous NRM programs have reportedly facilitated the transfer of traditional knowledge from elders and traditional owners to the broader Indigenous community. There is greater capacity for knowledge concerning the location of sacred sites, water holes, fauna and flora, and traditional ways of caring for the land to be passed down through the generations as a result of involving traditional owners and elders in the planning and conduct of ranger activities. The IPA planning process in particular can be an important process for supporting this engagement.

The older and younger crew working together, that is the whole point of it. Some of the older ones can’t go out as much so the younger ones help out, they get the food and in return the older rangers teach the young, transfer their knowledge.

(Gumurr Marthakal, organisational stakeholder)

The involvement of elders and traditional owners reportedly makes them feel their knowledge is important and valued.

They realise the significance of their role – guiding the rangers and teaching them to work the right way on country.

(Anmatyerr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

Some of that knowledge is being transferred to younger members, the older ones really like the fact that this program is valuing and respecting that knowledge. There’s a huge amount of that cultural knowledge that is being noted, we’ve got traditional owners identifying plants.

(Lama Lama and Kalan Ranger Projects, organisational stakeholder)

Elders lead cultural activities and workshops with the rangers. For example, a community elder spends one day each month teaching the Ngarrindjeri rangers wood carving. WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives have facilitated new ways of capturing and recording traditional knowledge to assist with the inter-generational transfer, such as film recording of elders. Traditional owners and elders sometimes accompany the rangers on camps or country visits. This not only allows the elders to teach the rangers about their country and traditional NRM practices, but also increases the access traditional owners and elders have to country. The IPA program is also credited with increasing access to and ownership of country by traditional owners and the broader Indigenous community.

It’s improving older people’s access to country…an old lady had never been to her country before. She went back with her family and was able to find a spot her father told her about and now she can tell her kids.

(Wunggurr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

The old Aboriginal people come back happy from trips to country, it reenergizes the old people, they’re telling stories for weeks. … Some of the old people we take out they get tears in their eyes from getting that connection with their country.

Thamarrurr Rangers, ranger)

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Tyrendarra IPA Tyrendarra, one of the first properties in the region to be declared an IPA, is reported as being significant for facilitating Indigenous ownership and control over country. Tyrendarra provides a place where traditional owners and the broader Indigenous community can access their land and has built the confidence of the Indigenous community in managing their country. 'It's pretty important for those reasons, it's a really important part of the community. The sense of ownership, people take their kids and family memebers out...It's a place where cultural values are available'. (Organisational stakeholder) Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA Due to the history of white settlement in the western Arnhem Land Plateau it is reported that some members of recent generations of local Aboriginal people have had limited access to their country. WoC and IPA are reported to facilitate increased access to and knowledge of this

Increasing access to country country access to Increasing country. Warddeken Land Management run a Walking on Country Program where elders lead on-country tips and talk about the changes to the natural environment they have observed. One stakeholder describes it as 'a very powerful program'.

6.3.4 INCREASED CAPACITY TO IDENTIFY RECORD AND DOCUMENT TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND ARTEFACTS WoC has reportedly facilitated increased community capacity to identify and record traditional knowledge, cultural sites and artefacts, and in some cases rangers have uncovered sites not previously known about by community. Some ranger groups have been involved in archaeological or similar training to increase: their skills and knowledge in identifying artefacts and historical sites, their knowledge about how to report sites, and what to look for. These learnings are often disseminated to the broader community (e.g. children are being shown artefacts and sites). Rangers have developed data collection and recording systems and processes so they can document, organise and disseminate findings in a structured way. Some examples are provided in the quotes below.

[There is] a book to be launched from WoC site visits - took us to a water hole we didn’t know about. … [The benefit of recording those stories] is that we can pass onto the next generation. Helps young people know more about their culture.

(Thamarrurr Rangers, external stakeholder)

We’ve put together a package of information about native plants and bush tucker. It’s been distributed to schools, Indigenous kids and their families. There’s also interpretive information and signage that everyone sees when they arrive here. It gives people a renewed sense of country. More people are interested in bush foods now.

(Riverland Rangers, ranger)

A big part of that language stuff has died. Earlier this year we got flora and fauna got it all on a big database, we have the scientific names and the language name and the pictures of each – we take pictures and can show the elders, they tell us what it is. It’s helping to document all that traditional knowledge.

(Kalan Ranger Project, ranger)

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6.3.5 INCREASED CULTURAL HERITAGE AWARENESS Rangers have increased knowledge of cultural practices, for example traditional food sources, traditional plant usage, bush medicine and so on which they share with their families and the broader community. WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives have reportedly increased the capacity of communities to support cultural activities and events as some of this work is carried out by the ranger teams. For example, rangers produce traditional resources such as tools, spears, baskets and boomerangs, are involved in cultural events such as NAIDOC week, and support traditional ceremonies.

Rangers are often called on to assist in major ceremonies. It allows ceremony to happen, and culture to continue.

(Djelk Land Management Extension Project, organisational stakeholder)

Indigenous and non- Indigenous people are reportedly becoming more aware of Indigenous cultural heritage, as a flow-on effect of WoC and its whole-of-community engagement approach.

Riverland Rangers One of the female Riverland Rangers is working with the women’s group and takes them out on country trips. The group meets once a

month to collect rushes and do basket and placemat weaving. They also harvest bush medicine and foods like munthries which they make into jelly and chutneys and jams. Renmark High School now supplies native foods for cooking. The women’s group introduces Aboriginal children to bush tucker. They took rushes to the Kuning Centre and planted them. The visibility of the rangers within the community has reportedly raised Because of stories and word of mouth

awareness awareness the profile of cultural issues -' about the rangers program, local people, whether they are tourists, farmers or townspeople, they are now more aware of the range of sites Increased cultural cultural Increased and see points of interest in the landscape that they didn’t before. Aboriginal people see preserving burial sites as important. They value it because it’s protecting their culture. There’s a long way to go but I’m sure this has changed many people’s awareness of cultural heritage issues'. (Organisational stakeholder).

Some stakeholders report a renewed sense of Aboriginality and strengthened cultural identification amongst rangers and other community members. It is suggested that Indigenous people are enjoying rediscovering their cultural heritage. Young rangers, in particular, are demonstrating increasing interest in their cultural heritage.

Our heritage and culture was being lost. People were just at home or the club. We do need our culture. We’ve found sites, signs, trees and we’re now getting more detailed knowledge. For example, why were canoes made here when the river is far away? People can see subtle signs such as footholds in a red gum. Spirituality is coming back.

(Riverland Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

I lived in Raukkan my whole life but I didn’t take notice, now I care for and love my environment.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

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6.3.6 RETENTION OF LANGUAGE A positive outcome attributed to WoC by some stakeholders is the preservation of traditional language. For example, the Melang school site is becoming a learning centre for the teaching of language and culture attributed by Raukkan stakeholders as a spin off from the WoC program. Other projects report WoC has facilitated an increased use and knowledge of traditional word and terms for describing the natural environment.

People stopped using language. Words for describing land forms and ecology of the plateau, these descriptive linguistic terms, we are working with old people to get conservation language back into the process of land management.

(Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA, organisational stakeholder)

The Kalan rangers indicate they have started teaching children language (e.g. nursery rhymes, parts of the body, traditional flora and fauna names).

Bringing language back into the school, our boys are now talking language; they know the names for the birds and animals.

(Kalan Ranger Project, female ranger)

6.3.7 A TWO-WAY LEARNING MODEL WoC uses a model drawing on both western science as well as Indigenous cultural knowledge in caring for country. While WoC projects enable traditional practices to occur and Indigenous input and decision-making into how country is managed, projects are also supported by scientific organisations, research centres, universities and farming groups who lend their expertise, skills and knowledge to the application of ranger activities (e.g. teaching of fauna surveying, monitoring activities, scientific names of flora). This ‘two tool boxes’ approach gives the rangers with a different perspective on land and sea management, providing them with the tools needed to successfully manage country.

White fella training gives the rangers a different perspective.

(Gummur Marthakal Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

We manage our IPA using the best of both worlds: following the ancient laws handed down to us from our ancestors and also using western science to help us understand country in a different way. By using these two knowledge systems we manage our IPA to a very high standard in both a cultural and scientific way.

(Supporting land management workers for the Warddeken IPA, organisational stakeholder, Annual Report 2010-11)

We have a two way approach with non-Indigenous and Yolngu working together. We use western knowledge and also our Yolngu knowledge and management. Working with scientists regarding issues and how we manage the country. Flora and fauna surveys, we did one last year where we used our senior rangers to identify different tracks and what they belong to, putting down Yolngu names for plants and animals. Using western scientific knowledge about the plants. Traditional knowledge used also -if we want to find something Yolngu will know where to find it, the season.

(Dhimurru Working on Country, ranger)

An identified spin-off effect from this two tool box approach is a two-way transfer of knowledge between Indigenous and non-Indigenous project participants and partners. A key outcome identified by

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stakeholders is that non-Indigenous managers, partners and the broader community are gaining a greater exposure to and appreciation of traditional knowledge. It is reported that non-Indigenous project management stakeholders, school staff who accompany children on excursions with the rangers, land holders who contract ranger work and visiting scientists and researchers benefit from their involvement with WoC through developing skills and knowledge in the cultural aspects of natural resource management. Some ranger groups are also taking up opportunities to share cultural knowledge and practices with visitors – ‘people who pass through aren’t just stopping for a coffee, they’re also learning about the culture and customs’. (Kalan ranger).

Djelk Land Management Extension Project The Djelk Land Management Extension Project Coordinator indicates there are benefits in non-Aboriginal staff with a background in western land management science developing skills in cultural aspects of NRM. He said that one of the differences the program has made to his life is

exchange exchange that:‘I see things differently. Rather than just looking at it from a land management science point of view’. Knowledge Knowledge

The IPA program also reportedly increases exposure to Indigenous history, knowledge and values amongst the non-Indigenous population.

Tyrendarra IPA The Tyrendarra IPA hosts a range of visitor groups on-site including school excursions, overseas visitors, local organisations and non- Indigenous community members. Cultural education activities are a key component of the Tyrendarra IPA/WoC projects. Guided cultural on-country tours are conducted by rangers, elders and traditional population

Indigenous Indigenous owners. The estate provides a useful talking space where the guides - can share their knowledge and histories in an interactive, engaging way. Walking tracks and interpretive signs have been constructed to

non facilitate the cultural education activities. An average of two to three schools visit the IPA each year including local schools from Portland, Hamilton and Hayward as well as schools from Melbourne and Adelaide. Students can participate in hands-on outdoor activities such as stone, tool and basket making or create artworks in the visitors Cultural awareness for for awareness Cultural Centre. The police force, hospital staff, Council members and other local organisations have also visited the IPA as part of their cultural awareness training.

6.3.8 LEARNING OUTCOMES FOR CHILDREN WoC projects often involve school children through: formalised junior ranger programs, rangers undertaking work on local school grounds (e.g. planting, gardening), rangers providing input into the school curriculum or subject development, rangers taking children on country excursions, rangers giving speeches or presentations to school classes, children undertaking ranger activities (e.g. tree planting, bird monitoring, plant identification, beach clean-up), school holiday programs, and mentoring and work experience/traineeship programs.

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Gumurr Marthakal 'The kids get everything out of it...We do the trouble classes, the ranger delivers [the lesson]. When we walk in everyone sits down, everyone is interested and paying attention. The Principal says to us ‘if every teacher was like [the ranger giving the lesson] we would be having a win’’'(Organisational stakeholder) 'The ranger program gives hope to kids looking to the future. In remote

to the future the future to areas it's very difficult to think of the future. We are family orientated, leaving our country [for work] is very difficult. For white fella kids the world is their oyster but there's not much hope here

Children looking looking Children ' (Organisational stakeholder)

As a result of these activities, schools are incorporating environmental education and physical environmental infrastructure into school processes to a greater degree. School staff also have a better appreciation of the value of environmental education for students.

I want the kids to love their country.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, local school teacher)

Rangers are reportedly seen as role models for students, with some aspiring to be rangers when they grow up. A number of the rangers from the Maningrida project, for example, have come through from the junior ranger program.

We fill an important niche and we’re told there’s lots of up and coming kids who are wanting to work with us – seen as being an important and desirable career path.

(Dhimurru Working on Country, organisational stakeholder)

Mentoring and working with youth through schools…there’s the capacity to really make a difference. School holiday programs and traineeships are fantastic; it is a big part of [the WoC program].

(Wunggurr Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

School children reportedly have increased environmental knowledge, understanding of what country offers and the importance of caring for country.

They look at the rangers as their role models, but it doesn’t mean they have to become a ranger. They are role models in a broader way, not just as a ranger but also as traditional owners, people who look after the land, custodians of the land.

(Dhimurru Working on Country, organisational stakeholder)

Stakeholders of the Wadeye project suggest that the vehicles needed to access remote country are scarce and expensive. As such, the rangers provide school children with unique access to country that would be difficult to achieve otherwise.

The school activities also increase young people’s awareness of culture, improving peace of mind for elders and traditional owners knowing that cultural knowledge is being passed on and retained by the younger generations.

Connecting children with culture and keeping the stories alive.

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(Thamarrurr Rangers) Stakeholders suggest WoC encourages school attendance with ranger activities and classes at school being popular and well attended. It also increases the relevance of school learning for students by demonstrating the links between school subjects and future career pathways.

It keeps attendance high as well – they enjoy studying science, staying at school, gives them possible career opportunities, it makes them see their school studies as more relevant - see areas they can move onto.

(Djelk Land Management Extension Project, organisational stakeholder)

Thamarrurr Rangers Stakeholders of the Wadeye project suggest WoC has contributed to increased school attendance. Children are not allowed to attend excursions unless they have achieved a 65% attendance rate. The school country visits facilitated by the rangers related directly to the story the children were learning at school, tying in the excursion to the school Increased Increased curriculum and reinforcing the relevance of school. attendance attendance

6.3.9 INCREASED COHESION AND REDUCED CONFLICT Stakeholders report WoC has contributed to improved cohesion and reduced conflict in communities. In some cases, WoC has provided opportunities for different traditional country or language groups to work together in new ways and for cross-cultural learning experiences. In communities with multiple clan groups, WoC has facilitated relationship building and interactions between groups. Other examples were provided of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples not living on their traditional country having the opportunity to work alongside traditional owners, often facilitating an exchange of traditional knowledge and practices.

Anmatyerr Rangers Central Land Council staff report increased communication, relationships and

cooperation across traditional country and language groups with rangers from different tribes getting to know each other through camps and joint training. For the first time, with the permission of elders, rangers are working together on other people’s country when needed on big jobs. Rangers have opportunities to work on or near the sacred sites of other groups, a process whereby traditional owners feel increasingly comfortable about people from other country coming to work on their land. As one stakeholder suggests: 'There’s more willingness to go there and there’s more willingness to invite others in.' Mapoon Land and Sea Centre One male ranger from Mapoon speaks of his experience of working on a different clan's traditional country: 'Mapoon is not my country. I've been here 21 years. It's been great to have Increased cohesion cohesion Increased other guys on board sharing the knowledge. Working on other people’s country – the cross-cultural stuff…Different tribes all in one area, we are all in Mapoon, all together. It's a big benefit – we all work for the land, together.'

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The provision of stable, meaningful employment is also said to contribute to reducing community conflict and destructive behaviour, an outcome that has been especially prevalent amongst young male rangers.

[The] ranger program has settled the young people – have a good, ongoing job – it’s become a very sought after job – they all have uniforms, and they love working on country.

(Lama Lama and Kalan Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

6.3.10 BREAKING DOWN SOCIAL BARRIERS WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives are attributed with not only creating closer day to day links between some Indigenous clan or language groups but also improving relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. Activities such as workshops, exhibitions, resource creation, media participation, tours, camps, school/educational activities, and documenting and recording NRM practices increases the exposure of broader community members to Indigenous knowledge, issues and cultural practices. The Grassy Woodlands project, for example, held a cultural exhibition at the Albury library museum over a 12-14 week period coinciding with NAIDOC week and school holidays. The exhibition, which featured artefacts, baskets, spears, films, and photos, was reportedly well attended and attracted media coverage.

In some projects the rangers undertake private contracting work for private landholders, local Councils, schools and national parks agencies for example. This raises the profile of local Indigenous people, helps combat negative stereotypes, and generates respect for and positive perceptions of Indigenous people amongst the non-Indigenous community.

We were looking at the impact of the program. One ranger said that when he went into a shop the shopkeeper would ask him about the program rather than look at him distrustfully the way they used to.

(Riverland Rangers, organisational stakeholder).

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Raukkan Natural Resource Management The Raukkan rangers undertake contracting work with a neighbouring farm involving revegetation, planting and fencing. The non-Indigenous farm manager acknowledged the contribution made by the rangers and their skills in undertaking such work, he states: – ‘with the fencing – they did it well and quickly. They can do it for sure’ (farm manager). The contracting work has facilitated the development of relationships, with the rangers reportedly socialising with the farm workers. Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers Stakeholders identify the gradual acceptance by farmers and graziers to having Aboriginal rangers working on their land as an important outcome of the WoC ranger teams. The ranger teams have been important for helping overcome the prejudices or negative stereotypes non-Indigenous land holders have about Aboriginal people. Project social barriers barriers social Breaking down down Breaking stakeholders report the ranger teams have secured private contracting work through positive word of mouth from satisfied customers, and customers contracting repeat work for the rangers. 'We had one particular project where the landholder came back and couldn’t believe how hard they worked; originally he thought they would all be sitting under the tree doing nothing. He was very impressed and telling all his mates about it apparently.' (Organisational stakeholder)

Stakeholders also indicate WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives have strengthened relationships between organisations, with local organisations working collaboratively in the design and delivery of projects. In many cases, these working relationships have been formalised through MOUs. The development of working relationships between local organisations enables holistic, coordinated service delivery and greater commitment and buy-in from organisations in supporting the local Aboriginal community.

The MOU with two land councils, getting any two land councils work together is pretty challenging, has been a real achievement. Partnerships have been established and they are made clear in participants who comprise the steering committee – everybody shows up to the meeting, very strong relationships have been formed.

(Mid North Coast Aboriginal Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

We try to work with outside agencies and groups – build a relationship between Aboriginal people and the broader community, breaking down barriers – caring for country is just one aspect, we run other programs as a community, try to coordinate all different programs and processes to get the best outcomes.

(Ngarridjeri Working on Ruwe, organisational stakeholder)

Partner agencies now have a profile. Regarding NRM we now have a bit of a profile, they know who to contact. Show the local community that we are interested and committed to the Aboriginal community.

(Threatened Grassy Woodlands, organisational stakeholder)

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6.3.11 COMMUNITY CAPACITY BUILDING Project stakeholders suggest WoC contributes to building community capacity through skills and knowledge development, facilitating improved access to information and technology, providing opportunities for knowledge transfer and facilitating links to external organisations.

WoC has increased the capacity of communities to deliver NRM and cultural work by creating dedicated employment positions in the natural and cultural resource management sector rather than relying on communities to volunteer time for such activities. The Tyrendarra IPA and WoC projects are attributed with building the organisational capacity of the Winda-Mara Aboriginal Corporation to undertake natural resource management, as one stakeholder comments:

It’s acted as a springboard for other activities. It started off as me and two others with a broken down old ute and a couple of shovels. We built the land management group from there.

(Tyrendarra IPA, organisational stakeholder)

The formal and informal training opportunities provided by WoC have raised the skills and capacity levels at a community level by retaining skills locally, creating community leaders and allowing for the transfer of skills and knowledge inter-generationally within and between communities.

It is good for the community to have people trained up. Good in emergency situations for example cyclone time, when police and interpreters are working together to let people know when the cyclone is coming.

(Thamarrurr Rangers)

Raukkan Natural Resource Management

The Raukkan Natural Resource Management Project Manager described the local community as being in ‘dire straits’ before the introduction of WoC with the removal of CDEP and other key government services (e.g. public housing). Significant numbers of community members moved away to seek work and the local school closed temporarily because of inadequate enrolment numbers. WoC has reportedly played a significant role in sustaining and rebuilding the local community by building capacity and retaining skilled workers.

Community 'There is an Aboriginal community up the river with more dogs than people… it is a cultural museum. If we didn’t have those opportunities capacity building capacity the same thing would have happened here. Things would have fallen apart, we would have been a welfare driven community. '

For many projects, the ranger positions are central for carrying out a wide-range of community building activities. Rangers contribute to community life through engaging with school children, at-risk young people, aged care residents, traditional owners etc. One stakeholder described the ranger teams as a ‘resource and focal point’ for the entire community.

Rangers help out with everything from child safety program to aged care, health services, and general community support. So everyone in the community is having contact with the program in one way or the other. (Djelk Land Management Extension Project, organisational stakeholder)

... The ability to provide support in general [is one of the most important outcomes of the project]. Child Safety asked the rangers to do something positive with kids who’d been removed. It gives a sense of pride to do something.

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(Djelk Land Management Extension Project, organisational stakeholder)

Some rangers are reportedly better able to deal with political and policy issues, bureaucracy, government agencies, banks and employers due to improved literacy skills. As a Central Land Council stakeholder states: ‘If you can’t read, you are in a perpetual state of confusion’. As a result, communities have increased capacity for active and informed political participation. For example, the Central Land Council reports communities have greater capacity to assist in Native Title Claims with rangers involved in sacred site identification, management and Federal Court determinations.

Stakeholders report increased access to communications technology such as computers and information as a positive outcome of WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives. Grassy Woodlands project stakeholders indicate that Aboriginal community members have increased knowledge of their legal rights and responsibilities in accessing the land. For example, community members learnt they were required to apply for a permit to strip bark off trees to make a canoe. People understanding their rights and the appropriate processes have enabled them to gain greater access to their country.

Establishing links with external organisations such as research centres, universities and government agencies has enabled the rangers to access new information and disseminate this information amongst the community. Interest from large external organisations also helps raise the profile of small Indigenous communities.

As Ngarridjeri people it affirms us, there’s a lot of interest, a group every week comes in.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, organisational stakeholder)

6.3.12 SELF-DETERMINATION WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives reportedly support Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ aspirations in caring for country and contributes to increased decision-making and ownership by traditional owners and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities in cultural and natural resource management. WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives have contributed to increased community control over land use practices, with some projects reporting greater input into local tourism practices, advising where tourists can and cannot visit.

The program’s governance arrangements, in particular those managed in partnership with the IPA program, ensure that projects align with aspirations of traditional owners to manage their lands sustainably and in accordance with their cultural priorities. Project leadership and management occur at a local level, and communities feel a sense of project ownership. Traditional owners are consulted with, represented on Steering Committees such as those established under the IPA program, have a role in designing and implementing projects, and are involved in guiding and prioritising the ranger activities.

They [the traditional owners] know they are really being listened to.

(Anmatyerr Rangers)

I wanted to see and work on my country, being a traditional owner I wanted to be a leader for it, for my tribe. To say if I can do it, you can too.

(Mapoon Land and Sea Centre, ranger)

Aboriginal input and Aboriginal say – we need our voices heard – very important to promote what rangers are doing and what Aboriginal people want.

(Bardi Jawi Rangers, ranger)

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WoC/IPA projects in the Torres Strait An MOU has been established between the Torres Strait Regional

Authority, Council and Registered Native Title Body Corporates (RNTBC) in all islands where ranger groups have been established. The RNTBC is invited to participate in the recruitment and selection process for the rangers. They also play a role in determining the cultural priorities for ranger activities, providing input to traditional recording and management of knowledge, hosting and participating in traditional knowledge exchange forums, providing approvals to access relevant Native Title land and culturally sensitive sites and generally assisting in decision making and priorities of the ranger work. The RNTBC have input into the development of each ranger team's WoC work plans. determination determination Wunggurr Rangers The Wunggurr Rangers have developed a Healthy Country Plan that

Self - reportedly provides guidance to private companies (e.g. mining companies) and state government departments in relation to activities conducted on or impacting the land. The Wunggurr Ranger program provides support to the Wilinggin Indigenous Protected Area Consultation Project and also to the Wilinggin Aboriginal Corporation to assist with establishing greater traditional owner governance of the local area.

Some communities are looking outwards, exploring partnership opportunities with non-Indigenous organisations, and seeing the benefits of integration. A few projects report increased trust from and willingness by non-Indigenous private landholders to have Indigenous people work on their land. In particular, some projects say non-Indigenous landholders are more frequently reporting cultural artefacts or bones found on their properties.

Respect for Indigenous people is coming up. Aboriginal people are saying we are here, we want ownership, we want to self-manage and work in partnership with white organisations. Many white people are seeing that Native Title is not a bad thing. For example, the Loxton Tower track – our rangers did the bones recovery. There was a picture in the paper.

(Riverland Rangers, organisational stakeholder)

WoC and related Indigenous NRM initiatives fund Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisations to deliver local projects and some communities see the program as a useful stepping stone for making the transition to self-management. A number of the projects consulted with demonstrate improved financial independence and self-management capacity, having attracted funding from external sources and entered into private funding arrangements. A number of projects are investigating opportunities to ensure the sustainability of the program such as partnership/co-management arrangements with private industry or National Parks or private enterprise opportunities such as eco-tourism.

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Tyrendarra IPA The Winda-Mara Aboriginal Corporation is now fully accredited under ISO220. Winda-Mara have implemented a range of formal procedures and processes including an induction process for new staff, formal recruitment interviews, risk management strategies, and occupational health and safety training. 'The organisation is run much more professionally. It means we can transfer people to other organisations such as National Parks, state government departments, and apprentiships becuase they know how to

Organisational Organisational work in a professional organisation, they know the behaviours and capacity building capacity systems' (Organisational stakeholder)

6.3.13 RAISING COMMUNITY STANDARDS Stakeholders suggest WoC plays a role in maintaining and raising community standards. Rangers have a strengthened sense of accountability and responsibility both at work and in the community. Some rangers are said to have taken on leadership roles and set higher standards of behaviour. The increased emphasis on caring for country at a whole of community level, inspired by WoC, has reportedly promoted pride and respect for community. For some communities that have limited economic infrastructure, the employment opportunities generated through WoC have changed the social norms of the community.

Anti-social behaviour decreased and standards of behaviour were set. Raukkan is not just a place where you live and die in. They now understand this; there is pride in the community.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, local Indigenous health worker)

Opportunities for new experiences provided through WoC can give rangers new perspectives on their own community, generating respect and pride. One Raukkan ranger speaks of his experience of attending training in a neighbouring community:

For six months one day a week I went across the lake, I had never been across to Melang before. I discovered that side of the lake and those peoples, and the respect they have for Raukkan.

(Raukkan Natural Resource Management, ranger)

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Implications for measuring the social outcomes in the future

• The range of social outcomes for communities, as identified by stakeholders, suggest there are various dimensions that could potentially be investigated in order to measure the social outcomes of WoC in the future. These include: • The contribution made by WoC to the total number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples employed in the local community • The financial investment or contributions made by WoC to other local businesses and organisations • The extent to which ranger activities protect and restore sites and species of cultural significance • The development of data collection and recording systems and processes to document, organise and disseminate cultural knowledge • The extent to which rangers are involved in supporting cultural activities (e.g. production of traditional resources, involvement in cultural events such as NAIDOC week, and supporting traditional ceremonies) • The extent to which ranger activities involve elders, traditional owners and school children • Increased use and teaching of language by community members • Partnerships or MOUs established between WoC projects and external organisations, and ability of projects to secure external project funding • Increased interactions and improved relationships between different clan groups • Increased willingness by private landholders to contract Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to work on their properties • Reduced conflict, violence and anti-social behaviour in communities • Increased interactions and improved relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous community members • Increased political capital (e.g. demonstrated by greater capacity to assist in Native Title Claims) • Increased control over land use practices (e.g. visitor monitoring and input into local tourism policies and practices).

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7 Key findings and implications

This section discusses the key success factors of WoC and the nature of social outcomes achieved distinctively for projects and cumulatively across all projects.

WoC is a highly valued program that delivers capacity building, cultural, economic and health and wellbeing outcomes for individuals and entire communities.

WoC is not just a good program – it can be a game changer. WoC builds a foundation for individual social development while pulling up entire communities. The program builds individual pathways, confidence, self-esteem and pride. It empowers communities, reinforces cultural authority and promotes pride in and respect for communities. Constructing a modern identity for young people in traditional communities; that is what makes the program so valuable.

(Program stakeholder)

WoC acts as a catalyst for social, cultural and economic change for the whole community.

The future delivery of the program is important in the context of environmental threats such as ecological degradation and climate change and is also critical in supporting the economic and social development of Indigenous communities.

[WOC is] extremely important! It brings pride, health, jobs, and the kids are looking up to the rangers. I don’t know what to do without it, it is our life.

(Gumurr Marthakal, organisational stakeholder)

WoC is designed as a program which recognises Indigenous people have a great deal to offer the broader community. WoC invests in the application of Indigenous skills and knowledge in natural resource and cultural management, valuing these contributions as legitimate and important. It is this valuing and acknowledgement which is central to the demonstrated social benefits of the program.

WoC occupies a unique space in which the aspirations of Indigenous communities intersect with the aspirations of the Australian Government. It is this shared interest which is at the heart of the program’s success.

Developed from a strong cultural and economic foundation, WoC empowers communities in managing the natural and cultural values of their traditional estates. WoC is a critical resource and focal point for communities providing economic development, building community capacity and social capital. WoC supports the emergence of positive role models and community leaders who inspire and bring hope to the younger generations, while respecting traditional authority and cultural knowledge.

The program’s partnership model fosters new and improved ways of relating between Indigenous and non-Indigenous organisations. Interest from and partnerships with external organisations provides communities with access to new knowledge and information, raises the profile of communities, and affirms Indigenous culture and knowledge. Increased exposure to traditional skills and practices in caring for country generates respect for and positive perceptions of Indigenous people amongst the non- Indigenous community.

WoC engages people in meaningful and fulfilling employment. Being a ranger provides opportunities for self-improvement and career development. It provides a platform for people to undertake work they view as making important and positive contributions to country and community. The program achieves a range of financial, educational, spiritual and cultural, and health and wellbeing outcomes for participants. Rangers feel an improved sense of self including increased pride, self-esteem, confidence, hope, and happiness.

The benefits of the program extend to the rangers’ families. Rangers act as positive role models for family members providing them with a positive sense of the future and something to aspire to, broadening

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horizons and raising expectations of what is possible to achieve. The program can improve standards of living, the financial status of entire families and also strengthen relationships and family functioning.

7.1 THE KEY SUCCESS FACTORS OF WORKING ON COUNTRY A number of key program success factors have been identified by program and project stakeholders throughout the length of this research project, these are described below.

While the strong focus on economic participation is a key success factor of WoC, many of the program success factors relate equally to the IPA program and other Indigenous initiatives supported by the Caring for our Country initiative.

. WoC recognises and values the skills and knowledge of Indigenous Australians and the economic, environmental and cultural contributions they have to make.

. The program is mutually beneficial in that it supports the interests of Indigenous people in caring for country, which in turn helps the Australian Government to meet its responsibility to protect and conserve the environment.

. WoC is a community capacity building model that is led at the local community level and underpinned by community ownership and action. Traditional owners and local communities are involved in the design, development and leadership of projects to ensure they align with the needs and interests of the community, and benefit the environment.

. The program provides auspice organisations and local communities with opportunities for economic development and self-management.

. The program is holistic and multi-dimensional in offering employment, career and professional development and training opportunities that aim to address the economic, social and cultural needs of employees and communities.

. WoC provides long-term, real employment opportunities that align with local contexts. This involves Indigenous people doing real work and being paid real wages, and having high expectations of what Indigenous people can achieve.

. WoC involves the provision of meaningful and culturally appropriate employment that recognises traditional activities as legitimate forms of employment and matches work opportunities to the goals and aspirations of individuals and the community.

. The program offers targeted and integrated training designed to meet skills gaps in local and regional industry, and effectively links training to employment.

. WoC is highly visible within communities and involves engagement at a whole of community level. The program facilitates relationship building between individuals, clan groups, Indigenous and non- Indigenous people, and local and external organisations.

. WoC values and uses both western and traditional knowledge, providing unique cross-cultural sharing and learning opportunities.

. The spiritual and cultural offerings of the program are critical and contribute to cultural continuity in supporting the intergenerational transfer of knowledge.

7.2 THE DIVERSITY AND CONSISTENCY OF PROGRAM OUTCOMES The case study research undertaken indicates that while there was a high degree of consistency reported across projects regarding the social outcomes achieved, there were also outcomes achieved individually for each project.

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The types of outcomes achieved are influenced by the social, geographic and economic context of projects. There appear to be a number of specific factors that contribute to the diversity of program outcomes, including:

. The settlement history of communities and the continuity of culture. The involvement of traditional owners and elders and the facilitation of cultural activities and learnings, for example, are difficult in some communities that experience the significant impact of white settlement, including the disruption of culture and the displacement of Indigenous people from their traditional country. In some communities where the impacts of white settlement are present but less significant, WoC and related initiatives have assisted with facilitating continued and improved access to country and culture. In other communities, WoC and related initiatives are said to have achieved cultural outcomes to a lesser extent, as a strong continuing culture and connection to country already exists within the community.

. Project leadership. The type and nature of the auspice organisation including whether the auspice organisation is an Indigenous or non-Indigenous organisation, and whether it is a political, community, or environmental organisation influences the priorities, activities and management and governance arrangements of projects with a flow-on effect for the types of outcomes achieved for employees, their families and the broader community.

. The size of the project and the number of employees. Many project managers appear to make deliberate decisions about the number of project participants and rangers employed. The desired number of employees and project participants varies across contexts. Some project managers indicate smaller ranger teams allow management to provide targeted and more intensive support to employees. Smaller ranger teams assist with managing employees’ engagement with the process of work and addressing the social, health and cultural needs of workers, to ensure sustained participation in the project. For other projects, larger ranger teams provide benefits in securing a critical mass of workers for undertaking needed cultural and environmental management of communities. The positive economic and community outcomes can have a greater impact in smaller communities with comparatively larger projects. In this context, ranger projects are highly visible within communities and play an important role in supporting local economic development.

. The geographic location of projects, including the state/territory in which the project is situated, the environmental context and the degree of isolation or remoteness. Projects located in remote and isolated regions can experience greater barriers to achieving positive outcomes due to difficult working and living conditions, but in some cases can also provide more controlled environments in which positive social outcomes can be fostered (e.g. less access to alcohol and other drugs).

. The funding and partnership arrangements of projects. Funding and partnership arrangements with external bodies enables Indigenous people to access and work on traditional lands not currently under Indigenous control, facilitates two-way transfer of knowledge (western science and traditional knowledge), supports relationship building between Indigenous and non-Indigenous partners, and assists some auspice organisations in beginning to make the transition to self-management.

. The social context of projects. For many projects, WoC is used as a basis for implementing a range of social, health and economic initiatives designed to respond to specific local issues or needs.

. The labour market conditions of communities. The development of local economies and the availability of jobs significantly influence the efficacy of WoC as a program that can provide future employment opportunities and career pathways for project participants.

7.3 PROGRAM BARRIERS AND CHALLENGES This research was required to investigate the social outcomes of WoC and did not specifically explore program challenges and barriers. Notwithstanding this, stakeholders identified a number of key challenges that may be useful to consider in future program design and delivery.

While the program is conceptualised by some stakeholders as providing pathways to employment opportunities external to WoC, this is not always viable due to limited employment available locally and the reluctance of rangers to move away from their traditional country to seek work. Research participants generally view WoC positions as ‘real jobs’. Employees say they want to continue working as rangers in

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the future. Some stakeholders suggest that career development opportunities within the program could be strengthened.

The WoC ranger positions are often attractive to and sought-after by community members. The high demand for the program can be difficult to balance with the limited number of positions available. The allocation of ranger positions can be a source of tension and conflict within communities.

The successful implementation of the program can be a challenge for economically underdeveloped communities and remote communities due to isolation from retail and social services and poor physical infrastructure such as housing. Additional program investment in supporting resources and infrastructure (e.g. housing and transport) could be beneficial.

Many program stakeholders raise concerns that ongoing government investment in the program is not secured beyond 2016. Rangers themselves voice uncertainty and concern about their job stability and future prospects.

Communities are reliant upon WoC, they will fall down if funding disappears….It would be a shame to lose all that has been gained.

(Laynhapuy Indigenous Protected Area Management Plan, organisational stakeholder)

[The program needs] ongoing commitment and involvement. Don’t make the same old mistake of running a program for a couple of years and then going away… It takes more than a couple of years to maintain the land…You need to be patient, Indigenous people are patient…Indigenous people have been here for thousands of years. It is slowly turning around, the government are asking for our help but they still keep us at arm’s length and are not fully committing.

(Threatened Grassy Woodlands, organisational stakeholder)

Rather than a short term project focus, it needs to become something that is embedded in government policy framework as a permanent fixture… Expectations that those ranger groups will be ready for autonomy are unrealistic. It is a long term process. The ranger programs are central to the delivery of environmental management. If the funding is discontinued it will have very significant negative flow on effects.

(WoC/IPA projects in the Torres Strait, organisational stakeholder)

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8 Measuring the social outcomes

This section of the report examines the implications of the social outcomes reported by program stakeholders for the development of a framework for future assessments.

8.1 FRAMEWORK DEVELOPMENT The proposed assessment framework (below) outlines a range of indicators and data sources that could be used to identify and measure the social outcomes of WoC in the future.

The assessment framework outlines potential indicators and data sources against the program logic model provided in Section 4, and in line with broader policy objectives.

The assessment framework proposes the collection of qualitative and quantitative data to identify social outcomes at the individual, project and community levels and capture input from a diversity of project stakeholders.

This draft assessment framework was workshopped with key Departmental and community stakeholders to ensure the proposed measures are appropriate and useful, and to promote the likelihood of the ongoing application of the framework. Consideration has been given to developing a framework that provides the Department with the information required while ensuring reporting requirements are not too onerous for funded organisations.

8.2 POTENTIAL INDICATORS As outlined in Section 6, the social outcomes identified by project stakeholders suggest a range of potential future measures. While not all of these measures will be achieved by every project (for the reasons discussed in Section 7.2 above) they may be useful for providing an indication of the social value and worth of WoC in the future. These measures are outlined in the table below.

TABLE 2 –POTENTIAL SOCIAL MEASURES

CATEGORY POTENTIAL MEASURES

Employment . The total number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples employed through WoC . The employment status of rangers previous to their involvement with WoC (e.g. were rangers previously unemployed, employed part-time, full-time, on a temporary basis or employed through CDEP) . The retention of rangers in the program (e.g. what proportion of rangers sustain the three to four year contract compared to the proportion of rangers that leave the program) . The career progression of rangers within the program . Rangers transitioning to other employment opportunities . Self-reported employer job satisfaction (e.g. to what extent do rangers enjoy their work? Does it offer career development opportunities? Does it align with their interests and needs?) . Rangers demonstrating job commitment (e.g. getting to work on time, number of days off, accountability to the team) . Self-reported future career aspirations of rangers . Self-reported future career aspirations of rangers’ family members . The financial investment or contributions made by WoC to other local businesses and organisations

Financial . The impact of employment and financial security for rangers (e.g. how many rangers are able to pay-off debts, take out financial loans, set up bank accounts, contribute financially towards their children’s education) . Improved standards of living for rangers and their families (e.g. demonstrated by the

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CATEGORY POTENTIAL MEASURES increased ability to purchase homewares) . Improved housing conditions (e.g. demonstrated by the number of rangers transitioning into private rental or home ownership)

Educational . The type and level of training undertaken and completed by rangers . The number of rangers who have got their driver’s license . Self-reported learning outcomes for rangers . Professional development opportunities (e.g. networking with other rangers, attendance at conferences) . Increased confidence (e.g. demonstrated through public speaking and presentation at conferences and to project partners or funding bodies) . Rangers taking on leadership roles (e.g. demonstrated through becoming elected members of Council, being a spokesperson for their community at conferences and events, leading tours and community events, working with school children) . Increased school attendance and achievement amongst the rangers’ children

Health and well-being . Improved eating habits and weight loss amongst rangers . Rangers have increased and more frequent contact with health services . Decreased drug and alcohol consumption amongst rangers . Improved mental health amongst rangers (e.g. decreased depression and anxiety) . Reduced domestic or other family violence

Cultural and community . The extent to which family members participating in on-country fieldtrips and other ranger activities . The extent to which ranger activities protect and restore sites and species of cultural significance . The development of data collection and recording systems and processes to document, organise and disseminate cultural knowledge . The extent to which rangers are involved in supporting cultural activities (e.g. production of traditional resources, involvement in cultural events such as NAIDOC week, and supporting traditional ceremonies) . The extent to which ranger activities involve elders, traditional owners and school children . Increased use and teaching of language by community members . Increased interactions and improved relationships between different clan groups . Increased willingness by private landholders to contract Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to work on their properties . Reduced conflict, violence and anti-social behaviour in communities . Increased interactions and improved relationships between Indigenous and non- Indigenous community members . Increased political capital (e.g. demonstrated by greater capacity to assist in Native Title Claims) . Increased control over land use practices (e.g. visitor monitoring and input into local tourism policies and practices) . Partnerships or MOUs established between WoC projects and external organisations, and ability of projects to secure external project funding

The proposed indicators are drawn from the full range of potential measures outlined in the table above. While not all these measures have been included in the proposed framework, consideration has been given to measures which are likely to be present across all projects (rather than those specific to particular contexts) and those that will provide the most value in demonstrating the achievements of WoC.

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8.3 POTENTIAL DATA SOURCES Proposed data sources include both qualitative and quantitative data. Quantitative information is often perceived as being the most ‘objective’ and reliable basis for measuring program outcomes, however it is generally limited by lack of data specific to target populations or areas, timing of data collection to measure progress, and an inability to understand relationships or causality (City Futures Research Centre, 2006). Qualitative data can provide a more detailed understanding of the underlying social and behavioural dynamics associated with social and economic programs. The most common methods used to obtain relevant qualitative data inputs include in-depth interviews, focus groups, and longitudinal surveys.

The most valid and useful quantitative data across a range of spatial levels is Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Census data, which provides baseline conditions for a range of populations and spatial areas. However this is only available in 5-year snapshots, and therefore may not provide data at a suitable frequency for program reporting.

The Department currently collects useful quantitative and some qualitative data relating to the social and economic outputs and outcomes of WoC. This annual data collection provides a useful source of targeted data which can be used to track the progress of the program in relation to a number of key indicators. The proposed assessment framework below provides a few suggestions for additional data collection through this existing mechanism. This includes: information on the cultural activities conducted by ranger teams, the governance arrangements of projects and further demographic information on project participants.

Information relating to the personal experiences and perceptions of project participants is not currently collected by the Department in an ongoing way. An employee/project participant survey, administered to project coordinators and employees, could be a useful data collection tool to monitor and assess the social outcomes of WoC. The framework outlines potential lines of inquiry of the employee/participant survey. Further consideration should be given to the specific wording and targeting of questions during the development of survey instruments.

The collections of additional qualitative and quantitative data from community services including health services, schools, employment services, police and corrective services could also be a useful source of data.

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Table 3 – Proposed assessment framework

INTENDED OUTCOME INDICATORS DATA SOURCES

Ultimate outcomes Indigenous people are managing . Maintain or increase the number of Indigenous Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) the natural and cultural values of organisations contracted to manage projects Existing data collected includes: their traditional estates. . Maintain or increase the number of Indigenous . Organisation name people employed . Number of Indigenous Full-Time Equivalents (FTEs) . Self-management capacity demonstrated by established partnerships with external organisations . Total employed . Input into local land use practices demonstrated by . In the past 12 months, has your project had partnerships with any of the involvement in local tourism policies and practices following organisations? (state governments, scientific/research organisations, and fee for service contract work commonwealth government, NRM regional bodies, non-government organisations, local governments, private corporations) . Cultural activities performed by projects . In the last 12 months, has your project been involved with any of the following . Decision-making and involvement of traditional commercial activities? (Tourism, NRM contract work, commercial harvest of owners and Indigenous communities wildlife, cultural heritage survey work, other) Suggested additional data collection: . In the last 12 months, what cultural activities has your project been involved in? (e.g. restore/protect cultural sites, recoding of cultural knowledge and artefacts, teaching of traditional language, involvement in cultural events e.g. NAIDOC week, supporting traditional ceremonies) . What governance arrangements have been established to facilitate involvement and decision-making by traditional owners and Indigenous communities? (e.g. input into land management plans by traditional owners/elders, representation on steering committees, engaged as mentors, activities led or guided by elders/traditional owners) . Opportunities for rangers to participate in cultural Source: Employee/participant survey traditions and practices Question to consider may include: . Rangers perceive cultural benefits of the program . What work or activities do you do? (Prompt: what cultural activities or learnings have you been involved in?) . Are you building your cultural knowledge? . What do you like about being part of WoC? What have been the cultural benefits? Note: Qualitative discussions with elders and traditional owners could be useful . Indigenous employment in relevant industries by Source: ABS Census 2006 – Indigenous profile region Key indicator: Industry of employment by Indigenous Status. Industries including:

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INTENDED OUTCOME INDICATORS DATA SOURCES . Indigenous land and sea ranger (if available) . Agriculture, forestry and finishing . Cultural and rec relational services

Intermediate outcomes Future employment opportunities . Retention of Indigenous people employed by WoC Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) and career pathways for . Promotion of Indigenous employees within the WoC How many people who have been employed in the project in the last 12 months are: Indigenous people program . Still working in the project . Indigenous employees leaving WoC for employment . Have left, employed in another job in another job . Have left, not employed

. Have left, unsure what they are doing Suggested additional data collection: . How many people who have been employed in the project have been promoted to a more senior position within the program? . Rangers have improved perception of employment Source: Employee/participant survey and career opportunities Question to consider may include: . Do you want to keep doing this work in the future? . What other plans do you have about working in the future? . Do you think your involvement in this project will help you to get other work in the future? (If applicable) . Do you think the skills you have gained will be useful in the future? . Increase proportion of Indigenous school leavers Source: ABS Census 2006 accessing full-time, or part-time employment Key indicator: Destination of school leavers. Generally measured in four categories: fully engaged in work or study; not fully engaged in work or study; employed full-time (subset of people fully engaged in work or study); people studying full-time at a non- school institution (subset of people fully engaged in work or study). Note: Additional data may be available from local employment services.

Improved levels of skills, . Completion of training by Indigenous rangers Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) knowledge and qualifications of . Learning opportunities for students and young people Existing data collected includes: Indigenous people . In the last 12 months how many people have completed training? . In the last 12 months have any of the following training programs been completed? . In the last 12 months, has your project been involved with the local school in any of the following activities? (junior ranger program, talks given by project personnel, traditional skills transfer, visits to country, other)

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INTENDED OUTCOME INDICATORS DATA SOURCES . Self-reported skills and knowledge development by Source: Employee/participant survey rangers Question to consider may include: . Perceived knowledge and skills development for . What do you think of the training have you done as part of this project? How has students and young people it benefited you? . Are you building your cultural skills and knowledge? . What other learning or professional development opportunities have you had? . How does your project work with schools or young people? What benefits does this have for students/young people? Note: Qualitative discussions with local school staff and registered training organisations may be useful. . Improved training and educational outcomes for Source: ABS Census 2006 – Indigenous profile Indigenous people Key indicator: Number of Indigenous people by region by : . Highest year of school completed . Level of non-school qualification . Type of educational institution attending Note: Additional regional or local information may be available from relevant Education departments, or individual schools. Physical and emotional health . Positive impact on health and well-being Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) and well-being outcomes for Review: Annual Indigenous community members Existing data collected includes: . In your opinion, has the overall health and general wellbeing of project participants improved as a result of their project involvement?

. Personal perspective of improved health and Source: Employee /participant survey wellbeing linked to project activity Question to consider may include: . Have you experienced any positive health and well-being outcomes? . Do you think you have improved nutrition and/or fitness from your involvement in WoC? . Have you experienced any positive outcomes regarding alcohol and substance abuse? . Have you experienced any positive emotional health and well-being outcomes? (e.g. improved confidence and self-esteem, decreased stress and anxiety) Note: Qualitative discussions with local health service staff may be useful. . Improvement in health indicators for Indigenous Source: Relevant health department (eg NT Government Department of Health)

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INTENDED OUTCOME INDICATORS DATA SOURCES people by region. Key indicator: Comparative Indigenous health and wellbeing statistics eg: . Mortality rates . Alcohol and substance abuse . Prevalence of disease Note: Other potential sources include the ABS Health and Welfare of Australia’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples review.

Immediate outcomes Paid employment opportunities . Paid employment contracts for Indigenous rangers Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) for Indigenous rangers in land . Local business activity in project related areas Existing data collected includes: and sea management . Indigenous people in contract

. Indigenous FTE . To what extent does your project use local businesses for goods and services?

. Perceptions of increased employment opportunities in Source: Employee/participant survey land and sea management Question to consider may include: . Self-reported job satisfaction . Do you feel WoC and related initiatives have provided more employment options . Personal perceptions of the benefits of paid for Indigenous people in sea and land management? employment . What were your employment circumstances like before your involvement in WoC? . How satisfied are you with your WoC employment? . What difference has paid employment made for you and your family? . Number of Indigenous people earning an income Source: ABS Census 2006 – Indigenous profile from land and sea management Key indicators: . Average income for Indigenous people by occupation . Gross individual income by region . Gross individual income by occupation by region Note: Additional data from local employment services may be available.

Training opportunities for . Maintain or increase in training outcomes and Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) Indigenous people in land and opportunities Existing data collected includes: sea management . Formal accredited training

. All other non-accredited training . Total trained

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INTENDED OUTCOME INDICATORS DATA SOURCES Source: Employee/participant survey Question to consider may include: . How satisfied are you with the training and professional development opportunities? . What benefits have you experienced from the training and professional development opportunities? Source: Relevant Educational Department (eg NT Government Department of Education and Training) Key indicators: Comparative indigenous education and training statistics eg: . Student enrolment and attendance by course Opportunities for elders and . Involvement of elders and traditional owners in the Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) others with experience in caring project Suggested additional data collection: for country to actively transfer cultural and traditional knowledge . In the last 12 months how many elders or traditional owners have been involved in leading or delivering project activities?

Source: Employee/participant survey Question to consider may include: . How are elders and/or traditional owners involved in the project? . What are the benefits of this involvement? Note: Qualitative discussions with elders and traditional owners may be useful.

Opportunities for community . Engagement by target groups Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) involvement by elders, traditional Existing data collected includes: owners, women and young people in land and sea . At the time of filling in this report, what is the total number of project participants management activities facilitated employed? (Male FT, Female FT, Total FT, Male PT, Female PT, Total PT, Total by ranger groups employed) Suggested additional data collection: . How many project employees fit within the following age categories? (under 30 years of age, 30-50 years old, over 50 years)

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INTENDED OUTCOME INDICATORS DATA SOURCES

Outputs/activities Project design and delivery . Involvement by traditional land owners in the Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) involves traditional owners and development and design of projects Suggested additional data collection: respects Indigenous decision- making, governance regimes and . What governance arrangements have been established to facilitate involvement land management and decision-making by traditional owners and Indigenous communities? (land accountabilities management plans, steering committees, mentors, activities managed/undertaken by elders/traditional owners)

Planning and delivery involves . Stakeholder involvement and project partnerships Source: Existing reporting by project managers (SEWPaC) partnership building and Existing data collected includes: stakeholder consultation . To what extend does your project use local business for goods and services?

. Has your project been involved in any commercial activities? . Has your project had partnerships with any of the following organisations? . Has your project been involved with the local school?

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8.3.1 SUGGESTED REPORTING TIMEFRAMES AND SAMPLING CRITERIA It is proposed that reporting against the assessment framework be undertaken every two to three years.

The employee survey could be administered to a number of purposefully selected projects on a two to three year basis. The survey could be administered to one third of total projects selected in line with a criteria to capture a spread of projects. This would ensure a robust representation of projects while minimising reporting requirements for funded projects.

The criteria could include:

. a spread across large-scale and small-scale projects (based on number of employees)

. a spread across organisations that support several WoC projects and those that support only one WoC project

. representation across the Australian states and territories

. representation across regional and remote locations

. projects that employ women and involve elders

. a representation of projects that have co-funding arrangements with IPA

. the inclusion of a few projects with cross-tenure arrangements.

Based on the information collected from the employee/participant survey, the Department may wish to select a small number of projects to undertake follow-up case study research with, to provide a more in- depth demonstration of the social outcomes achieved.

The ABS Census will provide useful benchmarking and tracking data, and will be available for review and collation against the framework every five years.

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INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES AND INDUSTRIAL CAMPS Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change

Prepared by The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en

February 2017 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change

Prepared by The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en

Acknowledgements

The BC Ministry of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation (MARR) funded this research.

We thank and acknowledge the leadership of both Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en for promoting this project, especially Nak’adli Health Centre. The BC Ministry of Natural Gas Development has shown great leadership, particularly Deputy Minister Dave Nikolejsin and his excellent team. Thank you to Roxanne Alec at Lake Babine Nation for her coordination. We acknowledge the Highway of Tears walkers Brenda Wilson John and Valerie Bolton. It took great courage to bring attention to issues; many women anda men are standing up to do so.

Suggested Citation: Gibson, G., K. Yung, L. Chisholm, and H. Quinn with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en. 2017. Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting healthy communities in settings of industrial change. Victoria, B.C.: The Firelight Group.

For information please contact the lead author, Ginger Gibson MacDonald at [email protected]

Design by Nadene Rehnby, Hands on Publications.

Cover photos courtesy Marilyn Baptiste, Nak’azdli Whut’en, Baffinland, and PRGT.

Photos courtesy Marilyn Baptiste, except where noted.

Head Office — Victoria Suite 253 — 560 Johnson Street Victoria, BC V8W 3C6 t: 250.590.9017 thefirelightgroup.com Contents

Contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY...... 5

SECTION 1 INTRODUCTION...... 7 Lake Babine Interns Prepare for Construction Camps...... 10

SECTION 2 RESEARCH AND WORKSHOP APPROACH...... 11 2.1 Workshop Attendees...... 11

SECTION 3 PROVINCIAL AND FEDERAL RESPONSIBILITIES WITH RESPECT TO WORK CAMPS...... 13 3.1 Environmental Assessment of Industrial Camps...... 13

SECTION 4 REVIEW OF IMPACTS AND MITIGATIONS...... 15 4.1 Benefits of Industrial Camps for Communities...... 16

4.2 Vulnerability of Indigenous Women and Children...... 18

4.2.1 Siting of Industrial Camps...... 19

4.2.2 Identity and the Workforce of the Industrial Camp Environment..... 19

4.2.3 Job Roles, Inequality and Insecurity, and Racism for Women...... 20

4.2.4 Alcohol and Drugs...... 21

4.2.5 Sexual Harassment and Assault at Camps or in the Region...... 22

4.2.6 Sexual Assault and Domestic Violence...... 24

4.2.7 Sex Trade workers and Sex Trafficking...... 24

4.2.8 Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs) and Testing...... 26

4.2.9 Service Providers for Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault...... 27 4.3 Health and Regional Services...... 28

4.3.1 Shadow Population Demand for Regional Services...... 28

4.3.2 Shadow Population Demands for Services from Nations...... 29

4.4 Child Care...... 30

4.5 Transportation...... 31

4.5.1 Hitchhiking and Public Transportation...... 32

4.6 Cultural Continuity...... 34

4.7 Cultural and Social Issues at the Industrial Camp...... 35

4.8 Infrastructure...... 36

SECTION 5 LIMITATIONS...... 38

SECTION 6 ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES...... 39 Table 6.1: Sexual Assault, Sex Trafficking, and Drugs and Alcohol...... 39

Table 6.2: Child Care...... 44

Table 6.3: Transportation...... 46

Table 6.4: Health...... 48

Table 6.5: Cultural Continuity...... 51

Table 6.6: Cultural Continuity at the Industrial Site...... 54

Table 6.7: Infrastructure...... 56

SECTION 7 DISCUSSION...... 58

SECTION 8 SPECIFIC ACTIONS FOR NATIONS, GOVERNMENT, AND INDUSTRY...... 63 8.1 Indigenous Leadership...... 63

8.2 Provincial and Federal Governments...... 64

8.3 Industry...... 66

REFERENCES...... 67 Interviews Cited...... 71

APPENDIX A GOVERNMENT BODIES AND MINISTRIES...... 72

4 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change

Executive Summary

LAKE BABINE NATION BEGAN THIS RESEARCH during the environmental as- The objectives of this sessment process connected to the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission natural gas pipeline work are to examine project. The PRGT project requires two industrial camps to operate in Lake Babine the gendered effects Nation’s traditional territory, near the nation’s communities. Common cause was found of construction of with Nak’azdli Whut’en, whose traditional territory hosts mining and forestry camps. industrial camps on nearby Indigenous The resource extraction industry has fostered significant economic activity and revenues communities. Our for government, industry, and local communities. The focus of this work has been to specific focus is to review the impacts and benefits of siting industrial camps in close proximity to small identify strategies to and vulnerable communities, and to develop strategies for their responsible location prevent violence against and operation. women and children, Indigenous women and youth can experience negative impacts of resource extraction and to minimize at every phase of resource development. This study focused on the question of how negative effects of women and their families can be protected while industrial camps operate in their territory. project development on There are many camps identified in Northern British Columbia and their number may community well-being. increase with continued investment in and expansion of the resource industry in BC (Northern Health 2012).

This work is intended to generate discussion and trigger action in advance of the potential construction periods for a variety of companies in northern BC, such as the TransCanada and Spectra Energy pipelines, and New Gold’s Blackwater Project, while learning from the experiences of the Brucejack and Thompson Creek mines.

The objectives of this work are to examine the gendered effects of construction of industrial camps on nearby Indigenous communities. Our specific focus is to identify strategies to prevent violence against women and children, and to minimize negative effects of project development on community well-being. Our work is based on interviews, a two-day workshop with over 40 people, a review of the literature, and a series of dialogues with the provincial government.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 5 We share best practices, and make a call for collaboration between Indigenous leaders, industry, and agencies to protect communities, promote responsible stewardship, and maintain the safety of women, children, and vulnerable populations. Ann-Marie Sam, community leader from Nak’azdli Whut’en commented on this work:

This work is about hearing the truths, exposing the hurts and finding our way to reconciliation through action and change. (June 29, 2016)

There are two key findings from this research, and we have identified a range of strategies for managing them.

This report is based Social and cultural effects of industrial camps are not effectively considered on interviews, a in the planning for economic development. Currently Indigenous communities, two-day workshop particularly women and children, are the most vulnerable and at risk of experiencing the with over 40 people, negative effects of industrial camps, such as sexual assault. The focus of environmental a review of the assessment must change to ensure communities, and in particular women and children, literature, and a do not shoulder the burden of impacts of industrial camps. This means that all parties series of dialogues need to consider social, cultural, and environmental issues in industrial camp review with the provincial and siting. Ministries and agencies need to plan service delivery in the north, specifically government. to manage the issues raised in this work, and connect and adequately fund service delivery to already vulnerable populations.

The model of the temporary industrial camp requires a mobile workforce that is disconnected from the region, and this reinforces and recreates historical patterns of violence against Indigenous women. Worker conduct at the industrial camp and away from it should be a concern for everyone. We need to invest in our workers, and the connections that they make to communities, given that a healthy and connected worker will tend to treat colleagues and community members with respect and kindness. At the same time, we predict that negative effects will continue to be experienced in industrial camp, and companies and governments need to expect and design for grievances.

There are systemic and historic factors that lead to patterns of violence being perpetuated in Indigenous communities, primarily on the Indigenous women and children. Industrial camps are being placed, both temporarily and in the long-term, in these contexts without considering their cumulative social and cultural effects.

A series of detailed suggestions are made to Indigenous leaders, provincial and federal governments, and industry. There is a need to heed the call that Natural Resource Manager Betty Patrick issued at the start of the workshop in June 2016 for emergency preparedness.

Every community has a vulnerable group who are often remotely located, every single one. We women are the vulnerable ones in our community. We have been excellent crisis managers. We respond to crises very well. But we need to work on prevention now, that’s why we’re here today. For our daughters, for our grand daughters and for ourselves. (June 29, 2016)

6 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change SECTION 1

Introduction

THIS REPORT SUMMARIZES research, a two-day workshop, and follow-up meetings Our recommendations with the provincial government. Our research intent is to review approaches to promote are to government, community health and well being in connection with construction and operation of leadership in industrial camps. The mitigation approaches were verified with community leaders, and communities, and then shared and reviewed with BC government officials. While the workshop focused industry, to take up the on the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission industrial camps near Lake Babine Nation, the charge to ensure that work has broad application. remote communities do not become There are many industrial camps location in Northern British Columbia (Northern Health more vulnerable. 2012). Construction and operation of the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission Project, a proposed 950-kilometre liquefied natural gas pipeline project spanning from Hudson’s Hope to the District of Port Edward, will require the construction of at least nine industrial camps near remote Indigenous communities in northern BC. There are many other BC- based camps expected, such as for the New Gold Blackwater Project and the Spectra Energy Westcoast Connector Gas Transmission Project, among others.

Our recommendations are to government, leadership in communities, and industry, to take up the charge to ensure that remote communities do not become more vulnerable. This work provides an avenue for Indigenous leaders to seek the resources to implement culturally appropriate strategies and programming to address some of these issues, in collaboration with the many agencies and ministries.

Aboriginal women are vulnerable in small, remote communities. The legacy of colonialism and residential schools resulted in the suppression of Indigenous culture and languages, disruption of Indigenous governments, decimated Indigenous economies, and confined Indigenous communities to marginal and often unproductive land (TRC 2015). This legacy continues today with systemic discrimination and prejudicial attitudes, leading to Indigenous communities disproportionately being affected by violence, poverty, and illness.

The addition of new pressures, from locating temporary and permanent industrial camps near these remote communities, introduces a new set of risks. In the literature, the effect for Indigenous women is known as the “risk pile up.” Evidence suggests that Indigenous

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 7 women and girls are subjected to the worst of the negative impacts of resource extraction at every phase (Cane 2015; Lahiri-Dutt 2012; Macdonald and Rowland 2002). Increased domestic violence, sexual assault, substance abuse, and an increased incidence of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and HIV/AIDS due to rape, prostitution, and sex trafficking are some of the recorded negative impacts of resource extraction projects, specifically as a result of the presence of industrial camps and transient work forces (NAHO 2008; Shandro et al. 2014; Sweet 2014a).

These industrial camps are male dominated, and the interactions with women in communities and at camps could have highly negative consequences. At the same time, Aboriginal women are least likely to participate in the benefits associated with these industrial camps.

The focus on the effects that industrial camps can have on families and communities brings a range of impacts into clear focus, including the potential for harassment and sexual assault, and how safe or unsafe women feel in the hyper-masculine context of industrial camps, among others. There are impacts raised that cut the same way for The focus on the men and women, such as increased traffic (leading to accidents or congestion) and the effects that industrial potential for traditional economies, resources, and lands to become a destination and camps can have hunting place for non-Aboriginal and off-time workers. on families and We acknowledge these are hard topics to cover. There is a National Inquiry into Murdered communities brings a and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls, and both nations are near the Highway of range of impacts into Tears. Families have experienced many losses of young women and men. It is in this clear focus, including context that this study has focused on the question of how men, women, and their the potential for children are protected while industrial camps operate in their territory. Although this report harassment and sexual does focus more heavily on women, children, and youth, Indigenous boys and men assault, and how safe have also suffered from the effects of colonization, including the loss of clan structures or unsafe women feel (e.g., “clan mothers” in some cultures that provided guidance on respecting women), in the hyper-masculine and the loss of spiritual and traditional practices (Tocher 2012). Both boys and girls context of industrial endured emotional, physical and sexual abuses through residential schools, which has camps, among others. led to generations of traumatized Indigenous people (TRC 2015). The degradation of the clan or traditional governance structures has contributed to the loss of specific roles and responsibilities for men that contributed greatly to the survival of their community and family (Tocher 2012).

The term “industrial camps” refers to land or premises on which an employer, in connection with a logging, sawmill, mining, oil or gas operation, a railway construction project, a cannery, or a similar thing, owns, operates or maintains, or has established, permanent or temporary structures for use, with or without charge, by employees as living quarters...”short term industrial camp” means a industrial camp that operates for five months or less in any 12-month period” (Public Health Act 2012). While this definition is applied throughout the report, this work was generally referring to large industrial camps in place for the construction of pipelines or mines.

8 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Industrial camps will have effects on vulnerable populations that are currently not planned for. There is a need for in-depth planning and regional engagement, as well as cross-agency and Ministry planning to maximize the potential benefits, and strategize for avoidance of the negative impacts of industrial camps. Plans need to be in place to:

• Capture a range of benefits to ensure local economic development;

• Strategize and plan to avoid potentially negative effects, such as: • A hyper-masculine industrial camp culture, which leads to lack of self care, social isolation, and significant alcohol and drug consumption, and much higher access to these substances; • Sexual harassment and assault; • Increased demand for sex trafficking and sex work; • Child care and gender inequity gaps; • Vulnerability of women as they seek transportation to gain access to services, and increase in road safety concerns;

• Capacity strains on already limited social and health services, from the This report argues shadow population seeking work, and decreased access to services that negative effects for community members; should be proactively • Infringement on traditional use and rights through land use, and managed, if industrial through the pressure applied to resources as non-aboriginal people camps are going to be hunt and fish on their time off; and located near fragile communities. The • Pressures on community based and regional infrastructure. mitigations described Communities wish to harness the benefits that can arise from economic development. in this report are intended to generate This report argues that negative effects should be proactively managed, if industrial a discussion, and camps are going to be located near fragile communities. The mitigations described in to trigger action this report are intended to generate a discussion, and to trigger action in northern BC. in northern BC. The BC government has established a cross-government working group to catalogue existing programs and services, and committed to respond to this report and its recommendations. Nation leadership holds a duty to proactively plan, especially as the decision associated with siting a camp is made. Proponents can also make many decisions through the planning phase that will decrease effects.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 9 Lake Babine Interns Prepare for Construction Camps In the summer of 2016, Lake Babine Nation hired two women to develop Emergency Response Preparedness Plans for the communities of Tachet and Fort Babine. Lake Babine Nation requested these Plans so that there would be clear actions and lines of authority in place once the industrial camps begin to operate. The nation anticipates that sexual assault and disappearance of a member could well occur as these male dominated camps are located closely to the remote communities. While the Endako industrial camp was operating, there were six known sexual assaults that went unreported to the authorities (P13).

Lake Babine Nation interns included Garaline Tom, a nation member studying for an undergraduate degree, and Hannah Quinn, a non-indigenous Canadian studying for her master’s degree. Both interns spent the summer visiting the communities, and meeting with local leaders and service providers. They then developed and prepared community plans for response to three types of crisis: sexual assault, disappearance of a nation member, and domestic violence. These plans were shared at the community level, and are now available for agencies to implement coordinated responses to these crises. The Firelight Group sponsored these internships through its Social Return Program.

10 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change SECTION 2

Research and Workshop Approach

INFORMATION COLLECTION for this review was completed through:

• Meetings with members of Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whuten;

• Individual phone interviews with Indigenous community members, agency representatives, health care providers, and front line workers about the ef- fects of industrial camps that are in close proximity to small communities;

• A literature review;

• A workshop (called C3: Communities and Construction Camps) with Indigenous community members; and Day 1 of the workshop included 21 community • A series of verification sessions held with the provincial government. members representing A total of 12 individual interviews were completed between May 20 and June 13, 2016. Lake Babine Nation, All interview participants provided oral consent and were tape recorded for internal Nak’azdli Whut’en, purposes only, and interview notes were kept. Interviews followed a semi-structured Wet’suwet’en First format, including open-ended questions. Interview responses were coded following Nation, Saik’uz First core themes. Nation, Xeni Gwet’in Nation, and Nadleh Interviews that were conducted for the research are referred to in text as (P01), and Whut’en First Nation. interviewees have been provided confidentiality and anonymity of their comments in this way. Interviews were conducted with front line service providers throughout the northern BC region in June of 2016.

2.1 Workshop Attendees

The prevention and wellness strategies were presented in a workshop on June 22 and 23, 2016 in Prince George at the C3: Communities and Construction Camps Workshop.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 11 Day 1 of the workshop included 21 community members representing Lake Babine Nation, Nak’azdli Whut’en, Wet’suwet’en First Nation, Saik’uz First Nation, Xeni Gwet’in Nation, and Nadleh Whut’en First Nation.

Day 2 included 47 total attendees, including:

• Six nations represented and the Carrier Sekani Tribal Council;

• Nine industry representatives;

• Seven government representatives;

• Two Amnesty International representatives; and

• Two Highway of Tears initiative representatives.

Small groups worked together on each day, working on specific strategies and recommendations.

STUDYING THE EFFECTS OF CONSTRUCTION CAMPS

Nak’azdli Whut’en has studied the effects of construction camps on communities since forestry and mining camps have been licensed in the area, and the result of the community based health research was a register of many community and social health effects that fell below the radar of the province (Shandro et al. 2013). This has led to ongoing proactive work by the Natural Resources Program to anticipate and manage the impacts of the five proposed LNG lines within the territory.

12 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change SECTION 3

Provincial and Federal Responsibilities with Respect to Work Camps

INDUSTRIAL CAMPS ARE CURRENTLY REGULATED by numerous provincial As noted in a report and federal agencies. As noted in a report by Northern Health, “Constructing a complete by Northern Health, profile of industrial camps in Northern BC is complex and challenging due tohow “Constructing a different camps are reviewed, approved, regulated and permitted by various government complete profile of agencies” (2012, 2). Appendix A reviews the agencies involved in the regulation and industrial camps in monitoring of industrial camps. Northern BC is complex and challenging As the industrial sector expands, increased demands will be placed on British Columbia due to how different government ministries and agencies such as the BC Oil and Gas Commission, the camps are reviewed, provincial regulator of oil and gas activities, to develop a complete profile on the number approved, regulated and and location of industrial camps. This may require increased collaboration and com- permitted by various munication across agencies, resulting in improved baseline data for social and health, government agencies.” and the ability to monitor and respond to impacts.

3.1 Environmental Assessment of Industrial Camps

In BC, the provincial government is committed to flexible and efficient review. Projects that are reviewed through the environmental assessment (EA) process are identified through the Reviewable Projects Regulation (BC Reg. 370/2002). Proponents are encouraged to opt into the BC assessment process, and the BC Minister of the Environment can designate projects for review.

Industrial camps generally only represent one stage in the development of a full project that is being proposed. The construction period can be very intense, characterized by a large workforce and increased traffic, for example. Oftentimes, industrial camps are associated with smaller projects that do not trigger review through the environmental assessment process.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 13 When an assessment is triggered, there is a review of environmental, social, health, heritage, cultural and health effects on “valued components” (VCs). There is a disciplined process for When an assessment is triggered, there is a review of environmental, social, health, identification of these heritage, cultural and health effects on “valued components” (VCs). There is a disciplined VCs, involving scoping process for identification of these VCs, involving scoping with stakeholders and with stakeholders verification (BC EAO 2013). The final set of VCs in a project becomes the focus for the and verification. assessment of effects. BC guidance suggests that VCs should be selected if they are PHOTO COURTESY NAK’AZDLI WHUT’EN relevant, comprehensive, representative, responsive and concise (BC EAO 2013). Each set of VCs will be unique, in response to the particular character of the project and the region, communities and infrastructure that the project is proposed in. The VCs that are chosen tend to be identified through a deliberative process with the proponent, Indigenous groups, scientists, and government personnel, among others (BC EAO 2013). Research has shown that community based VC identification can lead to unique VCs being identified (Shandro et al. 2014).

The BC government continues to give more precision to the planning and policy associ- ated with environmental assessment. In 2014, a new tool was introduced for managing the impacts of liquid natural gas (LNG): the Socio-Economic Effects Management Plan (SEEMP) (BC CSCD 2014). This planning was applied to the five LNG projects in the province. The SEEMP framework sets out an “adaptive process to identify and manage project related socio-economic effects, with a particular focus on services and infrastructure” (BC CSCD 2014). This framework suggests that a range of effects be considered, such as economic, social and management plan relationships, and the framework requires engagement with a wide array of parties (e.g., emergency manage- ment, health authorities, housing, among others). While a certificate holder develops a SEEMP, the Ministry of Community, Sport and Cultural Development (MCSCD) and the Environmental Assessment Office (EAO) monitors its development, and the EAO ensures the SEEMP complies with the terms of the Environmental Assessment Certificate.

14 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change SECTION 4

Review of Impacts and Mitigations

THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CAMPS that were identified There is a need for in interviews, the workshop and in follow-up discussions are interconnected, and thus in-depth planning and involve a wide array of agencies and Ministries. This is why there is a need for in-depth regional engagement, planning and regional engagement, as well as cross-agency and Ministry planning to as well as cross-agency maximize the potential benefits, and strategize for avoidance of the negative impacts and Ministry planning to of industrial camps. This section reviews the: maximize the potential benefits, and strategize • Benefits that can be experienced, such as a returning Indigenous workforce, for avoidance of the and the joint venture options; negative impacts of • Negative effects that could make already vulnerable women and children industrial camps. even more so. There is a “hyper-masculine” industrial camp culture at play, at times, which leads to significant alcohol and drug consumption, and much higher access to these substances. This workplace culture and the demands of the higher transitory population for services (termed the “shadow popula- tion” in this report) can lead to:

• Sexual harassment and assault;

• Increased demand for sex trafficking and sex work;

• Child care and gender inequity gaps;

• Vulnerability of women as they seek transportation to gain access to services, and increase in road safety concerns, and negative

• Capacity strains on already limited social and health services, from the shadow population seeking work, and decreased access to services for community members;

• Infringement on traditional use and rights through land use, and through the pressure applied to resources as non-aboriginal people hunt and fish on their time off; and

• Pressures on community based and regional infrastructure.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 15 The benefits and risks that follow do not represent an exhaustive list; they capture community members’ concerns and experiences, along with the professional insights of health professionals and other service providers in the region.

The tables in Section 6 of this report should not be underestimated. They include a collective representation for targeted actions to reduce vulnerabilities.

4.1 Benefits of Industrial Camps for Communities

Indigenous communities and municipalities, particularly in depressed economies, often want to minimize the risks of boom and bust scenarios, but do want the industrial economy to ‘touch down’ locally in terms of employment, training, and business engage- ment, ensuring there are positive indirect and induced local economic impacts. There is a need to avoid the flyover effect, where risks are managed by too much separation of the industry from the community, and instead manage the boom and bust risks with longer-term strategies for economic diversification.

Nations have negotiated joint venture agreements for provision of camp services with companies, and the revenue, relationship, and control inherent in these agreements provides a starting point for the experience of benefits. When communities agree that a camp should be located in their territory and have the power to manage and control the location, then they also want benefits to be carefully negotiated. The benefits that nations can experience are reviewed in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1: Potential Benefits of Industrial Camps for Co-located Communities Benefit Description

First Nation members do get attracted back to the region, and nations expect a large in-migration to Attracting nation the region to participate in employment. This is a members back home benefit to the nation, as it will positively impact on that from away, as there is citizen’s attachment to the community and the land, the possibility of employ- possibly reinforcing Indigenous language skill and ment locally. intergenerational knowledge transfer. The attendant housing needs in the reserve and requirement to train and deliver services are treated as adverse impacts.

Jobs can range in industrial camps from anywhere from a small number through to the thousands. These jobs can have spin-off benefits in the community, if Employment individuals are gaining new skills, pursuing apprentice- ships, or acquiring skills that become transferable into the community.

16 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 4.1 continued Benefit Description

Camp catering, janitorial, site services, and other Business subcontracting options become available when industrial camps operate in a region.

Camp staff can have a direct impact on sales. In one nation, the negotiation with the company led Sales the company to commit to make their stops, when transporting workers, in the small community gas station (rather than in the city). There are many benefits that industrial Joint venture agreements can be starting points for ensuring representation in management levels by both camps can bring, parties. Indigenous representation at a senior level can but they require create direct linkages to operational staff within the careful planning Indigenous representa- company and ensure that concerns from both parties tion in management level and investment. are addressed, and the community has the pathway of project. to ensure concerns are heard at a higher level. Senior engagement can ensure camps and projects are planned and implemented in line with the nation’s needs.

Investment in existing local health and social infra- structure can contribute to capacity development and longer-term accessibility of these resources to First Nation members. Camp infrastructure lessens the footprint of the project that can be associated with Collective investment developing entirely new communities, and impacts of in local infrastructure, boom and bust cycles. Associated project infrastruc- including health care and ture, including accommodations, roads, and inputs, social resources, can can also reduce pressure on existing infrastructure in provide communities co-located communities. longer-term access to If there is a desire for improved roads, new industry these resources. in the region can propel new infrastructure funding into the area. Road infrastructure and traffic concerns relating to accessibility to traditional territory, as well as overburdening existing health care infrastructure, are treated as adverse impacts. See the section on infrastructure in this report.

Recreational activities for workers, as well as com- munity integration through welcoming ceremonies, Greater cultural are examples of positive control over industrial understanding camp environments that can contribute to increased understanding of Indigenous protocols and traditional territories that employees are working in.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 17 Women and youth are at a higher risk of experiencing gender- based violence given the existing systemic challenges on reserves; there are very few services, programs, or opportunities to 4.2 Vulnerability of Indigenous Women and Children support them.

Indigenous women and youth are subject to a “risk pile up”, related to many socioeconomic and historical factors. Indigenous women have often witnessed and experienced many different types of trauma. Part of this may be related to their individual experience or from witnessing sexual assault. However the collective experience of trauma also plays a role. Indigenous communities have been relocated, forced into new settlements, and suffered through residential school. This collective trauma leads to historical violence being perpetuated and cycled into new generations.

The protective factors of cultural continuity, language, and the warm arms of the family have been stripped away, leaving Indigenous women exposed and often alone. Indigenous women are more likely to be living in poverty, and therefore they often are housed in substandard or marginal and crowded homes. Women and youth are at a higher risk of experiencing gender-based violence given the existing systemic challenges on reserves; there are very few services, programs, or opportunities to support them.

Many remote Indigenous communities face a high rate of physical, sexual, and substance abuse, with an attendant general lack of funding and support for solutions. In short, for a variety of reasons, Indigenous women and their families are already vulnerable. This section reviews the decisions that can be made to reduce vulnerability, as well as the effects and how they come to play out.

18 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change 4.2.1 Siting of Industrial Camps

It is common for proponents and communities to consider economic factors in deciding on camp locations. Indigenous leadership often tries to jockey for the closest possible location to the community, to engage as many of the economic benefits as feasible. Siting decisions tend to be determined by physical and geographical feasibility, avoidance of sensitive waterways, and access to infrastructure. It is very rare for the parties to consider social factors.

Yet there are many social factors that can emerge, not the least of which is increased non-indigenous harvest in the area. Although the industrial camps may be several kilometres away from reserves, Indigenous community members practice their Aboriginal rights and way of life throughout their traditional territory. Camp workers will be mobile It is common for on their time off, especially if personal vehicles are permitted in the industrial camps. proponents and Hence, if camp workers are gathering on Indigenous traditional territory during their time communities to off, community members are concerned about negative interactions and the health, consider economic safety, and the well being of their families. factors in deciding on camp locations. Other siting factors are described throughout the report, and at the close a set of social Indigenous leadership issues are considered which can be used to plan to reduce the effects described below. often tries to jockey for the closest 4.2.2 Identity and the Workforce of the Industrial Camp Environment possible location to the community, In the past communities tended to be built around large mineral resource developments, to engage as many such as Tumbler Ridge (around a coal deposit) and Yellowknife (around two gold of the economic deposits). Since the 1990s, the industrial model has moved towards creating industrial benefits as feasible. camps, whereby the workforce is mobile, temporary and hosted in a semi-permanent to permanent location. This allows the workers to drive or fly in our out (known as the FIFO or fly in and fly out model).

This relatively new industrial model can have a range of social and cultural effects that tend not to be considered as they are being sited near communities.

The location of industrial camps can be remote from urban centres, causing workers to be socially disconnected from their families and friends. There is a pattern of drugs and alcohol use that is prevalent among industrial camp workers and is a contributing factor to violence against local women and girls. Increases in substance abuse and gambling throughout the life cycle of extractive industry projects is well documented (Eckford and Wagg 2015), and negative impacts on health are correlated with increases in transient work forces with heightened disposable incomes (Goldenberg et al., 2008a).

If there is a lot of money, you are not going to spend money in a good place if you are not in a healthy place. So there is big job turnover, partying on days off, and money is blown on partying. (P06)

There negative health outcomes of these behaviours, such as depression and loneliness (Bulman et al. 2014), and mental and physical health concerns are exacerbated when

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 19 there is a lack of access to health services (Goldenberg et al., 2008a, 2008b, 2008c in Shandro et al. 2011).

Due to the long hours required and the intense work environment, as well as a lack of self-care while working in camps for extended periods of time, camp workers have a tendency to “blow off steam” at the end of a work week. This is part of ‘Rigger Culture’ in remote industrial camps, which refers to a place-based culture of hyper-masculinity, sexism, homophobia, apathy towards self care, and disconnection from the local community (Goldenberg et al. 2008a, b, c; Shoveller et al. 2007). When young workers are exposed to ‘Rigger Culture’, this identity is something that comes to be expected of men within industrial camps, and is also expected of workers from communities that are located near camps. ‘Rigger’ identity creates complex sexual dynamics with women in nearby communities.

Simply put, these What is being referred to here is a structural problem associated with the isolation, workers are not distance from social and family relationships, tendency to stigmatize self-care or sexually invested in the -transmitted infection (STI) checks, and long work hours. While a company might build a community, and they do gym for people to exercise, or make STI testing available, there is a larger set of dynamic not have relationships factors that need to be considered in potential for industrial camps. with people in the area. Simply put, these workers are not invested in the community, and they do not have They are disconnected relationships with people in the area. They are disconnected from the region, and this from the region, and lack of connection creates a context in which some workers conduct themselves in this lack of connection ways they would not in their home community (P09). Furthermore, these workers often creates a context in hold prejudices and racist beliefs towards Indigenous women. This lack of connectivity which some workers and the beliefs they have towards Indigenous women, compounded with the access to conduct themselves in drugs and alcohol, results in a variety of violent and inequitable outcomes for women. ways they would not in their home community. 4.2.3 Job Roles, Inequality and Insecurity, and Racism for Women

Demographic data shows consistently higher numbers of men working at industrial camps than women, particularly higher numbers of single men than women. Many extractive industry jobs go to men, because they have better access to education in some socio-cultural situations, have greater physical strength required for the job, and there remains discrimination because of stereotypes within the industry and individual companies.

There are many barriers that work against women finding, keeping, and maintaining positions in camps, in addition to advancing (Gibson and Kemp 2008). First, there is the hyper-masculine culture, creating an environment in which women sometimes do not feel safe (Eckford and Wagg 2014). Second, there are often very few women working in these environments. Many Indigenous women are working in roles as cooks, cleaning, and support staff. This work can place women at risk, for example, as they clean male colleague’s rooms on their own.

Industrial camps can employ workers who hold racist or discriminatory views or sustain these views in their employment practices. This becomes apparent through wage disparity and unequal access to employment opportunities. One front line

20 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change worker discussed women facing blatant sexism and discrimination in industrial camp environments based on assumptions that were not relevant to their ability to do their job (P08). This discrimination results in women not receiving equal opportunity or pay for employment as non-Indigenous women and men applying for the same position. She shared the story of one young woman she works with:

Even non-native locals who aren’t miners experience discrimination. Many people who work at the mine, work there a long time, others are promoted and get raises before first nations people. They have been there longer, and get passed for promotions. Don’t move up as fast. Stated many many times. Someone with a degree in environmental planning were an admin assistant, while someone without a degree was given the environmental position. (P06)

The perpetuation of this work site culture and the often negative stereotypes held by non-Indigenous workers towards Indigenous women can result in a continuation of cycles of trauma, racism and violence.

4.2.4 Alcohol and Drugs

Community members and health care workers are concerned about an increased influx of alcohol and drugs coming into Indigenous communities as a result of higher Increase in addictive disposable incomes of workers in industrial camps. Workers with time off may choose substances will cause to party, drink, and socialize with community members, while under the influence. New strain on local services. development projects attract the drug trade in, at the construction phase. A health Interview participants nurse stated: highlighted that they The dealers move towards disposable income — the dealers come in and claim do not feel they have the stake too a territory before a mine is even approved. We see trends — where the capacity (i.e., industry is going up, we see more activity and the more money that is disposable, human, resources, the more drugs that are available. (P09) education) to respond to potential higher The question of access to alcohol — whether camps are wet or dry — is typically raised, caseloads, complexity as well as whether the same rules will be applied to all contractors. There is very little of new drugs and literature associated with allowing camps to be “wet” or requiring them to be “dry”, and substances, and other the attendant outcomes related to safety, sexual harassment and assault. In the NWT, all mental health issues mining camps are dry, and this has had the effect of encouraging sobriety and healthy that may result with an living for the Indigenous workforce (Gibson and Kemp 2008). Camps that are wet might increased population discourage workers from seeking alcohol in the communities, although a bootlegging associated with a camp. market might arise as a result. Whether the camps are dry or wet, participants noted PHOTO COURTESY NAK’AZDLI WHUT’EN that it is important to have clear policies on substance use and ensure workers are given reminders of these policies. Education on substance addiction treatment options and on ways people can keep their jobs if they acknowledge the issue and seek treatment is vital.

Increase in addictive substances will cause strain on local services. Interview participants highlighted that they do not feel they have the capacity (i.e., human, resources, education) to respond to potential higher caseloads, complexity of new drugs and substances, and other mental health issues that may result with an increased population associated with a camp.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 21 4.2.5 Sexual Harassment and Assault at Camps or in the Region

There are linear relationships between the highly paid shadow populations at industrial camps, the hyper-masculine culture, and a rise in crime, sexual violence, and trafficking of Indigenous women (Taggart 2015). In research conducted in the Fort St. James area (Shandro et al. 2014), data from the local RCMP showed a 38 per cent increase in sexual assaults during the first year of the construction phase of an industrial project, as well as an increase in sex work in areas where there is an increase in industrial traffic (Shandro et al. 2014).

Indigenous women are particularly vulnerable to being victimized by sexual assault (Department of Justice 2015a), and particularly so when industrial camps are located near remote communities.

When that influx first started, being a teenager and walking around and being propositioned by men for sex for money. And not that that was a huge common occurrence, but that is when things like that had started to happen. I feel like it was, it increased the social issues that we had in the town. And when you have

There are many stories people that are in community that aren’t invested in community it almost becomes of men using their like, I don’t want to use the word cesspool, but almost something like that. … influence or position to when I was a teenager and the boom started, the male to female ratio was like leverage sexual favours seven to one. It was normal to be hanging out with older guys, and older guys from women, promising wanting to hang out with younger girls. I remember partying with rig workers that better shifts of avoidance were 28 or 29, and the connection that was happening with sexual violence, of particular jobs. usually when substance is involved too. It’s scary to me when I think of my little cousin and what that looks like for them, and their safety. (P12)

Indigenous women are vulnerable at the industrial camp. There are many stories of men using their influence or position to leverage sexual favours from women, promising better shifts of avoidance of particular jobs (P06). Further, workers use symbols to indicate they are looking for paid sex at the site, such as leaving their boots outside of the door (P06).

Outside of industrial camps, there are also sexual assaults. During the construction period of the Endako mine, six rapes in the nearby community and camp went unreported (P13). One workshop participant told a story of how she was the driver for a group of industrial camp workers, who boasted amongst themselves about how they had collectively raped a young Indigenous woman. The Indigenous driver was so invisible to these young men, that they did not even consider the impact on her as they re-told their stories. The young men raped this young Indigenous woman, who was later found by her family on the side of the road, naked and alone. No reporting was made of the incident, and no charges were pressed.

There tends to be very low reporting of sexual assaults in industrial camps, and very low reporting of sexual assault in the areas surrounding industrial camps, for a variety of reasons.

According to the General Social Survey on Victimization, the non-reporting rate for sexual assaults in Canada rose from 78% in 1999 to 88% in 2004 (Hattem 2015).

22 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change There are a variety of reasons why survivors of sexual assault choose not to report their assault. The process of reporting a sexual assault can be traumatizing, and many people feel re-victimized by the justice and medical systems (see Department of Justice 2015b; Kelly and Stermac 2008; Maier 2008; Parnis and Du Mont 1999).

Some women do not report assault they have no self-confidence, and they have no understanding of their rights, and why they deserve to have this sort of assault investigated. (P09)

For remote communities, women must not shower or care for themselves physically until such a time as they can get medically examined. This can consume hours or days, as women must drive to the closest medical facility with the capacity to conduct a rape exam, as well as waiting room times. Rape reporting rarely can occur in the community, given community health centres staff interviewed for this research did not have rape kits, and did not feel prepared for incidents of sexual assault (PO3). The process of reporting a rape includes the assaulted person abstaining from changing their clothes, showering, defecating, urinating, or in the case of oral assault consuming food or liquid until they undergo a rape exam (Maier 2008; Parnis and Du Mont 1999). The values and ethic that are set in industrial For many communities in northern BC, women have to make the choice to drive for camps can lead to hours on their own, or hitchhike, often to Prince George. Other barriers to reporting increased alcohol are having to leave children behind, fear of the assault becoming known (and the and drugs, and acts associated stigma), fear of not being taken seriously, and fear of the exam itself. The of violence in and rape exam can be an invasive procedure, as pelvic exams may remind survivors of the out of camps against assault (Maier 2008). women. Women rarely Previous experiences can also cause assault survivors to keep quiet about assault. report this violence, There are many stories in which agency or support staff did not believe an assault for many reasons. victim, discriminated against women based on social class, ethnicity, mental illness, alcohol use, and promptness of reporting the incident (Kelly and Stermac 2008). Often victim blaming occurs, or judgments associated with the emotional state of the victim are made as lack of evidence of assault, even though there are a range of post-assault emotions (Parnis and Du Mont 1999).

There has been an in increase in Canada of reported assaults being classified as ‘unfounded’ in comparison to other reports of violent offenses; this too can lead to sexual assault not being reported (Hattem 2015). Hattem also notes concerns regarding case processing by criminal justice personnel, supported by research with sexual assault survivors who termed their experiences with police and courts as making them feel dehumanized, blamed, and disbelieved (Hattem 2015). This has led women to feel tension, fear and distrust of the justice system (FPT Ministers Responsible for Justice and Public Safety 2016), contributed to reluctance to report sexual assault (Hattem 2015).

Community service providers located near industrial camps often have very little knowledge of the presence of industrial camps, have rarely planned for effects with regional agencies, and generally report they are unprepared for sexual assault and harassment of community members by people working in industrial camps.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 23 4.2.6 Sexual Assault and Domestic Violence

Indigenous women and children experience higher rates of domestic violence than non-Indigenous women and children (FPT Ministers Responsible for Justice and Public Safety 2016). Victims of sexual assault often know their offender.

Violence is one mechanism that is used to deal with trauma and a variety of other factors including “poverty, substance use, lack of education and employment opportunities, and mental health challenges” (FPT Ministers 2016). This violence is often cyclical, recreating itself due to the historical violence perpetrated on Indigenous lands, families, and culture. Intergenerational trauma is the continuation of trauma between generations, in an Indigenous context as a result of colonialism, residential schooling, structural racism, and poor institutional responses.

Individuals who have been subjected to violence are statistically more likely than others to commit violence in future, particularly if they did not receive meaningful intervention when they first experienced violence. Such trauma is particularly damaging to children who witness or experience violence, especially spousal Without understanding violence. (FPT Ministers 2016 p. 10) these roots of Physical and psychological abuse and racism towards Indigenous men in the hyper- violence, sexual masculine camps, or the values and behaviours promoted therein, may be a catalyst trade, trafficking and for an indirect culture of violence towards Indigenous women and children. women’s vulnerability are misunderstood. Indigenous communities are living in a context where historical trauma and inter- generational historic grief is ever present (Laboucane-Benson 2009). There are very high incidences of domestic and community violence; “as a result, many Aboriginal people are wrestling with many current losses as well; loss of family connection, identity and the frequent death of family and community members” (Laboucane-Benson 2009, 119). Industrial camps may well serve to continue this pattern of violence.

4.2.7 Sex Trade workers and Sex Trafficking

The sex trade and sex trafficking have both increased around sites of industrial extraction. In both Fort McMurray and Grande Prairie, there has been a sharp increase in both activities, attributed to the rise in increased income of young men, social isolation from families and relationships, and the hyper-masculine context of camps (Sweet 2014a). The culture and values associated with industrial camps may serve to perpetuate cycles of violence, already present due to the process of colonization, and allow industrial camp workers to seek out sex workers and contribute to increased sex trafficking.

Without understanding these roots of violence, sexual trade, trafficking and women’s vulnerability are misunderstood. Women are often blamed for their participation in the trade, for example. Industrial camps could continue this pattern whereby women and children are brought into the sex trade, against their will. The industrial camp could become a fundamentally unequal space that privileges some groups in Canada, and continues to oppress others (Louie 2016, 54).

24 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Sex trade work and sex trafficking has been shown to follow, in part, the boom and bust cycle of extractive industry projects (Shandro et al. 2014). According to human rights studies conducted in Canada, in some areas Indigenous women and youth represent between 70 and 90 per cent of the sex trade, despite Indigenous people making up less than 10 per cent of the population in these areas (Sweet 2014b). Currently, there are an especially high number of youth in the sex trade (CPHA ACSP 2014) and it should be emphasized that they are not working in this trade by choice. Louie explains that:

There is a crossover between girls and women working in the sex trade and girls and women who are trafficked, but it should not be assumed that all trafficked women began by consensually working in the sex trade. More to the point, since most Indigenous women in the sex trade were recruited as minors, they cannot be considered willing participants in the first place. The tendency to blame the victims of abuse and oppression when they are pushed into the sex trade is an abhorrent practice limiting widespread support of victims. (Louie 2016, 53, 54)

There remains a significant gap in research on the numbers of Indigenous women who experience commercial sexual exploitation or human trafficking. This is due to a lack of data and a lack of tracking methods (Tocher 2012 in Sweet 2014b).

Workshop and interview participants are concerned that industrial camps will draw vulnerable young men and women into the sex trade. Pathways into the sex trade are contingent on a variety of factors, many of which can grey the lines between sex work, which can be voluntary and consensual, and sex trafficking, with forced entrance into the sex trade. These two forms of involvement in the sex trade are very different, and should be treated as such.

Indigenous women and youth near industrial camps are at risk, given the structural reasons that have been identified as pathways to the sex trade. Poverty and homeless- ness have been cited as the most common structural reasons for people to enter the sex trade, specifically among First Nations Inuit and Métis women and girl sex workers (CPHA ACSP 2014). Louie’s dissertation identifies pathways for Indigenous women and girls entering the sex trade, and should be considered a primary resource in tackling the contributing factors (Louie 2016, ii). He highlights that colonization is implicit in the pathways towards the sex trade for Indigenous women and girls (Louie 2016).

Interventions to reduce this vulnerability likely need to be both structural and personal. Structural interventions are policies, programs and interventions on the pathways to the sex trade (as identified by Louie 2016). These are upstream interventions, and require support for women and girls to prevent entry into or promote exit of sex trade. Accessible services and sexual health education programs that are culturally relevant and informed may provide support for Indigenous women to have more control over business transactions, and work towards decreasing sexual exploitation and violence and STI and HIV/AIDS transmission (CPHA ACSP 2014, 9).

In both the literature and the workshops, there is a strong call for interventions based in an Indigenous worldview— such as community-led land-based puberty camps and programs (Louie 2016; FPT Ministers 2016). Interviewees also highlighted the need for

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 25 preventative programs and training with youth in the community. As one interviewee stated:

It always comes back to working at a level where it’s one on one and that would be like doing self-esteem, safety, rights, and empowerment training with the younger population. … Preventative work that starts before the camps are there are huge. Safety talks with young people and having the family base and cultural services prior, even if it’s just, a few more services around this and building it up before the camps come. I think it’s amazing. (P12)

Programs should address the needs of boys and men who have experienced violence and trauma.

Male leadership in families and in communities can play a strong role in changing attitudes and beliefs to prevent and reduce violence and abuse. (FPT Ministers Responsible for Justice and Public Safety 2016)

By personal interventions, we mean that Indigenous women and their communities need to be humanized in industrial camps. There is a need to provide education in industrial camps, counteracting the values that lead to assaults, harassment, and racism, aimed at all industrial camp personnel. Awareness of structural racism, colonization, and cultural context are vital to understanding surrounding communities.

Indigenous women need to be known by industrial camp workers as nurses, friends, and co-workers. By example, the community health nurses in Nakazdli tracked increases in the sex trade and trafficking during the construction of the Mount Milligan project (Shandro et al. 2014; P06). As an intervention on both sexualized violence and STI prevention, these health nurses required that they become a presence at the industrial camp, teaching courses and providing public health information. The intent of this program is to build relationships between the industrial camp workforce and the community, as well as provide community health services at site.

4.2.8 Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs) and Testing

Northern BC has been found to have a rate of STIs (e.g., chlamydia) that is 22% higher than the provincial average. Goldbenberg et al. (2008) have found this rate to be related to the rapid in-migration of young people (mostly men) attracted by the oil and gas sector.

Indigenous women and sex trade workers are the two groups most likely to suffer the negative effects of industrial camps. Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) increase dramatically during the construction phase of a project, as discussed by this research participant:

Road construction crew — we usually go through a page of STIs a month, all of a sudden we had a lot more. Girls coming in and talking about being taken advantage of. When road crews left, STI went back down to normal rates. Women being picked up. People asking where you can get hookers or girls in town. People not from here asking where they can pick up women here… (P06)

26 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change The social values (e.g., individualism, hard working, hard living, toughness) associated with being involved in ‘Rigger Culture’ can cause women to avoid seeking HIV/AIDS and STI testing, due to the stigma associated with these diseases and infections. There are multiple other barriers, such as distance of industrial camps from services, length and timing of work shifts, among others, that cause workers and women to not seek testing. This pattern of lack of testing often leads to rapid increases in STIs in and among camp workers and vulnerable populations in co-located communities (Bulman et al. 2014; Goldenberg 2008).

4.2.9 Service Providers for Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault

Women and their families in remote communities report negative experiences with emergency response service providers, as well as slow response times to crises. In interviews and discussions, many women report that there has been a slow response rates in remote communities from the RCMP in cases of domestic violence. This is related, in part, to both distance and limited local resources. Failure of these service responders to meet the need of Indigenous families will exacerbate the “risk pile up” that women are already experiencing.

Communities are often distant from the services that are needed in the case of assault. There can be a lag time after calls are made. Lake Babine Nation response times, as reported by interview participants, are instructive. Fort Babine contacts the RCMP detachment in Smithers for emergency services for health, violence and crime, and response can take approximately two hours. However, participants have referred to responses that have taken from six hours to a day. In one case, a family reported there was no response from the RCMP to a domestic violence complaint.

Participants expressed feeling a lack of security and distrust, and a need to rebuild relationships with the RCMP and justice personnel. Many participants shared their own stories about the tensions between their community and the RCMP, making it apparent that there is a need to address this relationship. In particular, participants expressed that a shooting in the community of Granisle resulted in an increase in tension between RCMP and local community members.

Their experience of police service is unique to their context, however many issues they experience are part of a broader framework of strained relationships between Indigenous communities and the justice system. This strained relationship is well documented, and has been recognized by Ministers of Justice and Public Safety as being tied to both historic and contemporary issues, and is something communities want to change (FPT Ministers Responsible for Justice and Public Safety 2016).

There is intent to improve relationships between justice sector professionals, including police, and Indigenous people; a priority that is consistent with the outcomes of the 2015 National Roundtable on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (FTP Ministers 2016).

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 27 4.3 Health and Regional Services

While access to health care is universal in Canada, people living and working in remote northern communities face significant barriers that limit access to medical services. This can impact long-term health outcomes. The barriers faced by communities like Lake Babine Nation include low socio-economic status, remote location from services, lack of transportation, non-dominant language, lack of culturally relevant services, and limited infrastructure and staff to support the surrounding population (Shandro et al. 2014).

Limited medical resources in remote northern communities in BC, coupled with existing health issues, an aging rural population, increased industrial activity, and rapid population growth from an influx of new workers places increased demands on and overwhelms existing infrastructure and health services (Northern Health 2012).

Health impacts of industrial camps extend beyond the individual community member, and impact camp workers, their families, co-located communities, and the region at large. Prevention and mitigations will require coordinated action on the part of communities, industry, and agencies.

4.3.1 Shadow Population Demand for Regional Services

While industrial camps are designed to be self-contained to reduce demand on com- munity infrastructure and services, existing research and interview findings reveal stress and strain is experienced on already limited health and medical resources.

Community members and health professionals expressed that an influx of camp workers can flood medical services in regional hospitals and overwhelm existing resources. As one health service provider noted:

There will be more strain on doctors, emergency visits. We already didn’t have enough doctors to meet the population, now we have outside people coming to the camp who are not permanent residents here, so we don’t have enough to meet the needs of people who live here, and now there are more people needing services. (P06)

Interviewees expressed that community members already struggle to gain access to health care due to limited local resources, and have to travel long distances along remote (sometimes Forest Service Roads) roads to nearby hospitals for services such as dental, optometry, medical testing, and referrals.

There is insufficient planning to accommodate an increase accessing services, and the planning cycle only begins for some agencies when a project is permitted, which does not allow for any preventative planning to occur.

Participants were concerned about a lack of infrastructure in communities with regards to health centres, youth centres, and access to recreational centres for families and kids, as well as paved and safe roads.

28 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Northern Health considers the shadow population that migrates in search of employment or business opportunity, all of whom seek housing and services:

What many companies do not know is that Northern Health’s health care funding and resource allocations are based on resident populations; health care services are designed to meet the needs of the permanently residing taxpayers in the Local Health Area (LHA). As a result, a large temporary or transient workforce that relies on Northern Health services can place large strains on the health care system and consequently the service levels that can be available to local residents. (Northern Health 2015, 1)

This is certainly not a problem unique to the Northern Health Authority. For example, the Interior Health Authority manages large migrant worker populations associated with the agricultural industry.

Provincially sponsored best practices guides, research, and funding for capacity building are recommended.

4.3.2 Shadow Population Demands for Services from Nations

These impacts of the shadow population are particularly felt at the reserve level, where While industrial camps governance gaps emerge. Administration at the nation level is required to meet the are designed to be needs of an increasing population in the communities (Gibson et al. 2014). For example, self-contained to reduce Lake Babine has experienced an increase of 12 per cent in the past three years of the demand on community off-reserve population coming back to the region. infrastructure and services, existing It would be great to have a mental health counselor come in and reside in Fort research and interview Babine. Caseload is 100 people over the winter. They come and go. That will findings reveal stress change with the construction camps. Members move to Prince George, Smithers, and strain is experienced Burns Lake, for jobs and for kids to go back to school. Members will move back on already limited health for jobs, so caseload will increase. (P02) and medical resources.

This in-migration trend is expected to negatively impact on the nation’s ability to deliver services, given that there will be a much higher number of people in communities seeking services, employment, and housing.

There are no other agencies that are currently a part of promoting safety — be- cause we don’t have a band office — the only building for people to express concern is the health centre... (P03)

This Indigenous shadow population is not anticipated in the federal funding allowances that are negotiated with the nation for service provision. The resulting shadow population on reserve may impact on demand for services, such as counseling and housing.

On reserve, there are no agencies that can assist with the planning or preparation for an increased service demand.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 29 4.4 Child Care

Women are identified as the primary caregivers of children and youth in the community (NAHO 2008). An increase in employment away from home in industrial camps may result in an increased need for childcare within the community. Research collected for the Peace Project in Fort St. John found there were only two registered child care centres with trained childcare professionals that offered services to infants under the age of 36 months (Eckford and Wagg 2014). The same report states that there was only one spot available in these child care centres, and that mothers had to rely on in-home childcare, where spots were also limited. Furthermore, some families may be eligible for child care services only if they are not accepting a child care subsidy (Eckford and Wagg 2014).

This experience of lack of available childcare is consistent in Lake Babine communities: there are no child care facilities in Fort Babine, the community that would be closest to one of the PRGT construction camps.

Women can be prevented from applying for full-time positions due to lack of child care (Status of Women Council 2006). This can impact children negatively, given findings that indicate that when women’s control of household income is increased, there is a subsequent 20 per cent increase in child health (Eftimie et al. 2009).

Parents are increasingly relying on their ties and relations within the community for support and time. If this support is not available or is limited, children may be left in vulnerable situations.

Negative impacts of having more money are private and temporary matters and This experience of lack are therefore comparatively unseen or unheard. An incident involving alcohol of available childcare is and a domestic dispute, a case where a child has no after school care for a few consistent in Lake Babine days because of inadequate or failed child care arrangement, a refrigerator that communities: there are no is empty while money goes towards the purchase of a new outboard motor, child care facilities in Fort an affair — all of these are intangible, mostly hidden, but none-the-less real... Babine, the community Another community professional observed that much child care was falling to that would be closest grandparents who are pleased to see their children have employment but find to one of the PRGT the task of keeping up to their grandchildren to be an onerous and demanding construction camps. one. (Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada et al. 2014, 53, 71)

If children are left unattended without guidance, they are at a higher risk of engaging in unhealthy or risky social behavior and activities, especially given that there are few resources or programs available locally for youth. Health care workers also reported that there is a lack of services and support structures for family and youth in the co-located communities.

Calls are being made for daycare facilities in remote communities, and programming for youth. Programming for youth could involve language and cultural education program- ming, highlighting that when parents are away working at industrial camps, they take the local Indigenous language with them, decreasing children’s exposure to their native language and culture. As one community health worker noted:

30 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change We need cultural programming and youth programming. We had a youth centre, but as of March they haven’t had a worker in there. Health director is working on getting a worker in there. They could have arts and crafts, try to plan outings for the kids. Safe place, and resources to use so that they’re not wandering around aimlessly and getting into bad activities. That seemed to work well. (P05)

Currently, there are limited resources and programs to ensure youth feel empowered and to improve youth’s self-confidence and cultural identity. Community members and health care providers have grave concerns around the potential for sexual abuse and violence, as well as an increase in drug and alcohol availability in co-located First Nation communities.

Participants highlighted that they were concerned about children in the community interacting with camp workers and having camp workers. Overall, interviewees were conscious of the impact that ‘outsiders’ can have on fairly isolated and remote com- munities, particularly on youth and children who may not otherwise be supervised or occupied.

4.5 Transportation

Traffic and activity along transportation corridors between industrial camps and work sites can increase during the construction phase, and can have a range of impacts on nearby communities. Transportation associated with project development can further Transportation aggravate local infrastructure, such as roads, and can increase risks for workers and associated with locals. There are correlations between increased industrial transportation activity and project development impacts to road safety and health (Pfeiffer et al. 2010; Shandro et al. 2014). Increased can further aggravate industrial traffic was also identified as a major impact associated with the construction local infrastructure, phase through the Nak’al Bun/Stuart Lake area during the construction of the Milligan such as roads, and Mine (Shandro et al. 2014). can increase risks for The increase in traffic on narrow Forest Service Roads, or roads that go through workers and locals. ROAD NEAR BABINE LAKE, communities, during a construction phase is a key concern for communities. Forest PHOTO COURTESY BC Service Roads are typically narrow, dusty, and without police presence. There is potential FOREST PRACTICES BOARD for accidents and negative interactions due to higher volume, road conditions, and hazardous corners.

You can tell a local driver from a non-local driver, just because of their speed. (P06)

Shift work and long hours for workers can also take a physical and psychological toll, and can cause increased stress and the tendency to ‘blow off steam’ as they drive. As an industry worker and interviewee in the Peace Project said:

Safety rules are fine, but you feel like you’re under a thumb of safety — if you do not abide completely, you could lose your job. ‘Blowing off steam’ is about experiencing freedom from very restrictive safety regulations. Suddenly, you can do whatever you want without fear of losing your livelihood. For example, on

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 31 your days off, you don’t really have the right to speed, but there is a sense of freedom, so you do it. (Eckford and Wagg 2014)

With increased industrial traffic and speeding, drivers speak of the exchange of racial slurs over the radio on forest service roads. Several participants highlighted the importance of increased municipal RCMP presence and collaborative monitoring stations operated by communities and companies to monitor road safety.

Public health impacts of natural resource extraction activities include respiratory disorders (e.g., asthma), a direct impact associated with dust from increases in industrial vehicular traffic, as well as increases in the number of traffic related collisions or fatalities (Pfeiffer et al. 2010). Health researchers in Canada have documented the development of asthma in children, premature and low birth weight, heart disease, and hospitalization due to pneumonia among the elderly as some of the health impacts associated with prolonged exposure to traffic-related pollutants (Shandro et al. 2014, 20).

With greater risks to road safety during the construction phase of the mine, it is important for community members to have access to radios, policies that ensure the safety of The flip side of vulnerable community members, and increased monitoring on Forest Service Roads to increased industrial ensure policies and speed limits are being followed. People identified a lack of educational traffic is that it could programs for workers and community members about road safety issues generally. facilitate hitchhiking, using trucks or 4.5.1 Hitchhiking and Public Transportation personal vehicles could be used to The flip side of increased industrial traffic is that it could facilitate hitchhiking, using trucks pick up hitchhikers. or personal vehicles could be used to pick up hitchhikers.

Many concerns were raised in the workshop about not having access to dependable, safe transport for low income or vulnerable community members. When women don’t have access to transportation, they may hitchhike or be offered rides by men commuting to and from the industrial camp. Furthermore, men that are seeking sex or alcohol and drugs may use their personal vehicle after work to seek these ends in nearby communities.

Women and vulnerable community members need transportation to access services, including attending appointments, community referrals, and in order to find housing and employment (Eckford and Wagg 2014). Access to transportation is vital for women and children who are experiencing violence, and a lack of access to safe and affordable transportation can be a barrier to seeking help by women and vulnerable band members (Eckford and Wagg 2014).

Many people hitchhike to nearby communities to access services, secure basic needs, and visit family or friends. Some community members hitchhike because they do not have access to personal vehicles or public transport; others do not having a driver’s license.

There are many deterrents to owning a vehicle (e.g., poverty), or having a driver’s license (such as distance to driver’s licensing centres).

32 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Several participants in this study stressed the importance of programs on hitchhiking and road safety to provide education on vulnerability, education on the expectations on workers, as well as focusing on sourcing other options for safe and affordable transportation for community members.

Anyone hired for work at an industrial camp will need to have dependable transportation to the site. This could require proponent or community owned transportation, or a community bus for transportation to services.

Have alternative transportation, use some of the project revenue to create a more sustainable service for people to use. The 15 passenger van can be on the road more often, such as daily trips. Sponsor safer travel alternatives, the companies could sponsor that. It could be a company-sponsored community bus. (P10)

It is very rare for camps or communities to consider how to reduce the potential for workers to access their vehicles, however strategies were raised in the study.

Decaling is one approach that has been used to mitigate impacts of speeding, negative camp-community interactions, or pickups of community members by workers in company and personal vehicles. This approach has been used by Summit Camps (one company that manages industrial camps) for company vehicles, and the company supports decaling personal vehicles so that if dangerous driving is occurring it can be identified and reported.

Another approach supported by Summit Camps includes using parking lots and shuttle vehicles to transport workers to and from camp to prevent personal vehicle use in camp that would increase access to nearby communities, and to decrease congestion on Forest Service Roads and transportation corridors. Several participants in this Other mines have big buses to pick up workers, so it’s not like a million trucks, study stressed the importance and it seems like it minimizes the impacts. It should be more local people going, of programs on hitchhiking and but at least they’ve managed that impact. And there’s other smaller First Nation road safety to provide education owned companies, so instead of going to Brucejack they have meeting points on vulnerability, education on along the highway to pick up their workers. It is becoming more common practice the expectations on workers, in the area. (P01) as well as focusing on sourcing other options for safe and One participant explained that having zero tolerance policies for hitchhiking in company affordable transportation vehicles could lead to workers using their personal vehicles to pick up community for community members. members, in particular women. PHOTO COURTESY ISITHOMBE/ I have seen women being picked up in mine trucks. Say that this is not tolerated. WIKIMEDIA COMMONS All they will do then though is go to private vehicles. A program and teaching about hitchhiking and vulnerability. You have to change the whole industrial culture. (P06)

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 33 4.6 Cultural Continuity

Hunting and food harvesting areas may be impacted when industrial camps are located in a region, due to high levels of traffic, construction activities, and potential contamination of wildlife, plants, medicines, and fish during the commencement of industrial activities. Competition for resources may increase, as off shift workers become harvesters themselves in the traditional territories they are in.

Families rely on the land for harvesting, for identity, and for a sense of well-being. Access to land, as well as providing for mental and physical health, is a key social determinant of health (Reading and Wien 2009).

Industrial camps may be sited in critical habitats that cause disturbances to wildlife, Communities are impacting on exercise of rights, causing nations members to have to travel harvest concerned about the further, or change locations. loss and waste of their traditional foods and The impact will be on berry picking... Even for myself I hunt, now for me I have the negative impacts to go further and further from the area where my home is for my own cultural this loss will have on self. I have to go from 48 km to 78 km. I need more gas and time. With people their children and overall who have very little money, that is very hard for them to get away to reach and cultural continuity. meet their cultural needs. (P03)

Community members face barriers to their ability to practice their Aboriginal and/or Treaty rights (e.g., hunt, fish, trip, plant harvesting), eat traditional foods, and use their traditional knowledge (NAHO 2008).

Community members and community health care providers are very concerned about camp workers hunting and fishing on First Nations traditional territory, which will increase competition and limit access to traditional foods. Given that some community members rely on traditional foods (e.g., moose, fish, berries) for their health (spiritual, social, physical, and overall health), food security and way of life, it is important that there are not additional pressures and competition for these resources from outside workers.

Participants also noted that with increased non-Aboriginal hunters from the industrial camps, there were situations where the non-Aboriginal hunters did not have any connection to the area or the traditional territory and cultural hunting protocols were not followed (e.g., wasting parts of animal and leaving waste behind). Communities are concerned about the loss and waste of their traditional foods and the negative impacts this loss will have on their children and overall cultural continuity.

These are all topics of concern that should be taken into consideration, as an industrial site is considered.

34 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change 4.7 Cultural and Social Issues at the Industrial Camp

At a social level, interviewees for this research indicated that racism and social isolation of Indigenous workers remains a major concern in industrial camps. Both community members and regional health care workers emphasized that racism needs to be openly and clearly addressed with companies. Indeed, participants emphasized the need for in-person cultural sensitivity and cultural training for all personnel at industrial camps, as well as RCMP and policing services, and all contracted service responders, to ensure issues of racism and racial tension are addressed with people who are affected by these painful realities.

Part of changing attitudes, according to community members and health care service providers, lies with industrial camp workers understanding Indigenous culture and values, but informed by a perspective of historic trauma. One participant provided the example below where the importance and positive outcomes of this type of engagement:

We had an opening ceremony for camp in joint venture…There was a drumming group and dance group performing. Having a marker on the territory. It was supposed to be a temporary camp, but ended up being a long-term marker for our relationship with company. This presence at management and ownership level changed how the camp was viewed, so it doesn’t seem as much like a foreign thing imposing on us. We would use the space for meetings and gatherings, and more integration with culture off the site.(P01)

Cultural sensitivity and culturally relevant services offered at industrial camps can be important drivers of a positive work environment (Eckford and Wagg 2014; Shandro et al. 2014). This type of cultural inclusion, through activities in off shift times, could address mental health concerns, such as a sense of social isolation (Northern Health 2012). The Haisla include non-indigenous people in off shirt salmon fishing and other Participants emphasized recreational activities. the need for in-person While there are recommendations for cultural training, there has been little evaluation cultural sensitivity of how these programs change attitudes. Indeed one participant in this research said: and cultural training for all personnel at At the mine site they try to do cultural competency training. Workers actually got industrial camps. harassed more after they went through this training. (P06)

Cultural training needs to address two key factors. First, cultural competency has to focus on historic trauma, and educate (without shame, blame or guilt) on the legislation and the effects of the law on people (Laboucane-Benson, 2017). Without adeep understanding of the colonial system, and continued presence of colonial legislation and its effects on people, historic trauma will be perpetuated and recreated. Second, cultural exposure does not deal with the problem of the lack of connection that workers have to a region. As long as workers are disconnected, they may well behave in ways that they would not at home.

This problem of engagement or relationship is one that needs to be addressed broadly through agencies, corporations and communities. Programs that involve connecting

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 35 health services to industrial camps, such as the Nak’azdli program in which public health nurses will travel up to site and provide public health talks and meet with workers, show promise. They connect people to each other, and reduce the stereotypes that are held. However, any program that takes nurses away from the community is not funded and will strain an already over worked set of resources. These blockages need to be removed.

People are people, regardless of age, gender, sex and religion. Racism got worse when the camp open and we all went backwards, because of the people coming in with no experience of First Nations people.

Indigenous liaison programs are also important for maintaining open and safe pathways of communication between Indigenous workers and community members, and senior- level industry personnel. This provides avenues for Indigenous workers and community members to address grievances and issues of racial discrimination harassment and other culturally sensitive issues and ensures that the liaison is empowered to address these issues properly. An example of an inter-agency Indigenous liaison program that is being developed is included in the text box below.

4.8 Infrastructure

Along with rapid resource development and an influx of temporary migratory workers comes pressures on local infrastructure, as well as the establishment of new infrastructure in the construction phases that can have both positive and negative impacts for nearby communities (Pfeiffer et al. 2010; Northern Health 2012, 10; Shandro et al. 2014, 22).

ABORIGINAL LIAISON PROGRAM: A BACKGROUND

The Aboriginal Liaison program trains Aboriginal workers in the review of natural resource development. Through the NRS Aboriginal Liaison Program, a broad set of agencies partner with Aboriginal groups to develop liaison and monitoring projects.

Job duties can include participation in field inspections, monitoring, training, job-shadowing, complaint review, and community information sessions. The NRS Aboriginal Liaison Program supports Aboriginal community awareness of NRS development, safety, environmental and emergency management, and restoration.

The Steering Committee is currently working with the following Aboriginal groups in the develop- ment and implementation of liaison pilot programs for their respective communities: Doig River First Nation, Saulteau First Nations, Prophet River First Nation, Haisla Nation, Nisga’a Lisims Government, Carrier Sekani First Nations, and Lake Babine Nation.

36 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Infrastructure sharing or considerations can include waste management, drinking water provision, infrastructure projects (including power, parking lots, and road upgrades or expansions), and housing pressures.

1. Industrial camps demands for liquid, solid waste, and water supply are regulated under the Industrial Camp Regulation and the Health Authority. Some municipalities and nations might wish to review waste management and drinking water provi- sion with the proponent, given that investments made in local infrastructure could very well afford benefits. For example, Fort Babine water treatment has higher flow volume than is currently used (Gibson et al. 2014), and could provide services to industrial camps. Provision of power and connectivity is another consideration.

2. There are often infrastructure projects associated with industrial camps, such as parking lots, often distantly located from the industrial site. These provide alternative locations for workers to store personal vehicles. Inclusion of a parking lot that is distant from site can decrease road congestion and ensure there are fewer worker driving or hunting in the territory. Nations could negotiate lots to be in their lands, and charge fees. Careful zoning for parking lots is required, so as not too exacerbate land use pressures (Shandro et al. 2014, 24).

Expansion and repairs to road infrastructure can have positive and negative impacts for communities. Road repair can be important for improving safety for both workers and local people using the roads, and can be required as industrial traffic increases. However, road infrastructure can also cut off Indigenous communities from access to their traditional territory.

3. Consideration should be given to short and longer term housing pressures. Housing shortages in particular can heavily impact vulnerable community members, including women and children, who may have low income and do not have access to stable and secure accommodation. Concerns from participants acknowledged that camps can potentially offset pressures on housing, but there are still major impacts to housing and temporary accommodations in nearby communities, as well as on rental and housing prices.

Hotels were full. They built an apartment. Housing was a problem, people were putting their rent up really high so people on welfare couldn’t afford the places. There were limited places to rent ... No housing at all in the community still today. Camps went in in 2009, and rent is still high and housing is still a problem. (P04)

Participants also discussed how in-migration affects community events and cohesion. There is increased demand for housing and available and affordable hotels.

Fort St. James is a small place. Only one hotel there at the time. It affected soccer and hockey for the kids because people used to stay and play hockey for tournaments for kids. They couldn’t then, because they had to drive in as there was no place to stay overnight. You can’t just bring in 1,000 extra people. (P04)

Industry coming to communities is not new in BC, how do we prepare communities. There needs to be best practice model developed.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 37 SECTION 5

Limitations

IT IS BEYOND THE SCOPE OF THIS WORK to review the regulations, or consider how to integrate the findings of this work with regulators. Further, this report has focused on the community perceptions of the impacts and benefits of industrial camps. Recom- mendations have been brought to the ministries in B.C, but we understand that we are not experts in the legislation and regulation of industrial camps. Nor do we entirely understand how funding may play out differently for Ministries or Health Departments.

Instead, we bring the community perspective to bear, highlighting that perspective. It is in the hands of the government and industry to consider these recommendations, with these limitations in light. Leaders in the communities that are co-located with industrial camps have raised the alarm to protect these — our most vulnerable citizens — in a time of continued resource development.

This paper documents the experiences and concerns of Indigenous community members, health professionals, and other service providers in northern British Columbia. We acknowledge that the final results in this report are not representative of any of the First Nations in consultation, unless specifically stated.

38 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change SECTION 6

Roles and Responsibilities

Table 6.1 SEXUAL ASSAULT, SEX TRAFFICKING, AND DRUGS AND ALCOHOL

Mitigation: • Build strong relationships (e.g., through co-management strategies, working groups) with impacted communities to address concerns related to drugs and alcohol, and sexual exploitation. • Increase resources (human and funding) for culturally appropriate drug, alcohol and mental health counselling for impacted communities.

Strategies

Community Industry Agency

• Community mapping to identify • Increased communication strategies • Community-led cultural existing resources and services and overall engagement on sexual competency training for all for members experiencing vio- health, assaults, harassment, and industry and agency person- lence and assault; including crisis substance abuse incidences through nel involved, working with, lines, safe houses and counsel- working groups with co-located or working in camps and ling. This can identify gaps, and community representation, community communities. This training areas for future planning. liaison, co-management or other is necessary for developing • Implement crisis support team structures. an understanding of impacts and crisis response plans (e.g., • Camp medical services should have of colonization and intersec- safe house, contact list/phone a background in sexual health, be tional systemic oppression, line, and clear procedures) with trained to address sexual assaults, and supporting the use of adequate resources for sexual sexual harassment, and camp-related culturally appropriate justice assault and harassment situa- drug and alcohol situations, and have processes. Understanding tions (i.e., a plan in place for each access to condoms and harm reduction the contemporary implica- potential impact identified). supplies. tions of these is vital if this collaborative/co-managed • Implement community wellness • Company management and industry approach is going to be teams and intervention services workers to lead in promoting respectful effective and sustainable. to offset negative impacts from relationships as part of the work camp’s industrial camps (i.e., keep culture, internally and with communities • Continue Indigenous liaison people busy and occupied with nearby, both on and off hours. programs to enhance healthier things). communication between the police agency and Indigenous communities.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 39 Table 6.1 SEXUAL ASSAULT, SEX TRAFFICKING, AND DRUGS AND ALCOHOL

Strategies continued

Community Industry Agency

• Increase safe places for youth, • Bring awareness and education on • External policing is required women, and other vulnerable healthy relationships (e.g., invite families and needs to respond in a members (e.g., elders) that are to visit camp for a BBQ), including timely manner due to potential in situations of sexual assault, work relationships, friends, family, and increase in caseloads (related domestic abuse, or other unsafe spouses/partners, to ensure integration to drugs and alcohol, sexual situations. of camp life and home life. harassment, sexual assault). • Create support networks for • One strategy may be to ensure there is • External policing and social recovering addicts (e.g., AA gender-balanced employment, offering services should be prepared meetings), as well as support/ both technical and non-technical to respond to existing chal- healing for sexual assault surviv- employment opportunities for local lenges of local community ors and perpetrators. Indigenous women. Training on first responders being put • Increase awareness, engage- workplace harassment and intolerance in situations of dealing with ment, testing, tracking, and policies are vital, as well as having an community members and treatment for STIs available in Indigenous woman in a superior liaison family they know. co-located communities, as position for support if women experi- • Justice system personnel, well as accessible information ence sexual violence in the workplace. regional health providers (e.g., and options for birth control and This is vital to create a safe environment Northern Health) and other pregnancy tests. that ensures their concerns are heard agencies to monitor changes and dealt with appropriately and without identified in communities • Increase resources and safety fear of jeopardizing their jobs. measures (e.g., police station/ on crime, health, and social security in community, nurses, • Industrial camps to use gender-lens baselines (e.g., number of doctors) for responding to sexual (e.g., involve Indigenous women) in the STI cases) and jointly design assault and harassment cases design, operation, and maintenance of strategies. (e.g., rape kit, safe house, projects and camps (e.g., build women • Justice system personnel support network/contact list, only dorms). should be prepared to counselling) and empower • Work with Chief and Council, hereditary manage rape and assault community to act by having a chiefs, and community staff/members and should consider gender clear crisis response plan. to identify sex and drug trafficking impacts of camps. • Implement strategies and coming into the community and develop • Need outreach and health resources to ensure community strategies jointly. care workers that women can members are healthy and able to • Implement strategies to address trust and who can provide a comply with company’s drug and hyper-masculine culture in industrial safe space for women to bring alcohol policy. work camps. This can include diversity up any situations of assault • Increase community activities training seminars that to teach workers and/or harassment. and events to build community about mechanisms of privilege and • Provide funding to affected relationships (i.e., between on exclusion based on gender, class communities to properly and off reserve members) and and ethnicity. This will help cultivate respond to sexual harassment connection to one another (i.e., an understanding of privilege, while and assault cases (i.e., rape build safe places within com- addressing white male domination in kit, building safe spaces, munity) and to build community these particular industrial settings. This counselling). cohesion. training can also address impacts of anonymity and shadow populations • Improve community aware- • Continue research on impacts on co-located communities, how to ness and access to education of resource extraction and the exercise employment rights, and how to and information sessions (e.g., linkages to violence against be respectful in co-located communities research on impacts of work women. (Williams et al. 2014). camps).

40 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.1 SEXUAL ASSAULT, SEX TRAFFICKING, AND DRUGS AND ALCOHOL

Strategies continued

Community Industry Agency

• Indigenous women should have formal • Justice system personnel mentoring programs connecting them should be monitoring success with other Indigenous women in man- and challenges of gendered agerial and leadership roles. In a male violence prevention strategies dominated industry where white male and record numbers of workers have access to more privilege incidences (before and and power, Indigenous women would during work camps) and also benefit from having high-level report back if there are any support personnel (Williams et al. 2014). spikes or changes to sexual • Senior management champion and pro- assault, harassment, and/or mote proactive measures and education substance related incidences. to promote healthy relationships and • Improve community and ending violence against women, girls local RCMP relationships and and other vulnerable groups information sharing to build • Ensure concerns and issues related to trust (e.g., RCMP officers sexual violence, assaults, harassment, go to schools and help out drugs and alcohol are addressed and teachers at recess, RCMP are actions are recorded and monitored. invited to community events) and ensure RCMP are well • Address alcohol and drug use openly aware of negative work camp and implement preventative policies impacts (drugs and alcohol, to deter workers from drinking in the gender based violence, community. racism). • Implement measures to hold employees responsible and accountable for their actions even during off-shift hours. • Develop support staff who work within the camps, but independently from the company so that female workers feel safe to report sexual harassment and/or sexual assault situations and any other concerns without fear of losing their job. • Ensure employment strategies include empowerment for women and youth (e.g., access to higher paying positions, increased training).

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 41 Table 6.1 SEXUAL ASSAULT, SEX TRAFFICKING, AND DRUGS AND ALCOHOL

Policies

Community Industry Agency

• Set nursing policies in the • Examine drug and alcohol policies and • Regional health to implement community to respond to sexual ensure local employment is maximized enforceable policies to assault and harassment cases, and not restricted adversely by policy. promote healthy relationships mental health issues, increase • Create policies so that workers who and prevention programs in drugs and alcohol, and other are seeking treatment for substance for drugs and alcohol and impacts that may come from addictions and are successful in their violence against women in industrial camps in a trauma- recovery have steps in place to ensure a industrial camp environments. informed and culturally safe way. job when they are back. • Identify consistent policies with respect to drugs and alcohol (i.e., dry camp, or regulated, monitored alcohol consump- tion) and monitor any trafficking activity of drugs and alcohol. • Communicate clear policies and repercussions in place for sexual assault and harassment. • Implement policies to improve safety of women in camps.

Programs

• Increase programs and activities • Ensure funding and accountability from • Implement training programs to increase self-esteem for youth. the company are in place for programs in communities, including • Programs to educate women, relating to drugs and alcohol, as well as training on the use of sexual men, elders, and youth on types sexual assault and harassment prior to assault kits, workshops on of violence, signs of healthy the construction of the camps sexual violence and STIs, as relationships, signs of abusive • Programs to proactively promote well as violence prevention relationships, as well as on measures for workers to choose and programs (e.g., healthy potential risks and negative lead healthy lives. In addition, these relationships, transitional impacts of industrial camps programs should include education on support, and self defense (e.g., drugs and alcohol, sexual types of violence, signs of healthy rela- courses). assault and harassment, family/ tionships, signs of abusive relationships, • Programs to educate women, community cohesion), STIs (e.g., as well as on the importance of STI and men, elders, and youth on HIV/AIDS testing and prevention), HIV/AIDS testing and prevention. types of violence, signs of pregnancy, and safety of women • Design a grievance mechanism in healthy relationships, signs in Indigenous communities. which the community raise issues of abusive relationships, as • Provide accessible or free sup- independently. well as on potential risks port groups and counselling (e.g., and negative impacts of Respectful Relationships course) industrial camps (e.g., drugs (Eckford and Wagg 2014). This and alcohol, sexual assault includes providing culturally- and harassment, family/ relevant training for men on how community cohesion), STIs to foster and maintain healthy (e.g., HIV/AIDS testing and families and healthy relationships. prevention), pregnancy, and safety of women in Indigen- ous communities.

42 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.1 SEXUAL ASSAULT, SEX TRAFFICKING, AND DRUGS AND ALCOHOL

Programs continued

• Services and programming avail- • Provide accessible or free support • Programs to provide super- able for gender based violence, groups and counselling (e.g., Respectful vised drug use sites. and for Indigenous men who Relationships course) (Eckford and • Programs to educate com- wish to access culturally relevant Wagg 2014). This includes providing munity members on the counselling and/or programming culturally-relevant training for men on harmful effects of shaming (Eckford and Wagg 2014). how to foster and maintain healthy sexual assault/harassment Male leadership in families and families and healthy relationships. survivors (e.g., victim blaming) communities is vital for changing and shaming of sex workers, attitudes and beliefs in order to bring awareness to the prevent and reduce violence and healthy support of sexual abuse, and heal from past trauma assault/abuse survivors and (FPT Ministers Responsible for substance abuse addicts. Justice and Public Safety 2016). • Programs to educate • Programs to educate community community members on members on the risks of drugs the risks of drugs (including (including prescription drugs) prescription drugs) coming coming into the community; facili- into the community; facilitate tate open discussions on healthy open discussions on healthy activities and programming for activities and programming vulnerable men, and build healthy for vulnerable men, and build coping strategies and supports healthy coping strategies for community members who are and supports for community working in the camps to integrate members who are working in and better transition between the camps to integrate and camp life and community life (e.g., better transition between create a train-the-trainers program camp life and community to engage with community). life (e.g., create a train-the- • Sexual health training program, trainers program to engage which includes training on sexual with community). assault kits, expert workshops • Funding for accessible or on sexual violence and STIs, and free support groups and have community members get counselling in communities together in a gender inclusive and camps (e.g., Respectful setting to discuss prevention (e.g., Relationships course) (Eck- self defense courses, impacts of ford and Wagg 2014). alcohol consumption). • Program where people can openly identify issues (harassment, assault, addictions) anonymously and are connected to support. • In-community sobriety program that allows people to heal in their own community and have cultur- ally appropriate healing programs and supports (e.g., child care).

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 43 Table 6.2: CHILD CARE

Mitigation: • Addressing and coordinating support for women and single parents working in industrial camps, including child care and improve wage disparities for Indigenous women. • Focused resources on building culturally appropriate training and education for youth and young families that are consistent with traditional teachings.

Strategies

Community Industry Agency • Improve or implement • Ensure working shifts and hours • Agency support for communities to community-based child care. consider the childcare challen- develop and monitor appropriate • Implement the Highway of ges of women in the community positive indicators of child and Tears toolkits. (e.g., night shifts and long shifts). family health. • Provide funding for quality and • Ensure resources are in place for culturally responsive and relevant municipal RCMP to quickly respond childcare. to child abuse and sexual assault • Investigate options and barriers calls in co-located communities. to child care options for single • Review the inequitable funding parent workers. formulas in place for delivery of services to First Nation families and children. • Fund culturally responsive and relevant childcare. • Funding for extended families that take on the burden of childcare (e.g., aunties, uncles, grandparents). • Ensure adequate funding for foster parents. • Ensure equitable funding for on- reserve child services as compared to off-reserve child services. • Funding for the implementation of the Highway of Tears toolkits in communities. • Funding for recreational facilities for youth (e.g., arenas and ball parks).

44 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.2: CHILD CARE continued

Programs

• Increase education and aware- • Provide culturally-relevant and • Provide funding and resources to ness programs focusing on trauma-informed support and co-located community for youth the importance of attachment resources (e.g., counselling, programming, support workers, and and traditional knowledge mental health support) for infrastructure. transmission between children community members who are • Support the community to develop and parents when working at working in the camps to help child and family health indicators. camps. Increase education ensure family cohesion. In and awareness programs addition, providing counselling (e.g., stranger danger, open and mental health support to all discussions about sexuality other workers. and assault, what they should • Provide support and activities be telling their parents) for that ensure workers can regularly children, youth, and their communicate with family (e.g., caregivers to stay safe on-site barbeques, family days). and have open outlets for communication (e.g., drugs, • Provide flexible hours for child alcohol, sexual abuse, sexual caregivers or guardians and assault and harassment, STIs). single parents who are working in the camps and require • Increase cultural programs childcare. and safe spaces to safeguard youth and children in the community (e.g., youth center). • Hire a youth worker (especially during the summer months) that can monitor and provide support to the youth and children in the co-located community. • Empower youth and children with programs that improve their self-esteem, self-confidence, self-worth, and cultural identity. This can include programs bringing youth out on-the-land, and mentorship on the roles and responsibilities of youth in their communities, as told in traditional teachings.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 45 Table 6.3: TRANSPORTATION

Mitigation: • Transportation and road safety committee for region to address the complex issues remote communities face

Strategies

Community Industry Agency

• Community to put signage in • Company flaggers in place to • There needs to be an increased place to prevent speeding in the slow and monitor traffic. presence of municipal RCMP community. • Number or decal company and with camp presence, going in • Put signage in place with cul- personal vehicles for workers. to monitor hitchhiking, industry traffic, speeding, hogging the tural symbols to remind visitors of • Put signage in place on roads cultural context. road, and racial discrimination and in company parking lots to over the radio. • Entry and exit checkpoint where prevent speeding. • Traffic and road safety, and zero drivers have to stop to be mon- • Provide funding for community itored near camps or junctions tolerance to hitchhiking, should to have radios to be used along be built into the EA. close to camps. Checkpoints service roads and radio training. would have equal representation • Northern Health doing more pub- from company and communities. • Parking lots for workers’ per- lic health work on road safety, sonal vehicles, and a company • Have liaison (e.g., Community safe driving, proper licensing, bus to shuttle to/from work how to secure children, etc. Gatekeeper) between the com- (leaving personal vehicles away pany and community who can from camp). • Funding for transportation. report transportation issues and • EA certification process to monitoring of roads. • Zero tolerance on intoxicated workers attempting to get on include terms such as no • First Nations owned transportation company bus for work. personal vehicles at the industrial companies for shuttling workers, worksite and mandatory decaling as well as transport services for • Speed monitoring devices in of all company vehicles. shuttle vehicles. community members. • List of transportation options for • Organize system for service radio • Work with community and gov- community members to access distribution and sign out. ernment to create emergency services in town or elsewhere response plan for accidents on (e.g., appointments) (Eckford and • Speed monitoring devices in the road (i.e., first responders). shuttle vehicles. Wagg 2014). • Work with community to ensure • Work with community and • Advocate that better access to that access to cultural sites or transportation is needed in the industry to create emergency land for traditional practices are response plan for accidents on community (Eckford and Wagg not destroyed or blocked. 2014). the road (i.e., first responders). • Provide support (e.g., fencing) • Work with industry and govern- for roadside community houses ment to create emergency that are affected by heavy traffic response plan for accidents on from the project (e.g., ensure the road (i.e., first responders). safety of children).

46 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.3: TRANSPORTATION continued

Policies – Vehicle Fleet Policy

• Zero tolerance policy for picking up hitchhikers, to ensure that only company staff are allowed in workers’ company and personal vehicles. • Zero tolerance on any form of racism and harassment over the radio on Forest Service Roads.

Programs

• Programs providing training for • Cultural sensitivity training so • Women’s Outreach Worker to using radios on Forest Service workers and sub-contractors assist with housing and employ- Roads. understand whose territory ment, transportation to appoint- • Ridesharing within community, and they are working in, the political ments (Eckford and Wagg 2014). programs to provide safe transpor- contexts of where communities • Transit pass program (Eckford tation to and from town. are now, and understanding and Wagg 2014) or further community concerns regard- • Defensive driving and hitchhiking connectivity programs (e.g. bus ing loss of use of traditional service). awareness programs for youth. territory. • Highway monitoring with a spill • Funding safe spaces and • Company programs on safe transportation. response cache, and training driving, speed, and communi- for community members as first cation on radios, including for responders. contractors. • Community-led initiatives and • Training for radio use on Forest educational programs on hitchhik- Service Roads. ing and general road safety, such as the ‘Be Seen, Be Safe’ reflective • Implement a community bus armband campaign in Nak’azdli driving service to provide safer that raised awareness about transportation from remote pedestrian safety and the ‘Com- communities that is accessible mon Code of Courtesy’ document for low-income members. that encouraged domestic and • Fund a safe space in town industry drivers to respect one where community members another when traveling along the can stay while waiting for a ride, North Road (Shandro et al. 2014). and can access food and a telephone. • Programs to educate work- ers about hitchhiking and vulnerability.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 47 Table 6.4 HEALTH

Mitigation: • Coordinated strategies to address the issues that emerge from a gender-based, community, and service review.

Strategies

• Collaborative emergency response plan with communities and agencies that includes project information and key contacts, prevention strategies, available infrastructure, resources, and facilities in community and in the camp, and communication information (Northern Health)

Community Industry Agency

• Devise culturally-relevant “Wellness • Provide support, funding, and • Provide support, funding, Services Plan” in collaboration with participation in creating a “Well- and participation in creating a communities, industry, and govern- ness Services Plan.” “Wellness Services Plan.” ment. The plan could include: • Strategies required in situa- • Municipal RCMP: Organize • Regional level research (e.g., tions where workers are in the community engagement events baseline health indicators); community during their time off and information sessions within • Municipal RCMP and justice per- and require emergency health affected communities to provide sonnel monitoring (e.g., action on services from a non-emergency resources and contact, and drug trafficking in communities); nurse. build trust (e.g., restorative • Funding for doctors and medical • Include information on access justice). services; to mental health services/ • Municipal RCMP: Monitoring for • First responder training for counselling in employee benefits specific health-related issues community members; packages (e.g., by phone or (e.g., drugs and alcohol, speed- • Provision of emergency response computer) and ensure support ing, sleep deprivation while vehicles and staff; and resources are available in driving) and work in collabora- • Regional evaluation of funding camp for workers (e.g., addic- tion with the community. allocation to agencies (e.g., tions, sleep disorders, emotional • Municipal RCMP: Report on Northern Health) to accommodate issues, stress). drug and alcohol infractions. incoming worker populations; and • Consider sharing health services • Research and development • Increase mental health services in between camp and community of gender-based analysis of northern communities. (e.g., extra nurse on site provided industrial camps in B.C. at the by camp; increase frequency of • Culturally-relevant wellness regional and provincial levels. doctor visits). program at the community level • Change funding structure for (e.g., traditional activities, crafts, • Strategies to promote mental and Northern Health to accom- traditional foods, guidance from physical health wellness in camps modate transient workforces Elders, language learning, mental (e.g., link workers to different and population fluctuations in health, managing long distance support systems and get workers remote areas. relationships), so community to think beyond their work and • Improve funding for facilities members who are working in camp pay cheque). and services in communities, begin at a healthy state to maintain • Train company staff at all levels particularly for vulnerable employment. on improving mental health, sup- groups like two-spirited people, • Education for youth through school port systems available in camps sex workers, and Indigenous system on healthy behaviours, and work environments, healthy women and children, (e.g., more healthy activities, and healthy behaviour and activities when doctor visits, culturally safe and relationships (interpersonal, sexual). working in isolated locations (e.g., trauma-informed resources services, recreation), and the in shelters) to respond to health issues faced by workers additional pressures. and nearby community members.

48 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.4 HEALTH continued

Community Industry Agency

• Community outreach worker to work • Provide drug and alcohol coun- • Increase untied funding for with youth on health, well-being, selling and support for workers culturally relevant programs, and mental wellness program in a on an ongoing basis. strategies, and infrastructure safe space and where members • Establish a liaison (e.g., hereditary (e.g., cultural centre) to promote can access mental health support chief, elder, counsellor) who healing and health. without stigma (e.g., job title could will work with the camp and • Invest in health prevention be “wellness support worker” or part the community to monitor and strategies and mitigations of cultural center). respond to grievances related before the pipeline or mine is • Health strategies at the community to any health concerns (e.g., in operation, not only once level that integrate and consider drugs and alcohol, mental health, operations have begun. community safety concerns (e.g., physical health, well-being.) • Incorporate traditional know- designated body to monitor health • Provide active recreational ledge and qualitative data into and safety data). activities (e.g., volleyball court, baseline data and monitoring for • Increase number of counsellors basketball court, workout room). health impacts. working on drug and alcohol abuse • Work directly with First Nations • Provide funding to improve issues to prepare community to monitor and respond to northern community food secur- members for employment in camps. health concerns (e.g., through a ity levels. • Work with neighbouring nations to development corporation). • Build stronger ties and con- employ a non-jurisdictional health • Make camp first responders nections across agencies outreach worker who can work available to nearby communities responsible for health (e.g., with homeless populations, women during health crises. medical, emergency services and girls who are survivors or are • Ensure accountability at various and emergency transport, currently being trafficked, and sex housing, sanitation). workers who may or may not be levels of management with regard members of a Nation. to health and well-being monitor- • Create system at the regional/ ing and programming. provincial level where camp • Increase strategies to address youth • Provide training to camp workers workers and community mem- and adult suicide cases through bers can report health related improving community cohesion. at all levels on the health issues faced by workers, as well as grievances and concerns that • Connect health to cultural knowledge nearby community members. have not been addressed at the transmission and connection to the industry level. land (e.g., teaching the seasonal rounds, harvesting, and medicines).

Policies

• Policies to clearly indicate that • Create and enforce policies camp workers will access that require industry to develop medical care at camp and define worker wellness prevention the situations where they will strategies, counselling for require community or regional mental health and drug and health services. alcohol issues, and wellness • Develop policies that establish programs. healthy lifestyles for employees, • Require that a health as- including scheduled time off, sessment be completed and healthy cafeteria food, and time implemented by industry. to exercise and engage in mental • Regulate health and well-being wellness programs. standards for camp workers to ensure accountability.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 49 Table 6.4 HEALTH continued

Community Industry Agency

Programs

• Provide more culturally-relevant • Provide a physical and mental • Provide culturally relevant awareness on mental health in order health wellness program to dietician services as one major to remove stigmas on asking for employees (e.g., weekly health aspect of improving community mental health support. challenges, group health targets, health (e.g., home gardens, • Cultural revitalization of clan-system mental health information integration of harvested foods). and culture of sharing to increase session), that includes • Provide funding and access community cohesion. programming to decrease stigma to culturally-safe and in accessing these services. • Design and implement culturally trauma-informed addictions relevant sobriety, counselling, • Invest in worker wellness through treatment centers, including and other healing programs (e.g., sobriety program for workers healing lodges, as well as for treatment centre) on the community’s who are experiencing difficulties supervised drug use sites, and traditional territory (e.g., in areas that with drug and alcohol abuse. This trauma-informed treatment for are familiar to community members program should be designed to addictions centres. and culturally based). reduce stigma, and in a way that workers feel secure their jobs will not be put at risk by engaging in the program.

50 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.5: CULTURAL CONTINUITY

Mitigation: • Coordinated efforts to protect traditional activities and continued access to traditional lands.

Community Industry Agency

Strategies

• Signage in the community • Proponents need to address loss of • Consider guidelines for all and along roads that land not only in project areas, but also in temporary industrial camps, indicates areas as First Na- industrial camp areas. including a consultative tions hunting and harvesting • Include community (i.e., use of traditional process with communities area only. knowledge) to guide temporary camp on key concerns, especially • Participate in and guide closure and reclamation process in order community well-being and camp closure and reclama- to: safety. tion plans. • Ensure no invasive species are • Provide funding opportun- • Increase community mem- introduced; ities for communities to bers’ awareness of rights • Leave land unaltered; or access financial manage- ment/planning training; life and title of traditional terri- • Undergo land reclamation through a skills training; diversified job tory and potential impacts collaborative process with First Nations training (that is not resource the project may have on the (e.g., working with communities before dependent). land. project commences to plan reclamation, • Identify community monitor- ensure land is restored to a usable state • Work with communities to ing programs that will allow culturally as well as environmentally by design strategies to protect members to hold jobs using native species and protections food harvesting areas. that allow them to monitor for culturally important areas, providing • Financial support for industrial development. reclamation employment for local First cultural continuity programs Nations, no messes left behind). • Increased awareness and (e.g., language programs, training of social, health, • Signage at the mine in Indigenous and hunting skills training for and cultural well-being, as English languages. youth, medicinal harvesting program by elders). well as qualified financial • Educate workers on the importance of planning for community traditional foods to First Nation com- members who are employed munities and indicate off-limit areas for or looking to be employed hunting, fishing, and food gathering (i.e., in the resource development ensure areas are protected for First Nation sector (expand focus from community members’ food security and wages and employment). practice of rights). • Prepare community • Increase targeted hiring for co-located members who are employed community members, create programs in resource development for Indigenous women, and create an sector to have strategies employee registrar by location to identify and skills for when their the percentage of local First Nation hires. employment ends. • Increased financial management strategies and financial counselling for First Nation employees so that they have a plan after their employment ends with the company. • Integrate life skills training and other training opportunities for First Nation employees to build their capacity and transferable skills (e.g., for local job opportunities).

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 51 Table 6.5: CULTURAL CONTINUITY continued

Policies

Community Industry Agency

• Collaboration with govern- • Policies in place to address concerns • Inter-agency collaboration ment agencies to ensure and protocols around hunting and fishing with communities to ensure enforcement policies are in and gathering (e.g., prohibit any fishing enforcement policies are in place for hunting, fishing, or hunting from non-Indigenous workers). place for hunting, fishing, gathering, and respect for Prohibitions on firearms, weapons, and gathering, and respect for First Nations governance drugs, and respect for First Nations First Nations governance and laws in their territory governance and laws in their territory and laws in their territory. (needs to be part of (needs to be part of negotiations and part negotiations and part of of the approach for people coming into the approach for people First Nation communities). coming into First Nation • No hunting, no fishing, and no gathering communities). policies need to be enforced with all workers, contractors, and subcontractors. • Increased and improved policies to attract more local First Nation employees. • Development of a harassment-free workplace policy and a Code of Conduct (for example, see Haisla Support Services Code of Conduct). • Development of an employment equity and non-discrimination policy.

52 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.5: CULTURAL CONTINUITY continued

Programs

Community Industry Agency

• Set up monitoring programs • Ensure measures are in place for healthy • Fisheries to have workers for priority hunting, fishing, work environments (e.g., anti-racism checking whether people and food harvesting areas to policies and campaigns, increased cultural have fishing licenses and identify impacts during the programs). identify any illegal fishing life of the project. • Ensure support programs are in place activities (e.g., protect • Include the importance of to transition First Nation employees who amount of salmon) as part traditional practices as part have not been working for a period of of monitoring and manage- of industrial camp cultural time to adapt to intense industrial camp ment program. Consultation sensitivity training, explain environments. with local Bands can to workers the significance inform these management • Increase targeted on-the-job employment programs, and community of traditional foods and land training and overall training programs. use (hunting, fishing, berry members can be trained picking, medicines) to First and work in monitoring. Nations communities. • Promote programs that keep traditional practices and land use alive and healthy for all age groups (i.e. hunting programs, traditional medicine and language practices) and starting from a young age. • Run culture camps for community members (e.g., youth and elders to pass on traditional knowledge) Youth and elder program- ming can promote positive cultural identity and build self-confidence and self- worth in the youth (e.g., know who they are and feel proud of who they are).

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 53 Table 6.6: CULTURAL CONTINUITY AT THE INDUSTRIAL SITE

Mitigation: • Prioritize the importance of understanding First Nations culture prior to work and community engagements.

Strategies

Community Industry Agency

• Increase cultural symbols, • Opening ceremony of worker camp/ • The government holds a language and values in work- project to include First Nations duty to ensure that ministry shops and in town to remind ceremony (e.g., with local First Nations staff understand the rela- camp workers/visitors that they drumming group, dance groups, tionship the Crown holds are on First Nations traditional opening and closing prayer) and with Indigenous people, territory. consider co-management/joint venture and that regional staff have • Work with company to identify opportunities. a strong understanding culturally important sites in • Company wide cultural sensitivity of local realities (e.g., they the project area, and discuss training for all workers, all management, should be participating in ways to minimize impacts and and all sub-contractors to understand basic cultural educations methods of keeping access the regional and community context co-designed by Nations in open for community members. that company is working in, including the region). The govern- history and impacts of colonization (and ment should also educate • Write and implement community industry in this regard. engagement protocols for camp moving toward decolonization). workers and other external • Ensure cultural sensitivity training is built visitors (i.e., expected behav- into general workplace culture (i.e., not iour, engaging with respect, only policy). ways of doing business) • Work with community to identify cultur- • Create appropriate community ally important sites in the project area, plans and strategies (i.e., for and discuss ways to minimize impacts monitoring impacts) to address and methods of keeping access open any socio-cultural impacts for community members. (i.e., from socio-cultural impact • Build cultural and engagement proto- assessment submitted to cols so all workers feel a strong sense proponent and EAO) of indus- of healthy community within workplace trial camps. (e.g., mentoring, zero-tolerance on discrimination). • Employ community liaison for First Na- tion workers and community members to address grievances and issues of racial discrimination, harassment and other culturally sensitive issues and ensure that the liaison is empowered to address these issues properly. • Provide traditional healing ceremonies and other cultural relevant services/ activities to all camp workers as a way for cross-cultural learning. • Provide safe cultural spaces for Indigen- ous workers and pay more attention to cultural needs.

54 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.6: CULTURAL CONTINUITY AT THE INDUSTRIAL SITE continued

Strategies continued

Community Industry Agency

• If appropriate, provide traditional foods for meals offered in camp and/or bring elders on site to promote cultural practices (e.g., beading room, food practices) • Ensure enforcement mechanisms are in place for policies to succeed. • Coordinate integration events with workers’ families to improve integration and family health (e.g., on-site camp visits, family barbeque day).

Policies

• Develop culturally appropriate policies • Implement policies where with community leadership and mem- industry licenses depend bers (e.g., appropriate curfews). on a triple bottom line • Company policies to explicitly support to ensure social and equality, respect, breaking down cultural issues are properly barriers, etc. addressed • Develop clear rules on whether the nearby communities welcome visitors and any limitations. • Develop a code of conduct with clear repercussions for failure to observe. • Develop and implement detailed anti-racism and anti-discrimination policies with third party support and monitoring – not only for First Nations, but broadened out to U.S. workers, international workers, greenhorn workers (versus veterans), and workers from other sectors.

Programs

• Provide financial support for cultural • Provide funding for cultural programs, and youth programs that programming in co-located promote cultural identity in the com- communities. munity (e.g., culture camps). • Provide cultural programming and recreational activities in the camps (i.e., in the evenings) so all workers can learn more about First Nations communities nearby (e.g., elder comes to teach crafts) and build respect for each other.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 55 Table 6.7: INFRASTRUCTURE

Mitigation: • Integrated approach to monitor and support existing infrastructure with properly allocated resources to address the direct and indirect impacts of the industrial projects and shadow population.

Strategies

• Governing bodies (justice personnel, in particular municipal RCMP, company, chief and council) need to sit down together to discuss what can be expected and what can be done. A broader and more inclusive perspective will make things run a lot more smoothly.

Community Industry Agency

• Planning for more community • Infrastructure for recreation • Funding and planning at the recreational infrastructure and and worker wellness. regional level for infrastructure overall positive infrastructure • Increase First Nations management. development. presence at table during • Province having a plan in process • Increase presence at consultation infrastructure planning and for decreasing wait times for and planning discussions with discussions that would affect treatment centers and hospitals, industry and government relating to First Nation communities. taking into account shadow infrastructure and transportation. • Make sure town can population from industrial camps. • People knowing where to go in accommodate more people, • Increase First Nations presence at crisis situations, and having a safe considering influx of migratory table during infrastructure planning house accessible to them. workers including housing. and discussions that would affect • Building stronger ties between • Band members working First Nation communities. communities and resources with construction crew and • Increase funding for recreational available in different communities. reporting back to community infrastructure in communities. • Make sure town can accommodate about condition of roads. • Improve road infrastructure in and more people, considering influx of • Longer drop-in hours at around communities (e.g., road migratory workers. clinics to account for shift maintenance, pullouts, paved • Ensuring equal access to funding work. roads, wider roads for heavy between communities. • Create an SEEMP that industrial traffic, speed bumps, and fencing around community to • Ongoing research to assess documents use or availability of community protect children where roads are impacts of industrial camps so close to housing). communities can plan ahead. infrastructure (which includes accommodations and roads). • Make sure town can • Mental health counsellors available accommodate more people, in community. considering influx of migratory • Band members working with workers. construction crew and reporting • Ongoing research to assess back to community about condition impacts of construction camps so of roads. communities can plan. • Communication plan to account • Ensure that revenue-sharing for existing services (Eckford and agreements/financial support Wagg 2014). are applicable to communities to • Create a socio-economic help them manage the impacts management plan that documents of infrastructure pressures (i.e., use or availability of community positive infrastructure) as a result infrastructure (which includes of industrial development (Shandro accommodations and roads). et al. 2014).

56 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Table 6.7: INFRASTRUCTURE continued

Community Industry Agency

• Leading strategies for the BC EAO to support the improved performance of the extractive sector and mitigate risks to communities include the need to ensure municipalities are financially supported during industrial development to manage impacts associated with infrastructure pressures (Shandro et al. 2014). • Discuss “Fair Share” agreements for oil and gas revenue that have been signed with local governments in the B.C. Peace region. These multi-year agreements are based on a distribution formula that considers, on an annual basis, population, municipal assessment, and unincorporated assessment. The formula provides economic flexibility from year to year as populations and industrial activities change (Shandro et al. 2014).

Programs

• Increased housing available in • Recreational facilities that are • Housing to manage in-migration. communities for members who are energy-efficient, updated and • Safe housing and transition looking to return to the community. available for workers on their housing for women, youth, and time off. elders in the community and • Updated and accessible programs to support in cases of mental and physical health domestic abuse. infrastructure. • Services and programming • Residences with access available for gender based to outdoors and nature, violence that accommodates with sufficient windows and diverse cultures (Eckford and adequate heating. Wagg 2014). • Gender-separated residences. • Adequate waste disposal and treatment according to the MOE Waste Authorizations and Best Practices (2015), as well as initiatives for innovative waste treatment to decrease environmental impact.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 57 SECTION 7

Discussion

This review is THIS RESEARCH HAS FOCUSED ON THE IMPACTS of industrial camps on suggestive of a few communities, identifying the social and cultural effects that are often left aside or key findings that might orphaned in planning and operation. Our focus has been to identify strategies, programs be applied by industry, and policies to protect Indigenous women and youth in BC as industrial camps are governments, and constructed and operated. communities. Following This review is suggestive of a few key findings that might be applied by industry, on these findings, governments, and communities. Following on these findings, we provide specific we provide specific guidance to parties. guidance to parties.

There must be plans for extensive review of social, cultural, and environmental issues in industrial camp review and siting.

Siting of industrial camps must involve a social conversation taking into account feas- ibility, environmental, cultural, and social factors. As addressed in Section 4.1, it is also important to consider both economic benefits and setbacks for local nations. Parties need to broaden the scope of issues considered as industrial camps are sited. There are an array of benefits and impacts:

• Benefits can be experienced, such as a returning Indigenous workforce, and the joint venture options;

• Negative effects could make already vulnerable women and children even more so. There is a “hyper-masculine” industrial camp culture at play, at times, which leads to significant alcohol and drug consumption, and much higher access to these substances. This workplace culture and the demands of the higher transitory population for services (termed the “shadow popula- tion” in this report) can lead to:

• Sexual harassment and assault;

• Increased demand for sex trafficking and sex work;

58 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change • Child care and gender inequity gaps;

• Vulnerability of women as they seek transportation to gain access to services, and increase in road safety concerns, and negative

• Capacity strains on already limited social and health services, from the shadow population seeking work, and decreased access to services for community members;

• Infringement on traditional use and rights through land use, and through the pressure applied to resources as non-aboriginal people hunt and fish on their time off; and

• Pressures on community based and regional infrastructure.

More extensive planning will ensure that social and cultural issues are not orphaned or left to bilateral negotiations. For example, the location of industrial camps needs to consider social parameters. If camps are far enough away from communities, workers will not walk into the community in search of sexual services or drugs and alcohol. Similarly, if the parking lot is distant from the camp, then workers will not use their personal vehicles to get out on the land and interfere with the traditional use of nation members. There are of course ecological and environmental parameters to consider (e.g., wetlands protected, feasible locations, and avoidance of traditional territory, cultural or sacred sites). This is a conversation that requires strong engagement between agencies, communities, and companies.

Many temporary industrial camps simply fall below the screening threshold for environmental review. A separate issue is that many camps are set up without permits. Industrial camps that are in close proximity to Indigenous communities, and where there is high vulnerability of women and youth might somehow be flagged for review, The values that are and perhaps guidance to industrial camp operators with best practice in Aboriginal set at an industrial territory could be issued. camp can influence There should be a siting and industrial camp review process developed. We acknowledge how women are there would be numerous parties to such a conversation, such as local First Nation treated at the site, and communities, regional districts municipal governments, health authorities and the relevant interactions in the area. Ministries, as well as industry. Such a conversation will need to consider municipal roles, land use plans, and bylaws.

Companies and governments need to address the culture that is developed at industrial camps, in part through delivery of historic trauma training in industrial camps, but also through planning for grievances.

The values that are set at an industrial camp can influence how women are treated at the site, and interactions in the area. This report referred to the values and worldview associated with ‘Rigger Culture’, which tend to promote sexist and even misogynistic views of women. Sometimes racist or ill-informed views are held towards Indigenous people. This can only be changed through policies, programs, and in depth relationships with local peoples.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 59 Since many women continue to feel unsafe at industrial sites, or are placed in insecure or marginalized positions, policies and programs must emerge. Historic trauma training for service providers, agency staff and industrial camps is vital to ensuring a strong understanding of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships, and the role that policy and legislation continues to play in continuing violence against women.

Still, grievances should be anticipated in contexts where there are complex interactions (Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative 2008). This is the case in northern BC. There should be robust grievance systems at industrial camps.

Camp level grievance mechanisms should allow communities to raise concerns early, openly, and informed by legislation. The existence of a quality grievance mechanism can improve a company’s relationship with affected communities and reduce grievances, as it signals that the company is ready to be held accountable, to confront, acknowledge, and learn from problems (Ruggie 2009). It needs developed in a collaborative and respectful way; there needs to be meaningful follow up and illustration that something has been achieved.

At the regional or provincial level, ombudsmen can be an effective way for grievances to be raised.

Indigenous communities, particularly women and children, are the most vulnerable and at risk of experiencing all the negative effects of industrial camps.

We encourage each party to review the mitigation tables (Appendix A) and adapt them as they plan for industrial camps. Unique issues emerge when the lens of gender, Indigenous community, and service delivery is used to review the benefits and impacts of industrial camps. There is a strong desire to maximize the benefits, such as increased untied revenues, stronger local economies, business development, and attract the Indigenous workforce home. There is also a desire to prevent the burden of adverse impacts from falling disproportionately on Indigenous women and youth.

This requires that programs and services be developed that address contemporary and historical manifestations of colonization, and address the key factors driving sexual assault, the sex trade and trafficking. Specifically, poverty, homelessness, and historic trauma need to be addressed, and programs that are connected to the culture and taught through many trusted educators (Laboucane-Benson 2017; Louie 2016) are required. Similarly, programs at the industrial camps that create connection and relationship between the camp staff and the communities are required. These need to be enjoyable, allowing people to come to know each other.

Proponents can also review the range of variables that are generally not considered in siting camps, and develop policies and programs to reduce the types of impacts to culture, health and the practice of rights in a region.

There is a need review to review the relationship of particular agencies to Indigenous communities, particularly the relationship to women, such as the RCMP.

60 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change There are gaps in regulatory review and federal and provincial responsibilities that lead to failures in service provision in the construction phase. The most vulnerable people will suffer because of these failures.

There are many authorities involved in the review and delivery of services to communities. However, the regulatory review in BC applies only to non-reserve lands, leaving the funds and services provided on reserve lands orphaned to the federal government.

As an example, the provincial government requires socio-economic plans to be prepared, and while the proponent develops these, they do not apply to on reserve lands. This leaves all on- reserve services unplanned for, even when the burden of impacts may fall to the governance of the nations. The federal government has not considered the on-reserve implications of industrial camps, including the influx of shadow populations, potential for in-migration, and the real potential for increased crime, sexual assault, and trafficking and use of drugs and alcohol on reserve.

In-migration to reserves will impact on the nations’ ability to meet their citizens’ needs on reserve, but it will not change the funding arrangements with the federal government (i.e., block funding). This means that nations, such as Lake Babine Nation, will be required to house, serve, and care for many new members without any new financing, while they shoulder the burden of the impact to their families.

These impacts of industrial camps are not accurately described or understood for the most vulnerable, and the agencies that provide services are not poised to respond. There is a lack of coordination between the provincial and federal governments. The federal and provincial governments have a duty to remove blockages and work together to address these gaps.

The focus of Environmental Assessment must change to ensure communities, and in particular women and children, do not shoulder the burden of impacts.

It is vital to use a culturally-relevant gender lens to identify the core impacts on Indigenous women and communities, as well as the ways that Indigenous women can participate in the resource economy, in projects where there is a the potential for close interaction of industrial camps with Indigenous communities. The EAO should be encouraged to create the space for this type of assessment to occur, perhaps issuing guidance in this regard. There is also a need to “get granular” or ensure the scale of analysis is at the community level. Most of the focus for service delivery remains at the regional level, making it easy to miss the particular issues that arise in interaction of industrial camps with communities.

There is a tremendous burden placed on Aboriginal communities to participate in EA, however very little in the way of resources for their staffing, their engagement and review.

The issues that surface require strong relationships and collaboration (e.g., through co- management strategies and working groups) between agencies, ministries, companies, and Indigenous communities.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 61 An analysis of industrial camps and the construction phase of resource development through this gender-based, community-level, and service delivery approach uncovers the unique impacts experienced by community members, and by Indigenous women in particular.

Ministries and agencies need to consider the legislation, programs and services and plan for integrated service delivery in advance of resource development, with a deep understanding of how the industrial camp could perpetuate cycles of historic trauma.

This review has shown how the industrial camp allows for almost complete disconnection of the workforce from the surrounding communities. This is the workforce model, for the time being, and our agencies and ministries should be compelled to review how to reduce the harm that this model causes. Legislation, policy and programs should be reviewed, with an understanding of the interrelated pathways to recreation of historic trauma.

There is a need to allocate new financial and human resources to health, social services, and housing in the region. Shadow populations are anticipated in communities, and in the region. Transient workers will require housing and delivery of health and social services.

The burden should not fall to communities to wrestle funding down, trying to manage infrastructure gaps that emerge during project development, while they move out of the cycle of historic trauma. The pathways to the sex trade are structural, related to legislation, service delivery, and continued poverty (Louie 2016). For example, housing in communities is generally substandard, in need of repair, and crowded. The construction phase of projects is likely to increase the core housing need in the region, without attendant new funds, pushing vulnerable women into ever more conflicted relationships with community members and potentially camp workers.

Similarly, the Health and Medical Services Plan (HMSP) for industrial camps should focus on the connection to regional services. The federal and provincial authorities should adapt strategies for delivery of health services, which are generally based on tax-paying residents, and which currently do not anticipate or provide for the shadow population.

62 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change SECTION 8

Specific Actions for Nations, Government, and Industry

8.1 Indigenous Leadership

First Nations have to be prepared to consider many factors when industrial camps are sited in their area. There are many social and cultural impacts that have occurred but they have not been planned for. If industrial camps are going to be sited near communities, there needs to be careful planning to avoid the harms that have been reviewed here.

Protective measures (such as distancing camps from communities) could well be considered, as well as historic trauma programs that can be rolled out in industrial camps so that the culture, rights and worldview of the nation is well documented and explained to camp workers, and so that strong relationships are developed.

Participation in the environmental review of projects is equally important, ensuring that remote communities their unique risks are carefully documented and understood, and then planned for. Nation leadership has a duty to understand these risks and then ensure the space and time is made to plan and prepare for industrial camps.

Nations also have the opportunity to show leadership in development of culturally appropriate program and services for members — as an example, programs on puberty rituals and traditional roles and child rearing are a focus for Lake Babine Nation. Nak’azdli Whut’en is developing a Guardian Program with employment for members to act as monitors out on the land.

Communities have identified resilience strategies to address the gendered impacts of industrial camps; however, the burden should not fall with them to fund engagement in negotiations, environmental assessment, or development of community-based programs. The burden of participating in managing these impacts and planning and preparing for resource development is falling to communities, and this burden should be funded and considered by both industry and government. Indigenous leadership needs to continue to highlight this capacity gap.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 63 8.2 Provincial and Federal Governments

The province can work across agencies to ensure that programs and services are provided to protect the most vulnerable, heeding the advice of Natural Resources Manager, Betty Patrick:

Every community has a vulnerable group who are often remotely located, every single one. We women are the vulnerable ones in our community. We have been excellent crisis managers. We respond to crises very well. But we need to work on prevention now, that’s why we’re here today. For our daughters, for our grand-daughters and for ourselves.” (June 29, 2016)

Nation-to-Nation Relationships

There are nation-to-nation actions the government can take to strengthen the relationship to Indigenous peoples as industrial camps are developed. A key finding of this research is that the model of the temporary industrial camp requires a mobile workforce that is disconnected from the region, and this reinforces and recreates historical patterns of violence against Indigenous women.

Worker conduct at the industrial camp and away from it should be a concern for everyone. Community members have recommended historic trauma training for government agencies, ministries and material for proponents to understand histories of colonization and oppression and how these manifest in the lived realities of Indigenous peoples today, in order to forge pathways of mutual respect towards reconciliation.

Regionally, with the Crown to take the lead, there should be historic trauma training for the resource industry, specifically targeted at the industrial camps.

Legislation and Regulatory Change

The legislation and regulatory direction that is in place to guide development could usefully be reviewed. Informed by an understanding of historic trauma, the wide array of legislation, policy and guidance could be reviewed to ensure that women and families are protected while the work at industrial camps, or from the negative behaviours that occur when workers are off-shift.

By way of example, the BC Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Skills Training and the Minister Responsible for Labour (JTSTL) should reflect on occupational health and safety in order to protect workers from sexual assault, and ensure safe reporting and management of such when they occur. JTSTL and WorkSafeBC can review effectiveness of reporting and management of sexual assault in and around industrial camps. Further, the Ministry of Health could update the Industrial Camps Regulations in the Public Health Act using a gender focus, where worker and community wellness is considered (ensuring sexual assault, harassment, and STI reporting), as well as cultural integration.

64 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Finally, there needs to be robust grievance processes, with affected nations and citizens engaged in post-EA supervision and inspections. Of course there are many industrial camps that are not reviewed through EA, therefore a flagging system so that sub-threshold industrial camps are reviewed carefully when there is close proximity to vulnerable communities could be developed.

Guidance

The issuance of guidance and best practice documents would clarify expectations for industry and agencies. A best practice guideline could serve to bring all the parties together, and ensure the issues are addressed systematically. These issues might be a challenge to capture in a regulation. Again, we acknowledge there is a complex of agencies and ministries involved.

By way of example, the BC Environmental Assessment Office could adapt the Environmental Assessment process using a culturally-relevant gender-based lens to ensure proponents have guidance on how to identify effects that are gender-specific. Gaps remain in addressing specific Indigenous community concerns, especially those pertaining to sexual violence, increases in pregnancy and STIs, mental health concerns, and the trafficking of women and girls.

The EAO could also consider how to estimate the gendered and community based impacts and their significance, as well as identify further funding mechanisms and approaches for strengthening Indigenous capacity and resources for engagement in EA, and build a much stronger role into the EA planning system for cultural, social, and health related issues.

Emergency Response Preparedness

Finally, there is a need to heed the call that Natural Resource Manager Betty Patrick issued at the start of the workshop in June. This requires that there be emergency preparedness near industrial camps to deal with the issues raised in this report, or by communities, such as

• Regional planning that connects to Indigenous service providers, increased shar- ing of information (e.g., STI sharing between industrial camps and communities), and greater funding so that community health programs can provide services at industrial camps — and thereby create strong healthy relationships between workers and service providers.

• A coordinated approach to sexual assaults and harassment in industrial camps and in communities, including dedicating resources (training, rape crisis kits, and education efforts) to local nursing stations and to regional hubs. The federal government holds the duty to integrate its responsibilities with provincial and nation based services. Particular attention should be paid to policing.

• Increase resources (human and funding) for drug and alcohol and mental health counseling in the remote communities near camps, and in camps, as well as for reintegration of workers post treatment.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 65 Finally, there needs to be a strong commitment made to tackle the complex of factors that cause Indigenous women and youth to be vulnerable, to prepare them before industrial camps are opened in their lands. Otherwise industrial camps will perpetuate the cycles of violence that currently are enacted largely on Indigenous women and children.

8.3 Industry

There have been a range of strategies, programs, and policies identified for implementa- tion in industrial camps, including having senior Indigenous women employed at the site, developing a grievance process, and facilitating cultural inductions to the region, among others.

There are vital decisions that companies make as they develop industrial camps that could be life changing for women and their families in Indigenous communities. The challenge for industry is to make decisions that ensure that the vulnerable do not become more so. Critical decision points are:

• Siting the camp;

• Personal vehicle use and parking;

• Policies on drugs and alcohol (“wet” or “dry” camps);

• The industrial camp culture that is developed;

• How the camp is physically set up (e.g., separate dorms for women and men), and what programs and services are available for workers;

• How grievances are responded to, among others.

There is guidance in the tables developed in this report, and companies can usefully employ this guidance to develop planning processes and mitigation approaches.

Ultimately, there needs to be senior corporate guidance that these issues matter. Company staff needs to be encouraged to take these issues very seriously, and to work diligently to address the issues that are raised. Indigenous women should not have to tell their rape stories to awake the men and women in companies.

Industry should use guidance to develop stronger approaches to community engage- ment and review of industrial camps, such as developing and implementing programs of education on the practice of culture and ceremony in the camps that is based in tolerance and respect.

The duty to design a monitoring framework should lie with the company. As the World Bank suggests in best practice guidance, the company is responsible for the management, implementation, monitoring, and compliance of environmental and social management plans, and approval conditions, including construction supervision and performance of all staff, contractors, and subcontractors.

66 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change

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70 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change Interviews Cited

P01. Interviewed 19MAY2016.

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P13. Interviewed 29JUN2016.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 71 APPENDIX A

Government Bodies and Ministries

ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT OFFICE (BC EAO)

The BC EAO is the government agency that oversees the certification of major projects related to industrial, energy, and mining projects (among others). The environmental assessment process is a harmonized process designed to avoid duplication of efforts in reviewing projects as required by both provincial and federal regulations.

The Environmental Assessment Application process in British Columbia currently addresses issues related to employment, community infrastructure and services, and human health.

Adapted from EAO 2017.

FIRST NATIONS HEALTH AUTHORITY (FNHA)

FNHA plans, designs, manages, delivers and funds First Nations Health Programs across British Columbia. They provide mental health programming in BC First Nation communities, including addictions programming.

One of the addictions programs FNHA offers is the National Native Alcohol and Drug Addiction Program [NNADAP], which is community-based programming focusing on prevention, health promotion, early identification and intervention, referral, aftercare and follow-up services in a culturally-relevant setting, with day or evening programs. FNHA provides additional Wellness programs, including the Brighter Futures program; promoting health and wellness through learning-related activities

Adapted from FNHA 2016.

72 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change MINISTRY OF COMMUNITY, SPORT AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT (CSCD)

The CSCD provides advice and guidance on the SEEMP process. The purpose of the SEEMP is to provide a plan for monitoring and reporting on the effectiveness of socio-economic mitigation measures and commitments implemented by proponents to avoid or reduce potential adverse effects during mechanical construction of the project. The SEEMP includes socio-economic mitigation measures developed as part of the EA process, based on past project experience, input from stakeholders, Indigenous groups, and regulators during project consultation and current industry best management practices.

Key CSCD responsibilities include:

• Upon receipt, review the SEEMP and record of engagement;

• Provide advice to the BC EAO regarding SEEMP approval;

• Provide advice and guidance and facilitate problem solving, if needed, during SEEMP development and implementation;

• Monitor SEEMP status reports to assess emerging trends and/or identify best practices to support continuous learning and improvement; and

• Receive copies of SEEMP final reports.

MINISTRY OF FORESTS, LANDS AND NATURAL RESOURCE OPERATIONS (MFLNRO)

Supporting its vision of environmental sustainability and economic prosperity, the Ministry of Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations is the province’s land manager, responsible for stewardship of provincial Crown land, cultural, and natural resources. The ministry is responsible for policy development, operational management, and implementation, and oversees 54 statutes and associated regulations.

This ministry oversees forestry activities in the province and houses departments that work with other ministries to permit a variety of resource development and industrial activities, including mining.

MINISTRY OF ENERGY AND MINES (MEM)

The Ministry of Energy and Mines is responsible for British Columbia’s electricity, alternative energy, mining, and mineral exploration sectors. These sectors are made up of diverse interests that explore for and produce coal and other valuable minerals and that develop electricity, clean, or renewable energy sources, including biomass, biogas, geothermal, hydro, solar, ocean, wind, and low- carbon transportation fuels. Through teamwork and positive working relationships with its clients and stakeholders, the Ministry of Energy and Mines facilitates thriving, safe, environmentally responsible,

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 73 and competitive energy and mining sectors in order to create jobs and economic growth in communities across the province. In fulfilling its mandate, the ministry consults with other ministries and levels of government, energy developers and marketers, mineral exploration and mining companies, First Nations, communities, environmental and industry organizations, and the public.

The ministry is responsible for the following Crown Corporations: British Columbia Hydro and Power Authority (BC Hydro), Columbia Power Corporation and Columbia Basin Trust. This ministry is responsible for overseeing the Mineral Tenure Act, Coal Act, and Mines Act among other regulations. It oversees the approval of mining tenures and permitting in collaboration with MFLNRO. Companies can secure tenures through Mineral Titles Online.

Companies must get a Mines Act permit from a regional MEM office and are responsible for making sure their applications meet the standards of relevant legislation including the Mines Act and Health, Safety and Reclamation Code for Mines in British Columbia.

MINISTRY OF JUSTICE

The mission of the Ministry of Justice is to administer justice, deliver public safety services and programs, lead emergency management and provide legal advice to Government. The Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General comprise the justice and public safety sector within the Government of British Columbia.

Adapted from Ministry of Justice 2017.

MINISTRY OF PUBLIC SAFETY AND SOLICITOR GENERAL

The Ministry of Public Safety & Solicitor General is responsible for delivering public safety services in British Columbia. The Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor general comprise the justice and public safety sector within the Government of British Columbia. Policing (RCMP) falls under the Public Safety branch of the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General.

Ministry staff continue to work with the RCMP to monitor violence against Indigenous women and girls, and assess potential impacts to service delivery as a result of resource development activity in order to be ready to address them as needed. Examples of this include the Violence Free BC strategy, released in February 2015; as well as the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry report.

Adapted from Ministry of Justice and Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General. 2016.

74 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change ROYAL CANADIAN MOUNTED POLICE

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) provides federal, provincial and municipal policing services in Canada, including to rural areas in Northern BC The RCMP’s mandate is to preserve the peace, uphold the law and provide the best possible police service with the ultimate goal of keeping communities safe.

Federally, the RCMP provides policing, law enforcement, investigative and preventative services to the federal government, its departments and agencies and to Canadians.

The RCMP in BC has two main responsibilities: Detachment policing, including uniformed patrols, response-to-call duties, investigative services, community-based policing, traffic enforcement, and administrative support to provincial detachments; and provincial policing infrastructure.

The BC RCMP is currently engaged in a number of initiatives relevant to industrial camps, such as the training of mental health liaison officers, the development of crisis mobile units, and working closely with health authorities in the region to improve prevention and response.

OIL AND GAS COMMISSION (OGC)

The BC Oil and Gas Commission (the Commission) is the provincial independent, single- window regulatory agency with responsibilities for overseeing oil and gas operations in British Columbia, including exploration, development, pipeline transportation, and reclamation.

The Commission’s core roles include reviewing and assessing applications for industry activity, consulting with First Nations, ensuring industry complies with provincial legislation and cooperating with partner agencies. The public interest is protected through the objectives of ensuring public safety, protecting the environment, conserving petroleum resources and ensuring equitable participation in production.

Regulatory responsibility of the Commission extends from the exploration and develop- ment phases, through to facilities operation and decommissioning. It is charged with balancing a broad range of environmental, economic and social considerations. Regula- tory responsibility is delegated to the Commission through the Oil and Gas Activities Act and includes specified enactments under the Forest Act, Heritage Conservation Act, Land Act, Environmental Management Act, and Water Act. The Commission has also negotiated Delegation Agreements with the Agricultural Land Commission and with the Ministry of Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations, which enables the Commission to approve some applications without reference to these organizations.

The OGC’s inspection team conducts reviews generated by risk modeling, complaints, incidents, and government agency or public requests. Inspections are done to ensure operators are in compliance with all applicable legislation, standards and permit approval conditions.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 75 NORTHERN HEALTH

Northern Health is one of the province’s five regional health authorities that are responsible for health service delivery necessary to meet the needs of the population within their respective geographic regions. The Northern Health Region comprises the northern half of BC, including Haida Gwaii. Northern Health is responsible for overseeing and enforcing regulations related to public and environmental health including drinking water safety, food safety, and sewage disposal.

The following regulations and guidelines apply to industrial camps

• BC Reg 427/83 Industrial Camp Regulations;

• BC Reg 411/85 Sewage Disposal Regulations;

• BC Reg 230/92 Drinking Water Regulations;

• BC Reg 210/99 Food Premises Regulation; and

• Northeast Service Delivery Area Guidelines for Industrial Camps.

MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT

Ministry of Environment (MOE) is responsible for the effective protection, management and conservation of BC’s water, land, air and living resources.

MOE works closely with industry, the OCG and the Provincial Emergency Program to deal with reported spills of hazardous materials and other matters at industrial sites and camps. The ministry may also enter into agreements with other government agencies to conduct compliance and enforcement activities on its behalf (W. Beamish Consulting and Heartwood Solutions Consulting 2013).

The following is a list of the relevant legislation, regulations and guidelines enforced by the Ministry depending on camp size, < 100 persons and/or >100 persons and volumes of effluent or water used in a camp or industrial operation:

• Environmental Management Act;

• Open Burning Smoke Control Regulation;

• Water Act;

• Municipal Sewage Regulation (effluent > 22,700 litres/day and not reused);

• Health Act, Sewerage System Regulation (effluent < 22,700 litres/day; or reused; or discharged to surface water);

• Litter Act;

• Landfill Criteria for Municipal Solid Waste;

76 Indigenous Communities and Industrial Camps: Promoting Healthy Communities in Settings of Industrial Change • Hazardous Waste Regulation;

• Hazardous Waste Legislation Guide;

• Provincial Fire Services Act;

• Spill Reporting Regulation;

• Remote and Industrial Camps Regulation;

• Oil and Gas Waste Regulation; and

• Waste Discharge Regulation.

WORKSAFEBC

WorkSafeBC is an independent agency governed by a Board of Directors appointed by government. The mandate of WorkSafeBC, in concert with workers and employers, is to:

• Promote the prevention of workplace injury, illness, and disease;

• Rehabilitate those who are injured and provide timely return to work;

• Provide fair compensation to replace workers’ loss of wages while recover- ing from injuries; and

• Ensure sound financial management for a viable workers’ compensation system.

MINISTRY OF TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE

The Ministry of Transportation and Infrastructure is concerned with the use of and access onto provincial highways and roads.

The Firelight Group with Lake Babine Nation and Nak’azdli Whut’en 77