Migrants Incountries Incrisis

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Migrants Incountries Incrisis MIGRANTS IN COUNTRIES IN CRISIS Libya Case Study An Unending Crisis – Responses of Migrants, States and Organisations to the 2011 Libya Crisis Francesca Zampagni, Hassan Boubakri, Remadji Hoinathy, Leander Kandilige, Hamidou Manou Nabara, Sara Sadek, Mohamed ElSayeh, Mahamadou Zongo & Maegan Hendow Project funded by the European Union Project implemented by ICMPD In partnership with IMI International Migration Institute IMI Migrants in Countries in Crisis (MICIC) Libya Case Study: An Unending Crisis – Responses of Migrants, States and Organisations to the 2011 Libya Crisis Insights from Burkina Faso, Chad, Egypt, Ghana, Niger and Tunisia Francesca Zampagni, International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) Hassan Boubakri, University of Sousse Remadji Hoinathy, Centre de Recherches en Anthropologie et Sciences Humaines (CRASH) Leander Kandilige, Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana Hamidou Manou Nabara, Laboratoire d'études et de recherche sur les dynamiques sociales et le développement Local (LASDEL) Sara Sadek & Mohamed ElSayeh, Center for Migration and Refugee Studies, American University of Cairo Mahamadou Zongo, Université de Ouagadougou Maegan Hendow, International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) Prepared by the International Centre for Migration Policy Development, Vienna - Austria Commissioned and funded by the European Union, Brussels – Belgium International Centre for Migration Policy Development • 2017 i Authors Francesca Zampagni is a post-doctoral fellow at the Institute of Law, Politics and Development at the Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies, Italy. She holds a PhD in Political and Social Sciences from the University of Pisa. She has conducted consultancies for the Fundamental Rights Agency on issues of asylum and HR, as well as the International Centre for Migration Policy Development, working on the MICIC project. She has previously worked as researcher at ICMPD in Vienna on various EU- funded research projects on issues of migration, asylum, biometrics and border control. Hassan Boubakri is Senior Professor of Geography at the University of Sousse (Tunisia). He is a researcher in the field of irregular migration, migration and development, and migration policies in the Mediterranean and Sub-Saharan Africa. He is also an expert in the fields of migration and asylum with the Tunisian government, with the European Commission (EU-SC Neighbourhood-South Dialogue & European Research Programs), and with International Organisations (ICMPD, UNHCR, IOM, ILO, UNESCO). Remadji Hoinathy is a Chadian anthropologist. A former PhD Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology (Halle-Germany), he defended his thesis on oil and social change in Chad at the Martin Luther University (Halle-Wittenberg) in 2012. Since 2008, he has lead the Centre de Recherches en Anthropologie et Sciences Humaines (CRASH) and conducted extensive research in and on Chad. In addition, Hoinathy has served as an associate lecturer at the Department of Anthropology, University of N’Djamena (Chad) since 2013. Leander Kandilige is a Lecturer in Migration Studies at the Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana. He is also a Visiting Lecturer at the University of Northampton and Research Associate at the Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford. He holds a DPhil (PhD) in Migration Studies from the School of Geography and the Environment, University of Oxford. In addition, he holds an MSt. in Forced Migration (University of Oxford); an MA in International Affairs (University of Ghana); a Postgraduate Certificate in Managing Voluntary Organisations (University of Southampton) and a BA (First Class Honours) in Political Science and Philosophy (University of Ghana). Hamidou Manou Nabara is a PhD student in Sociology at the University of Ouaga 1 Pr Joseph Ki- Zerbo (Burkina Faso) and Research Assistant at LASDEL. He is a migration specialist whose research focuses on Nigerien migrations to Maghreb countries (Libya and Algeria) and to West Africa, as well as transit migration and their socio-economic and political implications. Sara Sadek is a researcher and trainer in the field of migration and protection. She is currently a research affiliate and has worked as an adjunct professor at the Center for Migration and Refugee Studies at the American University in Cairo. She is a PhD Candidate at the Center for Applied Human Rights at the Politics Department at the University of York, with a BA in Political Science (AUC) and MA in Refugee Studies at the University of East London (UEL). She has consulted for a number of UN agencies, Inter-governmental and Non-governmental organisations as well as international academic institutions. Her research interests cover: civil society-state relations, trafficking and smuggling, protection and vulnerable groups. Mohamed ElSayeh is a Research Officer at the Center for Migration and Refugee Studies (CMRS) at the American University in Cairo. He holds an LLM in International Human Rights from the National University of Ireland, Galway. He previously held the positions of Refugee Status Determination (RSD) Legal Advisor Intern and RSD Legal Officer at the Africa and Middle East Refugee Assistance (AMERA) in Cairo. He further worked in the field of protection for human rights defenders at risk when he held the position of Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Research and Training Fellow at Front Line Defenders in Dublin. Mahamadou Zongo is a lecturer in Sociology at the University of Ouagadougou I Professor Joseph Ki Zerbo with research expertise in socio-economic integration. Maegan Hendow is a Research Officer at the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD). She has an interdisciplinary background in Global Studies, with a BA from the University of California, Santa Barbara, and MAs from University of Leipzig and University of Vienna. Her work focuses on (irregular) migration, border control, and human rights. ii Acknowledgements This paper has been prepared based on the indispensable input of Konkobo Bourahima (University of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso), Lompo Dimitri (University of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso), Faten Msakni (University of Sfax, Tunisia), Hiddi Horchani (University of Tunis, Tunisia), Khouloud Chakroun (University of Carthage, Tunisia), Marwen Bouneb (University of Sousse, Tunisia), Elham Daadaa (University of Sousse, Tunisia), Djimet Seli (Centre de Recherches en Anthropologie et Sciences Humaines, Chad), Abdouramane Oumarou, M. Chaibou Argi Ibrahim and M. Hamissou Alassane Ibrahim (Abdou Moumouni University of Niamey), who collaborated in conducting interviews, transcription and translation. The authors gratefully acknowledge the review and input provided by colleagues at the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), the International Migration Institute (IMI) and the European Commission (EC), who contributed to improving the quality of this report. International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) Gonzagagasse 1 A-1010 Vienna Austria www.icmpd.org International Centre for Migration Policy Development All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission of the copyright owners. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of ICMPD, IMI or the University of Oxford, nor can they in any way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. iii Table of Contents Authors ..................................................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................. iii Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................... iv List of Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................... vi Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................... viii 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................1 2. Case Study of the 2011 Crisis in Libya .............................................................................................4 2.1.Background to the Case Study ...................................................................................................4 2.2. The Choucha Transit Camp ...................................................................................................6 2.3. The Libyan Civil War from 2014 Onward ...............................................................................7 3. Methodology ................................................................................................................................... 10 3.1. The Research Teams and Fieldwork .................................................................................. 10 3.2. Fieldwork Locations ............................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Download Publication
    44 Germany’s Security Assistance to Tunisia: A Boost to Tunisia’s Long-Term Stability and Democracy? Anna Stahl, Jana Treffler IEMed. European Institute of the Mediterranean Consortium formed by: Board of Trustees - Business Council: Corporate Sponsors Partner Institutions Papers IE Med. Publication : European Institute of the Mediterranean Editorial Coordinator: Aleksandra Chmielewska Proof-reading: Neil Charlton Layout: Núria Esparza Print ISSN: 2565-2419 Digital ISSN: 2565-2427 Legal deposit: B 27451-2019 November 2019 This series of Papers brings together the result of research projects presented at the EuroMeSCo Annual Conference 2018. On the occasion of the EuroMeSCo Annual Conference “Changing Euro-Mediterranean Lenses”, held in Rabat on 12-13 July 2018, distinguished analysts presented indeed their research proposals related to developments in Europe and their impact on how Southern Mediterranean states perceive the EU and engage in Euro-Mediterranean cooperation mechanisms. More precisely, the papers articulated around three main tracks: how strategies and policies of external actors including the European Union impact on Southern Mediterranean countries, how the EU is perceived by the neighbouring states in the light of new European and Euro-Mediterranean dynamics, and what is the state of play of Euro-Mediterranean relations, how to revitalize Euro-Mediterranean relations and overcome spoilers. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility
    [Show full text]
  • Situation of Human Rights in Libya, and the Effectiveness of Technical Assistance and Capacity-Building Measures Received by the Government of Libya
    United Nations A/HRC/43/75 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 January 2020 Original: English Human Rights Council Forty-third session 24 February–20 March 2020 Agenda items 2 and 10 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Technical assistance and capacity-building Situation of human rights in Libya, and the effectiveness of technical assistance and capacity-building measures received by the Government of Libya Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Summary In the present report, submitted to the Human Rights Council pursuant to Council resolution 40/27, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights describes the situation of human rights in Libya from January to December 2019, and provides an overview of the work and technical assistance conducted by the Human Rights, Transitional Justice and Rule of Law Service of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR). The High Commissioner highlights key human rights issues relating to the protection of civilians in armed conflict, in particular its impact on women and children; the situation of migrants and refugees; the rights to freedom of opinion and expression; the administration of justice; and the support provided to victims of human rights violations. The High Commissioner also describes capacity-building activities conducted by UNSMIL and the implementation of the human rights due diligence policy on United Nations support to non-United Nations security forces. The High Commissioner concludes the report with recommendations for the Government of National Accord in Libya, all parties to the conflict and the international community.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
    Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy
    Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Acting Section Research Manager June 6, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Over 40 years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan government’s use of force against civilians and opposition forces seeking Qadhafi’s overthrow sparked an international outcry and led the United Nations Security Council to adopt Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. The United States military is participating in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce the resolution. Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and other partner governments also are participating. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents. Qadhafi remains defiant amid coalition air strikes and defections. His forces continue to attack opposition-held areas. Some opposition figures have formed an Interim Transitional National Council (TNC), which claims to represent all areas of the country. They seek foreign political recognition and material support. Resolution 1973 calls for an immediate cease-fire and dialogue, declares a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, and authorizes robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo on Libya established by Resolution 1970 of February 26.
    [Show full text]
  • Kuwaittimes 25-4-2018 .Qxp Layout 1
    SHAABAN 9, 1439 AH WEDNESDAY, APRIL 25, 2018 Max 33º 32 Pages Min 22º 150 Fils Established 1961 ISSUE NO: 17515 The First Daily in the Arabian Gulf www.kuwaittimes.net Kuwait submits ratified copy of Thirsty to thriving? Parched Pak Libya women footballers Liverpool hit five past 2 Paris Climate Agreement to UN 18 port aims to become new Dubai 32 struggle on and off pitch 16 Roma as Salah runs riot Philippines apologizes to Kuwait over ‘maid rescues’, envoy to stay MP claims labor row ‘cover’ for money laundering By Ben Garcia, B Izzak and Agencies responding to complaints of abuse from some of the 260,000 Filipinos working in Kuwait. “This was all MANILA: The Philippines’ top diplomat apologized done in the spirit of emergency action to protect yesterday after videos emerged of embassy staff help- Filipinos,” he said, stating that the embassy staff ing Filipinos flee from allegedly abusive employers in believed they were dealing with “life-or-death” situa- Kuwait. Kuwait had branded the rescues a violation of tions. “We respect Kuwaiti sovereignty and laws, but its sovereignty, adding fuel to a simmering diplomatic the welfare of Filipino workers is also very important,” row between the two nations sparked by the murder of Cayetano said, adding Kuwait had accepted the a Philippine maid. The first of two clips, which spread Philippines’ explanation. on social media after being released by the Philippine Some 10 million Filipinos work abroad and the mon- foreign ministry last week, shows a woman running ey they remit back is a lifeline of the Philippine econo- from a home and jumping into a waiting vehicle.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE the Arab Spring Abroad
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Arab Spring Abroad: Mobilization among Syrian, Libyan, and Yemeni Diasporas in the U.S. and Great Britain DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Sociology by Dana M. Moss Dissertation Committee: Distinguished Professor David A. Snow, Chair Chancellor’s Professor Charles Ragin Professor Judith Stepan-Norris Professor David S. Meyer Associate Professor Yang Su 2016 © 2016 Dana M. Moss DEDICATION To my husband William Picard, an exceptional partner and a true activist; and to my wonderfully supportive and loving parents, Nancy Watts and John Moss. Thank you for everything, always. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ACRONYMS iv LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiv INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DIASPORA MOVEMENT EMERGENCE CHAPTER 1: Diaspora Activism before the Arab Spring 30 CHAPTER 2: The Resurgence and Emergence of Transnational Diaspora Mobilization during the Arab Spring 70 PART II: THE ROLES OF THE DIASPORAS IN THE REVOLUTIONS 126 CHAPTER 3: The Libyan Case 132 CHAPTER 4: The Syrian Case 169 CHAPTER 5: The Yemeni Case 219 PART III: SHORT-TERM OUTCOMES OF THE ARAB SPRING CHAPTER 6: The Effects of Episodic Transnational Mobilization on Diaspora Politics 247 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion and Implications 270 REFERENCES 283 ENDNOTES 292 iii LIST OF ACRONYMS FSA Free Syria Army ISIS The Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, or Daesh NFSL National Front for the Salvation
    [Show full text]
  • Unhcr Position on the Designations of Libya As a Safe Third Country and As a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation Following Rescue at Sea
    UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA September 2020 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 1 Situation of Foreign Nationals (Including Asylum-Seekers, Refugees and Migrants)................................... 3 Humanitarian Situation ................................................................................................................................. 11 International Protection Needs of Foreign Nationals Departing from/through Libya .................................. 16 Libya as a Country of Asylum ...................................................................................................................... 16 Designation of Libya as Safe Third Country ................................................................................................ 16 Designation of Libya as a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation following Rescue at Sea ... 17 Introduction 1. This position supersedes and replaces UNHCR’s guidance on foreign nationals in Libya contained in the Position on Returns to Libya – Update II of September 2018; however, UNHCR guidance in relation to Libyan nationals and habitual residents as provided in the September
    [Show full text]
  • THE STATUS of WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS in LIBYA the Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya
    Ref: Al-monitor THE STATUS OF WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IN LIBYA The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا THE WHRD COALITION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Researcher: Hana Farhat Proofreading: Sawssan Abou Zahr Designer: Athar al-Aghar www.whrdmena.org www.facebook.com/whrdmena www.twitter.com/whrdmena 2 «One month ago, they tried to assassinate my son…he was driving my car, so maybe they want me. Maybe they want my family ...but this is not about Salwa – you know, there are many, many activists ... [that they have] «.targeted التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا Bugaighis speaking on the National Public Radio a few weeks before her death in 2014.1 1. J. Giovanni, “Mother of Libya’s Revolution Killed,”Newsweek, 7 November 2014. Available online: http:// europe.newsweek.com/mother-libyas-revolution-murdered260375-?rm=eu[Accessed 15 September 2016) 3 The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya Salwa Bugaighis was a prominent lawyer and Woman Human Rights Defender in Libya.She was instrumental during the Libyan revolution of 2011, following a career in defending political 17 demonstration of 2011 theprisoners National under Transitional Qaddafi’s Council, regime. the She uprising›s helped organise political the wing, February Salwa was vice-president of ain preparatory Benghazi, one committee of the first for protests national that dialogue ignited in the Libya.She political was uprising.As assassinated former in her member house of in Benghazi by unknown hooded men wearing military uniform on the 25thof June, 2014, on the same day as the elections for the House of Representatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded From: Usage Rights: Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Deriva- Tive Works 4.0
    Rashed, Warda Ali Salem (2018) The impact of vocabulary learning strat- egy instruction on Libyan EFL teachers and learners. Doctoral thesis (PhD), Manchester Metropolitan University. Downloaded from: https://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/620466/ Usage rights: Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Deriva- tive Works 4.0 Please cite the published version https://e-space.mmu.ac.uk THE IMPACT OF VOCABULARY LEARNING STRATEGY INSTRUCTION ON LIBYAN EFL TEACHERS AND LEARNERS WARDA ALI SALEM RASHED A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Manchester Metropolitan University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Languages, Information and Communications Manchester Metropolitan University 2018 Table of Contents LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................... 7 LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................ 9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ......................................................................... 12 ABSTRACT .................................................................................................. 13 ACKNOWLEDGMENT ................................................................................. 15 DEDICATION ............................................................................................... 16 1.0 Introduction ................................................................................... 17 1.1 General background .....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Country Manual for Workers on Temporary Contractual Employment
    COUNTRY MANUAL FOR WORKERS ON TEMPORARY CONTRACTUAL EMPLOYMENT TO LIBYA This document can also be used as Pre-Departure Information Manual March 2014 Country Manual - Libya CONTENTS PART – I ................................................................................................................................................ 4 GENERAL INFORMATION FOR OVERSEAS MIGRANTS .......................................................... 4 1. Definition ........................................................................................................................................ 4 2. The Present Situation .................................................................................................................. 4 3. The Emigration Act ....................................................................................................................... 4 4. Service Charge ............................................................................................................................. 4 5. Emigration Check Required (ECR) Category .......................................................................... 4 6. Countries with ECR status .......................................................................................................... 5 7. List of persons / categories of workers for whom Emigration Check is not required ......... 5 8. Guidelines for Emigration Clearance ........................................................................................ 6 8.1. Procedure for Emigration Clearance ................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A
    Who “Won” Libya? Who “Won” Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A. The Force-Diplomacy Debate and Its Whytock Implications for Theory and Policy Having promoted glo- bal radicalism and regional rejectionism, engaged in terrorism, and pursued weapons of mass destruction (WMD) for years, Libya has shifted away from its “rogue state” policies, most especially by settling the Pan Am 103 Lockerbie terrorism case and by abandoning its programs for the development of nu- clear, chemical, and biological weapons.1 The key policy changes started in 1999, when Libya surrendered two Lockerbie suspects for trial in The Hague, and culminated in 2003 with the settlement of the Lockerbie case that August and particularly Libya’s December 19 announcement that it had agreed to abandon its WMD programs and allow international inspections. The debate over who deserves credit for these important changes in Libyan policy is a lively one politically and a challenging one analytically.2 Among the questions that analysts have sought to answer are: To what extent was Libyan leader Muammar Qaddaª intimidated by the George W. Bush administration’s decision to invade Iraq and the broader Bush doctrine of preemptive force? How important was diplomacy, especially the secret talks between Libya and the United States that started late in Bill Clinton’s administration and contin- ued into the Bush administration, with the British playing a signiªcant role? What other factors, including Libya’s internal politics and economy, came into play? And what are the lessons for dealing with other terrorism-supporting, WMD-seeking, and otherwise aggressive states? Positions in this debate have been sharply staked out.
    [Show full text]
  • View / Download 10.1 Mb
    To Elif, Cüneyt and Mahir EXPLAINING DURATION OF LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARAB UPRISINGS THROUGH PERCEIVED POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES: COMPARING EGYPT AND SYRIA The Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by OSMAN BAHADIR DİNÇER In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SICENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2016 ABSTRACT EXPLAINING DURATION OF LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARAB UPRISINGS THROUGH PERCEIVED POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES: COMPARING EGYPT AND SYRIA Dinçer, Osman Bahadır Ph. D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Saime Özçürümez Bölükbaşı September 2016 Egyptian President Mubarak was forced to leave office after turbulent public protests that lasted eighteen days in 2011. Yet, in the Syrian case, we have currently been witnessing a completely different state of affairs. Hence, this comparative work is an attempt at exploring the dynamics of change within the context of domestic politics in two of the most important ‘Arab Spring’ countries, Egypt and Syria. The present research seeks to answer the following question: During the recent uprisings in the Arab world, why has the removal from office of the incumbent leader is less likely in Syria when compared to Egypt? The purpose of this research is two-fold. First, it investigates whether or not the historical trajectories [particularly from early 1970s to 2011] of these two states indicate a substantial difference in terms of being politically open or closed and in having different institutions with different characteristics. Second, it examines to what extent the strategies implemented by the regimes during the uprisings (January 25, 2011- February 11, 2011 [Egypt] and March 2011-2014 iii [Syria]) influence the claim-making capabilities of those opposition groups and the structure of elite alliances within the society and political scene.
    [Show full text]