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44 Germany’s Security Assistance to Tunisia: A Boost to Tunisia’s Long-Term Stability and Democracy? Anna Stahl, Jana Treffler IEMed. European Institute of the Mediterranean Consortium formed by: Board of Trustees - Business Council: Corporate Sponsors Partner Institutions Papers IE Med. Publication : European Institute of the Mediterranean Editorial Coordinator: Aleksandra Chmielewska Proof-reading: Neil Charlton Layout: Núria Esparza Print ISSN: 2565-2419 Digital ISSN: 2565-2427 Legal deposit: B 27451-2019 November 2019 This series of Papers brings together the result of research projects presented at the EuroMeSCo Annual Conference 2018. On the occasion of the EuroMeSCo Annual Conference “Changing Euro-Mediterranean Lenses”, held in Rabat on 12-13 July 2018, distinguished analysts presented indeed their research proposals related to developments in Europe and their impact on how Southern Mediterranean states perceive the EU and engage in Euro-Mediterranean cooperation mechanisms. More precisely, the papers articulated around three main tracks: how strategies and policies of external actors including the European Union impact on Southern Mediterranean countries, how the EU is perceived by the neighbouring states in the light of new European and Euro-Mediterranean dynamics, and what is the state of play of Euro-Mediterranean relations, how to revitalize Euro-Mediterranean relations and overcome spoilers. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility -
Situation of Human Rights in Libya, and the Effectiveness of Technical Assistance and Capacity-Building Measures Received by the Government of Libya
United Nations A/HRC/43/75 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 January 2020 Original: English Human Rights Council Forty-third session 24 February–20 March 2020 Agenda items 2 and 10 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Technical assistance and capacity-building Situation of human rights in Libya, and the effectiveness of technical assistance and capacity-building measures received by the Government of Libya Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Summary In the present report, submitted to the Human Rights Council pursuant to Council resolution 40/27, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights describes the situation of human rights in Libya from January to December 2019, and provides an overview of the work and technical assistance conducted by the Human Rights, Transitional Justice and Rule of Law Service of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR). The High Commissioner highlights key human rights issues relating to the protection of civilians in armed conflict, in particular its impact on women and children; the situation of migrants and refugees; the rights to freedom of opinion and expression; the administration of justice; and the support provided to victims of human rights violations. The High Commissioner also describes capacity-building activities conducted by UNSMIL and the implementation of the human rights due diligence policy on United Nations support to non-United Nations security forces. The High Commissioner concludes the report with recommendations for the Government of National Accord in Libya, all parties to the conflict and the international community. -
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Acting Section Research Manager June 6, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Over 40 years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan government’s use of force against civilians and opposition forces seeking Qadhafi’s overthrow sparked an international outcry and led the United Nations Security Council to adopt Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. The United States military is participating in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce the resolution. Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and other partner governments also are participating. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents. Qadhafi remains defiant amid coalition air strikes and defections. His forces continue to attack opposition-held areas. Some opposition figures have formed an Interim Transitional National Council (TNC), which claims to represent all areas of the country. They seek foreign political recognition and material support. Resolution 1973 calls for an immediate cease-fire and dialogue, declares a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, and authorizes robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo on Libya established by Resolution 1970 of February 26. -
Kuwaittimes 25-4-2018 .Qxp Layout 1
SHAABAN 9, 1439 AH WEDNESDAY, APRIL 25, 2018 Max 33º 32 Pages Min 22º 150 Fils Established 1961 ISSUE NO: 17515 The First Daily in the Arabian Gulf www.kuwaittimes.net Kuwait submits ratified copy of Thirsty to thriving? Parched Pak Libya women footballers Liverpool hit five past 2 Paris Climate Agreement to UN 18 port aims to become new Dubai 32 struggle on and off pitch 16 Roma as Salah runs riot Philippines apologizes to Kuwait over ‘maid rescues’, envoy to stay MP claims labor row ‘cover’ for money laundering By Ben Garcia, B Izzak and Agencies responding to complaints of abuse from some of the 260,000 Filipinos working in Kuwait. “This was all MANILA: The Philippines’ top diplomat apologized done in the spirit of emergency action to protect yesterday after videos emerged of embassy staff help- Filipinos,” he said, stating that the embassy staff ing Filipinos flee from allegedly abusive employers in believed they were dealing with “life-or-death” situa- Kuwait. Kuwait had branded the rescues a violation of tions. “We respect Kuwaiti sovereignty and laws, but its sovereignty, adding fuel to a simmering diplomatic the welfare of Filipino workers is also very important,” row between the two nations sparked by the murder of Cayetano said, adding Kuwait had accepted the a Philippine maid. The first of two clips, which spread Philippines’ explanation. on social media after being released by the Philippine Some 10 million Filipinos work abroad and the mon- foreign ministry last week, shows a woman running ey they remit back is a lifeline of the Philippine econo- from a home and jumping into a waiting vehicle. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE the Arab Spring Abroad
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Arab Spring Abroad: Mobilization among Syrian, Libyan, and Yemeni Diasporas in the U.S. and Great Britain DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Sociology by Dana M. Moss Dissertation Committee: Distinguished Professor David A. Snow, Chair Chancellor’s Professor Charles Ragin Professor Judith Stepan-Norris Professor David S. Meyer Associate Professor Yang Su 2016 © 2016 Dana M. Moss DEDICATION To my husband William Picard, an exceptional partner and a true activist; and to my wonderfully supportive and loving parents, Nancy Watts and John Moss. Thank you for everything, always. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ACRONYMS iv LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiv INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DIASPORA MOVEMENT EMERGENCE CHAPTER 1: Diaspora Activism before the Arab Spring 30 CHAPTER 2: The Resurgence and Emergence of Transnational Diaspora Mobilization during the Arab Spring 70 PART II: THE ROLES OF THE DIASPORAS IN THE REVOLUTIONS 126 CHAPTER 3: The Libyan Case 132 CHAPTER 4: The Syrian Case 169 CHAPTER 5: The Yemeni Case 219 PART III: SHORT-TERM OUTCOMES OF THE ARAB SPRING CHAPTER 6: The Effects of Episodic Transnational Mobilization on Diaspora Politics 247 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion and Implications 270 REFERENCES 283 ENDNOTES 292 iii LIST OF ACRONYMS FSA Free Syria Army ISIS The Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, or Daesh NFSL National Front for the Salvation -
Unhcr Position on the Designations of Libya As a Safe Third Country and As a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation Following Rescue at Sea
UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA September 2020 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 1 Situation of Foreign Nationals (Including Asylum-Seekers, Refugees and Migrants)................................... 3 Humanitarian Situation ................................................................................................................................. 11 International Protection Needs of Foreign Nationals Departing from/through Libya .................................. 16 Libya as a Country of Asylum ...................................................................................................................... 16 Designation of Libya as Safe Third Country ................................................................................................ 16 Designation of Libya as a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation following Rescue at Sea ... 17 Introduction 1. This position supersedes and replaces UNHCR’s guidance on foreign nationals in Libya contained in the Position on Returns to Libya – Update II of September 2018; however, UNHCR guidance in relation to Libyan nationals and habitual residents as provided in the September -
THE STATUS of WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS in LIBYA the Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya
Ref: Al-monitor THE STATUS OF WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IN LIBYA The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا THE WHRD COALITION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Researcher: Hana Farhat Proofreading: Sawssan Abou Zahr Designer: Athar al-Aghar www.whrdmena.org www.facebook.com/whrdmena www.twitter.com/whrdmena 2 «One month ago, they tried to assassinate my son…he was driving my car, so maybe they want me. Maybe they want my family ...but this is not about Salwa – you know, there are many, many activists ... [that they have] «.targeted التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا Bugaighis speaking on the National Public Radio a few weeks before her death in 2014.1 1. J. Giovanni, “Mother of Libya’s Revolution Killed,”Newsweek, 7 November 2014. Available online: http:// europe.newsweek.com/mother-libyas-revolution-murdered260375-?rm=eu[Accessed 15 September 2016) 3 The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya Salwa Bugaighis was a prominent lawyer and Woman Human Rights Defender in Libya.She was instrumental during the Libyan revolution of 2011, following a career in defending political 17 demonstration of 2011 theprisoners National under Transitional Qaddafi’s Council, regime. the She uprising›s helped organise political the wing, February Salwa was vice-president of ain preparatory Benghazi, one committee of the first for protests national that dialogue ignited in the Libya.She political was uprising.As assassinated former in her member house of in Benghazi by unknown hooded men wearing military uniform on the 25thof June, 2014, on the same day as the elections for the House of Representatives. -
Downloaded From: Usage Rights: Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Deriva- Tive Works 4.0
Rashed, Warda Ali Salem (2018) The impact of vocabulary learning strat- egy instruction on Libyan EFL teachers and learners. Doctoral thesis (PhD), Manchester Metropolitan University. Downloaded from: https://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/620466/ Usage rights: Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Deriva- tive Works 4.0 Please cite the published version https://e-space.mmu.ac.uk THE IMPACT OF VOCABULARY LEARNING STRATEGY INSTRUCTION ON LIBYAN EFL TEACHERS AND LEARNERS WARDA ALI SALEM RASHED A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Manchester Metropolitan University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Languages, Information and Communications Manchester Metropolitan University 2018 Table of Contents LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................... 7 LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................ 9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ......................................................................... 12 ABSTRACT .................................................................................................. 13 ACKNOWLEDGMENT ................................................................................. 15 DEDICATION ............................................................................................... 16 1.0 Introduction ................................................................................... 17 1.1 General background ..................................................................... -
Country Manual for Workers on Temporary Contractual Employment
COUNTRY MANUAL FOR WORKERS ON TEMPORARY CONTRACTUAL EMPLOYMENT TO LIBYA This document can also be used as Pre-Departure Information Manual March 2014 Country Manual - Libya CONTENTS PART – I ................................................................................................................................................ 4 GENERAL INFORMATION FOR OVERSEAS MIGRANTS .......................................................... 4 1. Definition ........................................................................................................................................ 4 2. The Present Situation .................................................................................................................. 4 3. The Emigration Act ....................................................................................................................... 4 4. Service Charge ............................................................................................................................. 4 5. Emigration Check Required (ECR) Category .......................................................................... 4 6. Countries with ECR status .......................................................................................................... 5 7. List of persons / categories of workers for whom Emigration Check is not required ......... 5 8. Guidelines for Emigration Clearance ........................................................................................ 6 8.1. Procedure for Emigration Clearance ................................................................................ -
Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A
Who “Won” Libya? Who “Won” Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A. The Force-Diplomacy Debate and Its Whytock Implications for Theory and Policy Having promoted glo- bal radicalism and regional rejectionism, engaged in terrorism, and pursued weapons of mass destruction (WMD) for years, Libya has shifted away from its “rogue state” policies, most especially by settling the Pan Am 103 Lockerbie terrorism case and by abandoning its programs for the development of nu- clear, chemical, and biological weapons.1 The key policy changes started in 1999, when Libya surrendered two Lockerbie suspects for trial in The Hague, and culminated in 2003 with the settlement of the Lockerbie case that August and particularly Libya’s December 19 announcement that it had agreed to abandon its WMD programs and allow international inspections. The debate over who deserves credit for these important changes in Libyan policy is a lively one politically and a challenging one analytically.2 Among the questions that analysts have sought to answer are: To what extent was Libyan leader Muammar Qaddaª intimidated by the George W. Bush administration’s decision to invade Iraq and the broader Bush doctrine of preemptive force? How important was diplomacy, especially the secret talks between Libya and the United States that started late in Bill Clinton’s administration and contin- ued into the Bush administration, with the British playing a signiªcant role? What other factors, including Libya’s internal politics and economy, came into play? And what are the lessons for dealing with other terrorism-supporting, WMD-seeking, and otherwise aggressive states? Positions in this debate have been sharply staked out. -
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To Elif, Cüneyt and Mahir EXPLAINING DURATION OF LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARAB UPRISINGS THROUGH PERCEIVED POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES: COMPARING EGYPT AND SYRIA The Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by OSMAN BAHADIR DİNÇER In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SICENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2016 ABSTRACT EXPLAINING DURATION OF LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARAB UPRISINGS THROUGH PERCEIVED POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES: COMPARING EGYPT AND SYRIA Dinçer, Osman Bahadır Ph. D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Saime Özçürümez Bölükbaşı September 2016 Egyptian President Mubarak was forced to leave office after turbulent public protests that lasted eighteen days in 2011. Yet, in the Syrian case, we have currently been witnessing a completely different state of affairs. Hence, this comparative work is an attempt at exploring the dynamics of change within the context of domestic politics in two of the most important ‘Arab Spring’ countries, Egypt and Syria. The present research seeks to answer the following question: During the recent uprisings in the Arab world, why has the removal from office of the incumbent leader is less likely in Syria when compared to Egypt? The purpose of this research is two-fold. First, it investigates whether or not the historical trajectories [particularly from early 1970s to 2011] of these two states indicate a substantial difference in terms of being politically open or closed and in having different institutions with different characteristics. Second, it examines to what extent the strategies implemented by the regimes during the uprisings (January 25, 2011- February 11, 2011 [Egypt] and March 2011-2014 iii [Syria]) influence the claim-making capabilities of those opposition groups and the structure of elite alliances within the society and political scene.