Boiling Mud: Towards a Comparative Political Economy of Venezuela and Alberta
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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: a Consequence of U.S
University at Albany, State University of New York Scholars Archive Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Honors Program Studies Fall 2019 Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: A Consequence of U.S. Economic Sanctions Joel Alexander Lopez University at Albany, State University of New York, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_honors Part of the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lopez, Joel Alexander, "Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: A Consequence of U.S. Economic Sanctions" (2019). Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Honors Program. 9. https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_honors/9 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies at Scholars Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Honors Program by an authorized administrator of Scholars Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: A Consequence of U.S. Economic Sanctions ALC S 495: LACS Departmental Honors Project Fall 2019 Joel Alexander Lopez Escobar 1 Introduction Significant trends of outward migration from Venezuela date back to the 1998 election of former Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez. These migratory trends may be attributed to a number of reasons such as political corruption, economic mismanagement and hyper-dependency on oil. Venezuelans have since fled from the political turmoil and extreme economic recession that continues to ravage their country and impoverish their families at an alarming rate. However, it was not until the year 2017 that migration in Venezuela skyrocketed into the state of crisis it is in today. -
LONCHENA-THESIS-2020.Pdf
FAILED STATES: DEFINING WHAT A FAILED STATES IS AND WHY NOT ALL FAILED STATES AFFECT UNITED STATES NATIONAL SECURITY by Timothy Andrew Lonchena A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland May 2020 2020 Timothy Lonchena All rights reserved Abstract: Failed States have been discussed for over the past twenty years since the terrorist attacks of the United States on September 11th, 2001. The American public became even more familiar with the term “failed states” during the Arab Spring movement when several countries in the Middle East and North Africa underwent regime changes. The result of these regime changes was a more violent group of terrorists, such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). This thesis will address how to define failed states to ensure there is an understood baseline when looking to determine if a state could possibly fail. Further, this thesis will examine the on-going debate addressing the question of those who claim failed states can’t be predicted and determine if analytic modeling can be applied to the identification of failed states. The thesis also examines the need to identify “failed states” before they fail and will also discuss the effects certain failed states have directly on United States national security. Given this, the last portion of this paper and argument to be addressed will determine if there are certain failing states that the United States will not provide assistance to, as it is not in the best interest of our national security and that of our allies. -
6 the Political Economy of Latin American Development
6 The Political Economy of Latin American Development One of the most pervasive themes in previous chapters has been the relation between institutions and growth-enhancing policies. In sharp contrast to our opening chapter, which focused on income inequalities and long-term growth trajectories dating back to Latin America's colonial period-when the region was predominantly rural-this chapter is closest in spirit to chapter 3 on state interven tion under ISL Specifically, this chapter analyzes the underlying political economy of populist upsurges in predominantly urban areas in which macroeconomic populisf!l has taken hold. The phenomenon is not new. Populism in Latin America dates back to the 1920s.1 More recently, political economy issues that emphasize the ethnical divide between Latin America's Europeans and mestizos and between indigenous and nonindigenous populations have been added to the new wave of populist topics in contemporary Latin America. Populism is difficult to define. In Latin America, however, the meaning of popu lism is slightly less difficult to determine. From an economist's standpoint, and paraphrasing Dornbusch and Edwards's groundbreaking work, largely inspired by twentieth-century Latin America, macroeconomic populism is an approach to economics that emphasizes growth and income distribution and deemphasizes the risk of inflation and deficit finance, external constraints, and the reaction of economic agents to aggressive nonmarket policies.2 Contrary to what chapter 4, with its focus on structural reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, may seem to indicate, macroeconomic populism is not just a ghost from the past. Populism in different forms and shapes is a twenty-first-century Latin American reality. -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
Eisenhower and the Overthrow of Rafael Trujillo by Stephen G. Rabe
Winter 1986 Eisenhower and the Overthrow of Rafael Trujillo by Stephen G. Rabe INTRODUCTION In the mid-1970s, in the aftermath of the Watergate scandals, journal ists, legislators, and scholars inquired into the Cold War activities of the Central Intelligence Agency. Among the most significant of the studies was the report, Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders, issued by the Select Senate Committee charged to study intelligence activities and chaired by Senator Frank.Church, Democrat of Idaho.1 The committee concluded that, during the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, U.S. officials plotted to kill Fidel Castro of Cuba and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. The senators also found that officials supplied weapons to Dominican dissidents whose aim was to assassinate Rafael Trujillo. Finally, they agreed that in 1963 the Kennedy administration had encour aged South Vietnamese generals to overthrow Ngo Dinh Diem and that in 1970 the Nixon government encouraged Chilean military officers to block Salvador Allende from assuming the office of President of Chile. Those plots led to the death of Diem and his brother, and General Rene Schneider, the Chilean Commander-in-Chief of the Army and a constitu tionalist opposed to military coups. Though the Church Committee found no evidence that U.S. officials favored the assassinations of the Diem brothers or Schneider, as a result of these findings, the U.S. Congress made assassination of foreign leaders illegal. While the senators determined that the United States had plotted against foreign leaders, they could not agree on who authorized the assas sination plots. The system of executive command and control, they noted, "was so ambiguous that it is difficult to be certain at what levels assassina tion activity was known and authorized." The CIA may have acted without explicit authorization from the presidents. -
When I Took an Extensive Trip to Chile, Brazil, Argentina, and Peru in The
/ Acknowledgments hen I took an extensive trip to Chile, Brazil, Argentina, and Peru in W the spring of 2006, I was not thinking of putting together a book on what has happened to women’s movements in Latin America. I had not done field research in the region since the mid-1990s, and from a distance it seemed that women’s movements had declined and that women were no longer considered political actors of any consequence. Instead of focusing on women, I therefore joined my husband in a series of interviews on political and economic conditions, eager to see at close range how these democracies were evolving in general and to assess the effects of globalization. Yet as I conducted interviews in Brazil, attended Michelle Bachelet’s in- auguration in Chile (and returned to Santiago for several weeks during the height of the debate on gender quotas), caught up with Peru in the period be- tween the first and second rounds of the 2006 election, and wrestled with the Kirchner phenomenon in Argentina, I came to realize that a new book was necessary. Women’s movements were not moribund, as some I interviewed had suggested, but were instead undergoing major shifts in strategy, and their agendas had changed. This book aims to capture the new directions of feminist activism and their implications for democracy and gender justice. It would be impossible to thank all the individuals who helped along the way. My greatest debt is to the authors themselves, who were enthusiastic from the beginning, grappled with the issues, and responded with good spirit to my editorial blandishments. -
How Castro Failed
Commentary How Castro Failed Norman Gall You call yourself, if I am not mistaken, a rev- forty-four Castro has more seniority in power olutionist. But you err in holding that future than any major world figure except Tito, Franco, revolutions will issue in freedom. In the past and Mao Tse-tung (all now approaching eighty) five hundred years, the principle of freedom has and has confirmed the old rule of Caribbean pol- outlived its usefulness. An educational system itics that these islands are small enough to be which still conceives itself as a child of the age kept in the pocket of a shrewd and of enlightenment, with criticism as its chosen tenacious dic- tator for medium of instruction, the liberation and cult a very long time. No dictator within of the ego, the solvent forms of life which are memory has combined Fidel Castro's prodigious absolutely fixed-such a system may still, for personal powers: great physical stamina and au- a time, reap an empty rhetorical advantage; dacity; a memory of near-total recall; an amazing but its reactionary character is, to the initiated, virtuosity at intrigue and maneuver; an imposing clearly beyond any doubt. All educational or- platform presence and an overpowering orator- ganizations worthy of the name have always ical style drawing with equal effectiveness on recognized what must be the ultimate and signifi- comic and sentimental histrionics. These gifts have cant principle of pedagogy: namely the absolute enabled Fidel Castro to obtain great sacrifices mandate, the iron bond, discipline, sacrifice, from the Cuban people while retaining a degree the renunciation of the ego, the curbing of the of popularity that has been extremely rare among personality. -
Stuck in a Caribbean Deadlock the Entrapment of Venezuelans Refugees in the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Stuck in a Caribbean deadlock The entrapment of Venezuelans refugees in the Kingdom of the Netherlands Jurre van Marwijk Student number: 4244842 Supervisor: prof. Dr Henk van Houtum Second reader: Rodrigo Beuno lacy Master Thesis – Human Geography specialisation in Conflicts, Territories and Identities Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen September 30th 2019 2 Abstract The collapse of the Venezuelan economy as a result of years of mismanagement has unleashed a chain of devastating events. For many Venezuelans, life has become unbearable, and roughly four million people had decided to leave the country. The Venezuelan exodus has spread throughout the Latin American region in the last couple of years. Also, the island of Curacao on just 60 kilometres north of Venezuela, has seen a relatively high number of refugees arriving, in comparison to their population. Their reaction to the increased arrival has been deplorable, and many Venezuelans are being detained as a first step towards certain deportation. The situation on the outer borders of the Kingdom of the Netherlands is unique as Curacao only gained their autonomous status in 2010 and has never experienced a similar situation. However, the experience and expertise of the Netherlands have not been shared with Curacao. The Netherlands has held on to their position claiming immigration is an internal affair of Curacao. Curacao, on the other hand, is not willing to arrange a humanitarian response to the immigration crisis, as they fear the impact of more migrants on their fragile island. The outcome of this combined approach is that the situation got stuck in a deadlock, with Venezuelan migrants entirely unable for manoeuvre. -
FINAL DRAFT State and Power After Neoliberalism in Bolivarian
UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title State and Power after Neoliberalism in Bolivarian Venezuela Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/86g3m849 Author Kingsbury, Donald V. Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ STATE AND POWER AFTER NEOLIBERALISM IN BOLIVARIAN VENEZUELA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICS with emphases in LATIN AMERICAN AND LATINO STUDIES and HISTORY OF CONSCIOUSNESS by Donald V. Kingsbury June 2012 The Dissertation of Donald V. Kingsbury is approved: ____________________________________ Professor Megan Thomas, Chair ____________________________________ Professor Juan Poblete ____________________________________ Professor Gopal Balakrishnan ____________________________________ Professor Michael Urban _________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Donald V. Kingsbury 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures iv Abstract v Acknowledgments vi I. Introduction 1 II. Between Multitude and Pueblo 53 III. The Problem with Populism 120 IV. The Power of the Many 169 V. The Discursive Production of a ‘Revolution’ 219 VI. ‘…after Neoliberalism?’ 277 VII. Conclusion 342 VIII. Bibliography 362 ! """! LIST OF FIGURES Figure 0.1 Seven Presidential elections and four referenda during the Bolivarian Revolution, 1998-2010. 18 Figure 1.1 "Every 11th has its 13th: The Pueblo is still on the street, but today it’s on the road to socialism!" 102 Figure 3.1 “Here comes the People’s Capitalism” 201 Figure 4.1: Advertisement of ‘Mi Negra’ Program 221 Figure 4.2 ¡Rumbo al Socialismo Bolivariano! 261 Figure 4.3. -
The Web of Fear Norman Gall
Document of the Fernand Braudel Institute of World Economics Associated with the Fundação Armando Alvares Penteado - N. 51 2020 Brazil seeks stability and justice The Web of Fear Norman Gall 1. The vibrant anarchy In the middle of the 19th Century, the Emperor of Brazil, Dom Pedro The incongruities of Brazil, linked to its size and potential wealth, II, made a ceremonial visit to an American warship anchored in the spec- produce prodigies of men and nature. One prodigy of nature is a spra- tacular harbor of Rio de Janeiro, with its sugar-loaf hills of granite rising wling expanse of some 200 million termite mounds, up to 4,000 years from the sea. “He came in a splendid barge, rowed by 30 African slaves, old, roughly equal in number to the current population of Brazil. The who, after the Brazilian manner, in concert rose upright to their oars at conical mounds, 2.5 meters tall, are spaced at regular intervals, covering every stroke; then sank backward again to their seats with a simultaneous interconnected tunnels beneath hundreds of thousands of square miles groan,” observed a young sailor, Herman Melville, later to write the classic of rolling countryside in the drier regions south of the Amazon Basin. novel Moby Dick. “He reclined under a canopy of yellow silk, looped with Scientists exploring this termite domain found no command structure, no tassels of green, the national colors. At the stern waved the Brazilian flag, royal chamber, discovering that “the mound structure exhibited none of bearing a large diamond figure in the center, emblematical, perhaps, of the complex architecture normally associated with termite mounds.” The the mines of precious stones in the interior…. -
Amnesty International, Human Rights & U.S. Policy
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, HUMAN RIGHTS & U.S. POLICY Maria Baldwin A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2006 Committee: Gary R. Hess, Advisor Franklin W. Goza Graduate Faculty Representative Robert Buffington Douglas Forsyth ii ABSTRACT Gary R. Hess, Advisor This dissertation assesses Amnesty International’s ability to influence U.S. foreign policy through an examination of its human rights campaigns in three different nations—Guatemala, the United States and the People’s Republic of China. While these nations are quite different from one another, according to Amnesty International they share an important characteristic; each nation has violated their citizens’ human rights. Sometimes the human rights violations, which provoked Amnesty International’s involvement occurred on a large scale; such as the “disappearances” connected with Guatemala’s long civil war or the imprisonment of political dissidents in the PRC. Other times the human rights violations that spurred Amnesty International’s involvement occurred on a smaller-scale but still undermined the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; such as the United States use of capital punishment. During the Guatemalan and Chinese campaigns Amnesty International attempted to influence the United States relations with these countries by pressuring U.S. policymakers to construct foreign policies that reflected a grave concern for institutionalized human rights abuse and demanded its end. Similarly during its campaign against the United States use of the death penalty Amnesty International attempted to make it a foreign policy liability for the United States. How effective Amnesty International has been in achieving these goals is the subject of this dissertation.