THE EMERALD GUIDE to MAX WEBER Emerald Guides to Social Thought Series Editor: John Scott
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6-908 Intellectual Property Policy
Policy Number: 6-908 Policy Name: Intellectual Property Policy Policy Revision Dates: 9/2018, 9/17, 8/10, 3/01, 6/99, 5/96, Page 1 2/88, 9/87, 9/85 6-908 Intellectual Property Policy The Arizona Board of Regents and the three universities that the board governs, are all dedicated to teaching, research, and the extension of knowledge to the public. The university community recognizes its responsibility to produce and disseminate knowledge. Inherent in this responsibility is the need to encourage the production of Scholarly Works and the development of Intellectual Property (IP), some of which may have potential commercial value. These activities contribute to the professional development of the individuals involved, enhance the reputation of the university in which they work, provide additional educational opportunities for participating students, and promote the public welfare. Board-Owned IP should be appropriately managed in the best interest of the state and the university system. This policy addresses ownership rights and revenue sharing for Board-Owned IP. Compliance with this policy is required for all employees as part of the terms of their employment. This policy also applies to non-employee students of the university and to anyone else who creates intellectual property with significant use of board or university resources. University-wide trademarks, logos, and other board or university indicia or identifiers are not subject to or covered by this policy. Definitions of capitalized terms are included in the final section of this policy. A. Ownership of Intellectual Property. 1. Board-Owned IP: a. The board owns all intellectual property in each of the following categories: (1) Any intellectual property created by an employee in the course and scope of employment; and (2) Any intellectual property created with the significant use of board or university resources. -
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title National Socialism Before Nazism: Friedrich Naumann and Theodor Fritsch, 1890-1914 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7bt808vx Author Kedar, Asaf Publication Date 2010 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California National Socialism Before Nazism: Friedrich Naumann and Theodor Fritsch, 1890-1914 By Asaf Kedar A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Mark Bevir, Chair Professor Wendy Brown Professor Martin Jay Spring 2010 National Socialism Before Nazism: Friedrich Naumann and Theodor Fritsch, 1890-1914 Copyright 2010 by Asaf Kedar Abstract National Socialism Before Nazism: Friedrich Naumann and Theodor Fritsch, 1890-1914 by Asaf Kedar Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Mark Bevir, Chair This dissertation is a rethinking and critique of the concept of “national socialism.” I show that this concept not only emerged in Germany years before Nazism, but also arose within the mainstream of German society, alongside and independently of parallel developments in the radical right. Alarmed by the dramatic rise of an internationalist, Marxist socialism in the years following German unification, a succession of prominent public figures gave voice to an alternative, nationalist reading of the social problems accompanying capitalist industrialization. This endeavor involved a wholesale reconceptualization of social life and social reform, and a marginalization of the concern for social justice and emancipation in favor of a preoccupation with national order, homogeneity, and power. -
Poverty and Human Rights Thomas Pogge Human Rights Would Be Fully Realized, If All Human Beings Had Secure Access to the Objects of These Rights
Poverty and Human Rights Thomas Pogge Human rights would be fully realized, if all human beings had secure access to the objects of these rights. Our world is today very far from this ideal. Piecing together the current global record, we find that most of the current massive underfulfillment of human rights is more or less directly connected to poverty. The connection is direct in the case of basic social and economic human rights, such as the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of oneself and one’s family, including food, clothing, housing, and medical care. The connection is more indirect in the case of civil and political human rights associated with democratic government and the rule of law. Desperately poor people, often stunted, illiterate, and heavily preoccupied with the struggle to survive, typically lack effective means for resisting or rewarding their rulers, who are therefore likely to rule them oppressively while catering to the interests of other, often foreign, agents (governments and corporations, for instance) who are more capable of reciprocation. The statistics are appalling. Out of a total of 6575 million human beings, 830 million are reportedly chronically undernourished, 1100 million lack access to safe water and 2600 million lack access to basic sanitation (UNDP 2006: 174, 33). About 2000 million lack access to essential drugs (www.fic.nih.gov/about/summary.html). Some 1000 million have no adequate shelter and 2000 million lack electricity (UNDP 1998: 49). Some 799 million adults are illiterate (www.uis.unesco.org). Some 250 million children between 5 and 14 do wage work outside their household with 170.5 million of them involved in hazardous work and 8.4 million in the “unconditionally worst” forms of child labor, which involve slavery, forced or bonded labor, forced recruitment for use in armed conflict, forced prostitution or pornography, or the production or trafficking of illegal drugs (ILO 2002: 9, 11, 17, 18). -
Lumpenproletariat, N. : Oxford English Dictionary 21/12/14 1:12 PM
lumpenproletariat, n. : Oxford English Dictionary 21/12/14 1:12 PM Oxford English Dictionary | The definitive record of the English language lumpenproletariat, n. Pronunciation: /!l"mp#npr#$l%&t'#r%#t/ Etymology: < German lumpenproletariat (K. Marx 1850, in Die Klassenkämpfe in Frankreich and 1852, in Der achtzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte), < lumpen , rag (lump ragamuffin: see LUMP n.1) + proletariat (see PROLETARIAT n.). A term applied, orig. by Karl Marx, to the lowest and most degraded section of the proletariat; the ‘down and outs’ who make no contribution to the workers' cause. 1924 H. KUHN tr. Marx Class Struggles France I. 38 The financial aristocracy, in its methods of acquisition as well as in its enjoyments, is nothing but the reborn Lumpenproletariat, the rabble on the heights of bourgeois society. 1942 New Statesman 17 Oct. 255/1 He [sc. Hitler] mixed with the Lumpen-proletariat, the nomadic outcasts in the no-man's-land of society. 1971 ‘P. KAVANAGH’ Triumph of Evil (1972) ii. 19 The rightist reaction of the white lumpenproletariat is easily imagined. Their instinctive response is racist and anti-intellectual. DERIVATIVES !lumpen adj. boorish, stupid, unenlightened, used derisively to describe persons, attitudes, etc., supposed to be characteristic of the lumpenproletariat; also ellipt. or as n. 1944 A. KOESTLER in Horizon Mar. 167 Thus the intelligentsia..becomes the Lumpen-Bourgeoisie in the age of its decay. 1948 J. STEINBECK Russ. Jrnl. (1949) ix. 220 This journal will not be satisfactory either to the ecclesiastical Left, nor the lumpen Right. 1949 A. WILSON Wrong Set 57 Like called to like. -
Werner Sombart's ʻovercomingʼ of Marxism
CHAPTER 27 Werner Sombart’s ʻOvercomingʼ of Marxism 27.1 The Historical School as ʻDigestive Scienceʼ (Rosa Luxemburg) The ʻolder historical schoolʼ of political economy, whose members included Wilhelm Roscher (1817–94), Bruno Hildebrandt (1812–78) and Karl Knies (1821– 98), emerged in the 1840s. It was a specifically ʻGermanʼ reaction both to the French Revolution and to the ʻWesternʼ cosmopolitanism of classical political economy from Smith to Ricardo.1 It was ostensibly concerned with opposing the ʻsurgical extractionʼ of the economy from the ʻliving bodyʼ of popular life and the life of the state, and in particular the ʻnarrow egotistic psychologyʼ according to which social actors are guided, in their economic behaviour, only by economic considerations, as opposed to ethical motives.2 If Machiavelli banished ethics from politics, Adam Smith performed the same operation for political economy, criticises Knies, who emphasises the significance of the ʻethico-political momentʼ for political economy and speaks of the discipline being ʻelevatedʼ to the status of a ʻmoral and political science’.3 At first glance, this seems to represent an integral approach to studying social practices. But behind this pathos of wholeness, there lies the definition of political economy as a ʻstate economyʼ concerned with ʻjudging men and ruling them’.4 The historical school developed from cameralism, which became the discipline of state science due to the Prussian path of capitalist develop- ment.5 Marx describes cameralism as ʻa medley of smatterings, through -
The German Influence on the Life and Thought of W.E.B. Dubois. Michaela C
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 2001 The German influence on the life and thought of W.E.B. DuBois. Michaela C. Orizu University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Orizu, Michaela C., "The German influence on the life and thought of W.E.B. DuBois." (2001). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2566. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2566 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE GERMAN INFLUENCE ON THE LIFE AND THOUGHT OF W. E. B. DU BOIS A Thesis Presented by MICHAELA C. ORIZU Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS February 2001 Political Science THE GERMAN INFLUENCE ON THE LIE AND THOUGHT OF W. E. B. DU BOIS A Master’s Thesis Presented by MICHAELA C. ORIZU Approved as to style and content by; Dean Robinson, Chair t William Strickland, Member / Jerome Mileur, Member ad. Department of Political Science ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I like would to thank my advisors William Strickland and Dean Robinson for their guidance, insight and patient support during this project as well as for the inspiring classes they offered. Many thanks also to Prof. Jerome Mileur for taking interest in my work and joining my thesis committee at such short notice. -
Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: the Problem of Unity Among German Intellectuals During World War I
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 5-2006 Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I Benjamin Taylor Shannon University of Tennessee, Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Shannon, Benjamin Taylor, "Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2006. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/4498 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Benjamin Taylor Shannon entitled "Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. Vejas Liulevicius, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: A. Denise Phillips, John Bohstedt Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Benjamin Taylor Shannon entitled "Cultural Consensus, Political Conflict: The Problem of Unity among German Intellectuals during World War I." I have examined the finalpaper copy of this thesis for formand content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. -
Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp's State
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Greitens, Jan Conference Paper — Manuscript Version (Preprint) Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp’s State Theory of Money: Monetary Theories during the Hyperinflation of 1923 Suggested Citation: Greitens, Jan (2020) : Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp’s State Theory of Money: Monetary Theories during the Hyperinflation of 1923, Annual Conference of the European Society for the History of Economic Thought (ESHET) 2020, Sofia., ZBW - Leibniz Information Centre for Economics, Kiel, Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/216102 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available -
Marx and Mendacity: Can There Be a Politics Without Hypocrisy?
Analyse & Kritik 01+02/2015 (© Lucius & Lucius, Stuttgart) S. 521 Martin Jay Marx and Mendacity: Can There Be a Politics without Hypocrisy? Abstract: As demonstrated by Marx's erce defence of his integrity when anonymously accused of lying in l872, he was a principled believer in both personal honesty and the value of truth in politics. Whether understood as enabling an accurate, `scientic' depiction of the contradictions of the present society or a normative image of a truly just society to come, truth-telling was privileged by Marx over hypocrisy as a political virtue. Contemporary Marxists like Alain Badiou continue this tradition, arguing that revolutionary politics should be understood as a `truth procedure'. Drawing on the alternative position of political theorists such as Hannah Arendt, who distrusted the monologic and absolutist implications of a strong notion of truth in politics, this paper defends the role that hypocrisy and mendacity, understood in terms of lots of little lies rather than one big one, can play in a pluralist politics, in which, pace Marx, rhetoric, opinion and the clash of values resist being subsumed under a singular notion of the truth. 1. Introduction In l872, an anonymous attack was launched in the Berlin Concordia: Zeitschrift für die Arbeiterfrage against Karl Marx for having allegedly falsied a quotation from an 1863 parliamentary speech by the British Liberal politician, and future Prime Minister, William Gladstone in his own Inaugural Address to the First International in l864. The polemic was written, so it was later disclosed, by the eminent liberal political economist Lujo Brentano.1 Marx vigorously defended himself in a response published later that year in Der Volksstaat, launching a bitter debate that would drag on for two decades, involving Marx's daughter Eleanor, an obscure Cambridge don named Sedly Taylor, and even Gladstone himself, who backed Brentano's version. -
September 2020
Econ Journal Watch Scholarly Comments on Academic Economics Volume 17, Issue 2, September 2020 COMMENTS Comment on Sen, Karaca-Mandic, and Georgiou on Stay-at-Home Orders and COVID-19 Hospitalizations in Four States John A. Spry 270–278 Reply to John Spry on Stay-at-Home Orders and COVID-19 Hospitalizations Soumya Sen, Pinar Karaca-Mandic, and Archelle Georgiou 279–281 The Moving to Opportunity Experiment: What Do Heterogeneous Estimates of the Effect of Moving Imply About Causes? Robert Kaestner 282–298 Response to “The Moving to Opportunity Experiment: What Do Heterogeneous Estimates of the Effect of Moving Imply About Causes?” Raj Chetty, Nathaniel Hendren, and Lawrence F. Katz 299–304 Re-examination of the Theoretical and Historical Evidence Concerning Colonial New Jersey’s Paper Money, 1709–1775: A Further Comment on Grubb Ronald W. Michener 305–332 Recalculating Gravity: A Correction of Bergstrand’s 1985 Frictionless Case Nico Stoeckmann 333–337 ECONOMICS IN PRACTICE Gender, Race and Ethnicity, and Inequality Research in the American Economic Review and the American Economic Association’s Conference Papers Jeremy Horpedahl and Arnold Kling 338–349 INTELLECTUAL TYRANNY OF THE STATUS QUO Professional Scholarship from 1893 to 2020 on Adam Smith’s Views on School Funding: A Heterodox Examination Scott Drylie 350–391 CHARACTER ISSUES Republicans Need Not Apply: An Investigation of the American Economic Association Using Voter Registration and Political Contributions Mitchell Langbert 392–404 Liberalism in Brazil Lucas Berlanza 405–441 WATCHPAD Dispute on Method or Dispute on Institutional Context? Foreword to the Translation of Carl Menger’s “Errors of Historicism” Karen Horn and Stefan Kolev 442–459 The Errors of Historicism in German Economics Carl Menger 460–507 What 21st-Century Works Will Merit a Close Reading in 2050?: First Tranche of Responses Niclas Berggren, Arthur M. -
The Interjurisdictional Migration of European Authors of Liberty, 1660 – 1961: a Quantitative Analysis1
1 January 12, 2016 THE INTERJURISDICTIONAL MIGRATION OF EUROPEAN AUTHORS OF LIBERTY, 1660 – 1961: A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS1 Niklas Potrafke2 Roland Vaubel3 Abstract Hume, Montesquieu and Kant were the first to suggest that the rise of liberty in Europe and the West has been due to political fragmentation and competition among rulers because the creative elites had the option of leaving the country in response to political repression. In this paper we estimate the extent to which emigrating authors of liberty actually reacted to such political and economic factors. We distinguish four types of repressive political events: restoration of an authoritarian monarchy, suppression of liberal protests, takeover by a totalitarian regime and occupation by a foreign repressive power. We test for additional explanations of emigration. Our sample of well-known authors of liberty includes 401 persons from twenty European countries in 1660 to 1961. Our logistic regressions yield the following main results. The repressive events did have significant and large effects on emigration with lags of up to five years. Emigration was also influenced by the author’s occupation and interjurisdictional income differentials. The probability of emigration was larger if the author was of middle age and lived in a small country but these effects were numerically small. The decision to emigrate was not affected by the author’s education. JEL classifications: F22, N33, Z18 _______________ 1 Acknowledgements: The authors thank Daniel Mannfeld, Felix Weber, Georg Arndt and Justina Fischer for tabulating the data and Justina Fischer and Jonathan Seiler for retrieving some of the data. We received helpful comments from Dennis Snower, David Stadelmann, Bengt-Arne Wickström and the participants of the World Public Choice Society Meetings 2012, the Silvaplana Workshop on Political Economy 2013, the CESifo Political Economy Workshop 2013 and two anonymous referees. -
Models of the Developmental State
Models of the developmental state Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira Abstract This paper seeks to understand the developmental state and its historical role in industrial revolutions and afterwards. First, the developmental state is defined as an alternative to the liberal state. Second, it is argued that industrial revolutions have always taken place within the framework of a developmental state. Third, four models of developmental states are defined according to the point in time at which the industrial revolution took place and the central or peripheral character of the country. Fourth, the paper describes how the state withdraws partially from the economy after the industrial revolution, but the developmental state continues to have a major role in directing industrial policy and in conducting an active macroeconomic policy. Keywords Public administration, economic planning, macroeconomics, liberalism, nationalism, economic policy, economic development JEL classification O10, O11, O19 Author Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira is an Emeritus Professor with the Department of Economics of the Sao Paulo School of Economics, Getulio Vargas Foundation, Brazil. Email: [email protected]. 36 CEPAL Review N° 128 • August 2019 I. Introduction In the 1950s, Brazilian political scientists and economists identified “developmentalism” as a set of political ideas and economic strategies that drove Brazil’s rapid industrialization and underpinned the coalition of social classes identified with national development. Hélio Jaguaribe (1962, p. 208) stated in the early 1960s that “the core thesis of developmentalism is that the promotion of economic development and the consolidation of nationality stand as two correlated aspects of a single emancipatory process”. Through “national developmentalism”, which would become the established term for the country’s development strategy, Brazilian society was successfully overcoming the patrimonial state that characterized its politics until 1930.