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Seven Atheisms
SEVEN ATHEISMS Andrew Walker SEVEN ATHEISMS Exploring the varieties of atheism in John Gray’s book Seven Types of Atheism Andrew Walker Emeritus Professor of Theology, Culture and Education, King’s College London Christian Evidence Society christianevidence.org Text copyright © Andrew Walker 2019 Published by the Christian Evidence Society, London, 2019 christianevidence.com All rights reserved Editing and design: Simon Jenkins Cover photograph by PhotoDu.de / CreativeDomainPhotography.com. Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0) license Contents Introduction 5 The seven atheisms 19th century atheism 6 Secular humanism 8 Science as religion 12 Modern politicial religion 15 God-haters 18 Atheism without progress 22 The atheism of silence 25 Conclusion 27 Index 30 Introduction John Gray’s Seven Types of Atheism (Allen Lane, 2018) is an important book for both religious and non-religious readers. John Gray, who describes himself as an atheist, is nevertheless critical of most versions of atheism. His attitude to atheism is the same as his attitude to certain types of religion. This attitude is predicated upon Gray’s conviction that human beings are intrinsically dissatisfied and unpredictable creatures who can never get along with each other for any length of time. His view is based on a reading of human nature that sails close to the wind of the Christian concept of original sin, and is out of step with most modern forms of atheism. In particular, Gray is allergic to any forms of cultural progress in human behaviour especially if they are couched in positivistic or evolutionary terms. 5 ATHEISM 1 19th century atheism Gray sets out his stall in his first chapter, ‘The New Atheism: A Nineteenth- century Orthodoxy’. -
Christianity, Natural Law and the So-Called Liberal State
Christianity, Natural Law and the So-called Liberal State James Gordley According to the Book of Genesis, “God said, ‘Let us make man in our image, after our likeness.’ So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them.” (Gen. 1:26–7) Here, my former colleague Jeremy Waldron has said, is “a doctrine [that]is enormously attractive for those of us who are open to the idea of religious foundations for human rights.”1 What is special about man is that he is created in the image of God. Waldron noted that “[m]any object to the political use of any deep doctrine of this kind. For some, this is a special case of a Rawlsian commitment to standards of public reason generally.”2 He quotes Rawls: “In discussing constitutional essentials and matters of basic justice we are not to appeal to comprehensive religious or philosophical doctrines” but only to “plain truths now widely accepted, and available, to citizens generally.”3 I will come back to this objection later. Rawls’ claim is particularly important for present purposes since he has said the most about what other people can and cannot say in the public forum. Waldron’s own difficulty is with “the further question of what work [this doctrine] can do.”4 Why does it matter? He quoted Anthony Appiah who said, “[w]e do not have to agree that we are created in the image of God ... to agree that we do not want to be tortured by government officials.”5 Towards the end of his article Waldon noted that “[c]onsistently, for almost the whole of the Christian era imago Dei [the image of God] has been associated with man’s capacity for practical reason...”6 He quoted Thomas Aquinas: “man is united to God by his reason or mind, in which is God’s image.”7 I think if he had pursued this point further he could have answered his question. -
The Wesleyan Enlightenment
The Wesleyan Enlightenment: Closing the gap between heart religion and reason in Eighteenth Century England by Timothy Wayne Holgerson B.M.E., Oral Roberts University, 1984 M.M.E., Wichita State University, 1986 M.A., Asbury Theological Seminary, 1999 M.A., Kansas State University, 2011 AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2017 Abstract John Wesley (1703-1791) was an Anglican priest who became the leader of Wesleyan Methodism, a renewal movement within the Church of England that began in the late 1730s. Although Wesley was not isolated from his enlightened age, historians of the Enlightenment and theologians of John Wesley have only recently begun to consider Wesley in the historical context of the Enlightenment. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the complex relationship between a man, John Wesley, and an intellectual movement, the Enlightenment. As a comparative history, this study will analyze the juxtaposition of two historiographies, Wesley studies and Enlightenment studies. Surprisingly, Wesley scholars did not study John Wesley as an important theologian until the mid-1960s. Moreover, because social historians in the 1970s began to explore the unique ways people experienced the Enlightenment in different local, regional and national contexts, the plausibility of an English Enlightenment emerged for the first time in the early 1980s. As a result, in the late 1980s, scholars began to integrate the study of John Wesley and the Enlightenment. In other words, historians and theologians began to consider Wesley as a serious thinker in the context of an English Enlightenment that was not hostile to Christianity. -
From Liberalisms to Enlightenment's Wake
JOURNAL OF IBERTARIAN TUDIES S L S JL VOLUME 21, NO. 3 (FALL 2007): 79–114 GRAY’S PROGRESS: FROM LIBERALISMS TO ENLIGHTENMENT’S WAKE JEREMY SHEARMUR The progress of that darkness . from its first approach to the period of greatest obscuration. William Robertson, History of the Reign of Charles the Fifth I HAVE KNOWN JOHN Gray for quite a few years, and have long admired his work. We were among the (very few) political theorists in the U.K. who, in the early 1970s, had an interest in the work of Hayek, and more generally in issues relating to classical liberalism. During the 1980s, he emerged as the most powerful and effective theorist of classical liberalism in the U.K., notably through his re- interpretations of John Stuart Mill in Mill on Liberty (1983a), his Hayek and Liberty (1984), and his overview and critical assessment of the lib- eral tradition, Liberalism (1986). We had, over the years, various dis- cussions about Hayek and liberalism—as Gray mentions in his Hayek on Liberty—and in that connection we shared many intellectual con- cerns; notably, with problems about how classical liberalism related to particular traditional cultures, and about the value of lives that did not involve autonomy in any significant sense. Our discussions about these and related matters were occasional, and typically by telephone or at Liberty Fund conferences. In the course of one of these conversations, I suggested to Gray that he might consider col- lecting some of his essays on liberalism into a volume, as he kindly JEREMY SHEARMUR is Reader in Philosophy at the Australian National University. -
Curriculum Vitae (Updated August 1, 2021)
DAVID A. BELL SIDNEY AND RUTH LAPIDUS PROFESSOR IN THE ERA OF NORTH ATLANTIC REVOLUTIONS PRINCETON UNIVERSITY Curriculum Vitae (updated August 1, 2021) Department of History Phone: (609) 258-4159 129 Dickinson Hall [email protected] Princeton University www.davidavrombell.com Princeton, NJ 08544-1017 @DavidAvromBell EMPLOYMENT Princeton University, Director, Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies (2020-24). Princeton University, Sidney and Ruth Lapidus Professor in the Era of North Atlantic Revolutions, Department of History (2010- ). Associated appointment in the Department of French and Italian. Johns Hopkins University, Dean of Faculty, School of Arts & Sciences (2007-10). Responsibilities included: Oversight of faculty hiring, promotion, and other employment matters; initiatives related to faculty development, and to teaching and research in the humanities and social sciences; chairing a university-wide working group for the Johns Hopkins 2008 Strategic Plan. Johns Hopkins University, Andrew W. Mellon Professor in the Humanities (2005-10). Principal appointment in Department of History, with joint appointment in German and Romance Languages and Literatures. Johns Hopkins University. Professor of History (2000-5). Johns Hopkins University. Associate Professor of History (1996-2000). Yale University. Assistant Professor of History (1991-96). Yale University. Lecturer in History (1990-91). The New Republic (Washington, DC). Magazine reporter (1984-85). VISITING POSITIONS École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Visiting Professor (June, 2018) Tokyo University, Visiting Fellow (June, 2017). École Normale Supérieure (Paris), Visiting Professor (March, 2005). David A. Bell, page 1 EDUCATION Princeton University. Ph.D. in History, 1991. Thesis advisor: Prof. Robert Darnton. Thesis title: "Lawyers and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Paris (1700-1790)." Princeton University. -
Property and Ownership
Property and Ownership Gerald Gaus 1 PRIVATE PROPERTY: FUNDAMENTAL OR PASSÉ? For the last half century, thinking within political philosophy about private property and ownership has had something of a schizophrenic quality. The classical liberal tradition has always stressed an intimate connection between a free society and the right to private property.1 As Ludwig von Mises put it, “the program of liberalism....if condensed to a single word, would have to read: property, that is, private ownership....”2 Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State and Utopia, drawing extensively on Locke, gave new life to this idea; subsequently a great deal of political philosophy has focused on the justification (or lack of it) of natural rights to private property.3 Classical liberals such as Eric Mack — also drawing extensively on Locke’s theory of property — have argued that “the signature right of any rights-oriented classical liberalism is the right of self-ownership.”4 In addition, Mack argues that “we have the same good reasons for ascribing to each person a natural right of property” in “extrapersonal objects.”5 Each individual, Mack contends, has “an original, nonacquired right … to engage in the acquisition of extrapersonal objects and in the disposition of those acquired objects as one sees fit in the service of one’s ends.”6 Essentially, one has a natural right to become an owner of external property. Not all contemporary classical liberals hold that property rights are natural, but all insist that strong rights to private property are essential for a free society.7 Jan Narveson has recently defended the necessity in a free society of property understood as “a unitary concept, explicable as a right over a thing owned, against others who are precluded from the free use of it to which ownership entitles the owner.”8 GAUS/2 The “new liberal” project of showing that a free society requires robust protection of civil and political rights, but not extensive rights of private property (beyond personal property) has persistently attacked this older, classical, liberal position. -
History 2014
History 2014 press.princeton.edu CONTENTS 1 general interest 16 politics & society in 24 economic history 5 world history twentieth-century america 26 ancient history 8 jewish history 18 u.s. history 28 medieval & early 10 jews, christians & muslims 20 america in the world modern history from the ancient to the 21 human rights & crimes 30 princeton classics modern world against humanity 30 history of science 11 middle eastern history 22 the public square 31 isaiah berlin 12 european history 23 asian | east asian history 32 index | order form LETTER FROM THE EDITOR Princeton’s History list o ers many treasures in 2014. Clearly, one of the year’s most important books is the highly anticipated English edition of Jürgen Osterhammel’s magni cent The Transformation of the World: A Global History of the Nineteenth Century. The Times Literary Supplement, which reviewed the German edition, hailed it as “a work of tremendous conceptual precision, breadth and insight, a masterpiece that sets a new benchmark for debates on the history of world society.” For scholars interested in East European history, Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern’s The Golden Age Shtetl: A New History of Jewish Life in East Europe o ers a surprising new take on the Jewish market towns that were home to two-thirds of East Europe’s Jews in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Jacqueline Bhabha’s new book, Child Migration and Human Rights in a Global Age, is the rst to integrate all aspects of child migration in a global perspective; it is at the same time an activist’s book, arguing for a compelling new international ethics of children’s human rights. -
Balkan Liberalisms: Historical Routes of a Modern Ideology
BALKAN LIBERALISMS: HISTORICAL ROUTES OF A MODERN IDEOLOGY Diana Mishkova Introduction In the Balkans, as in other places in Europe, liberalism is inextricably linked with the construction of modernity. Liberal ideas and movements triggered the emergence of the first concepts of modern rule and the first modern institutions in the region. Under their banner the struggles for national unification and independence were waged and a concept of legitimate government different from the traditional one was introduced: a representative government, as opposed to an autocratic or a bureau- cratic one, enacted by the liberals themselves on behalf of the sovereign nation. Liberalism presents a case of ideational and institutional transfer that changed the nature of politics: its premises and institutionalization meant not just new technical rules or organizational forms but a new form of politics. The liberal parties constituted the first modern political parties in the Balkans with a distinct conception about the arrangement of society based not simply on experience but on knowledge and visions of the future as well. And yet liberalism’s historical role with respect to Balkan political modernity, its local theoretical and institutional incarna- tions and its legacy continue to raise a number of basic yet under-studied questions. Why were the ‘rational’ modern legitimacy and the advent of political modernity in the newly emerging Balkan states predicated on the adoption of the liberal ideology? Which messages and institutional forms attracted the -
Exploring Requirements for Effective Deterrence of Interstate Aggression
What Deters and Why Exploring Requirements for Effective Deterrence of Interstate Aggression Michael J. Mazarr, Arthur Chan, Alyssa Demus, Bryan Frederick, Alireza Nader, Stephanie Pezard, Julia A. Thompson, Elina Treyger C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2451 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0064-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2018 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: Three ROK soldiers watching the border at Panmunjeom in the DMZ between North and South Korea/Henrik Ishihara via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0) Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project enti- tled What Deters and Why: Lessons of Deterrence Theory and Practice for U.S. -
The Abolition of Emerson: the Secularization of America’S Poet-Priest and the New Social Tyranny It Signals
THE ABOLITION OF EMERSON: THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICA’S POET-PRIEST AND THE NEW SOCIAL TYRANNY IT SIGNALS A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Justin James Pinkerman, M.A. Washington, DC February 1, 2019 Copyright 2019 by Justin James Pinkerman All Rights Reserved ii THE ABOLITION OF EMERSON: THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICA’S POET-PRIEST AND THE NEW SOCIAL TYRANNY IT SIGNALS Justin James Pinkerman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Dr. Richard Boyd, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Motivated by the present climate of polarization in US public life, this project examines factional discord as a threat to the health of a democratic-republic. Specifically, it addresses the problem of social tyranny, whereby prevailing cultural-political groups seek to establish their opinions/sentiments as sacrosanct and to immunize them from criticism by inflicting non-legal penalties on dissenters. Having theorized the complexion of factionalism in American democracy, I then recommend the political thought of Ralph Waldo Emerson as containing intellectual and moral insights beneficial to the counteraction of social tyranny. In doing so, I directly challenge two leading interpretations of Emerson, by Richard Rorty and George Kateb, both of which filter his thought through Friedrich Nietzsche and Walt Whitman and assimilate him to a secular-progressive outlook. I argue that Rorty and Kateb’s political theories undercut Emerson’s theory of self-reliance by rejecting his ethic of humility and betraying his classically liberal disposition, thereby squandering a valuable resource to equip individuals both to refrain from and resist social tyranny. -
A Critique of John Gray's "Post-Liberalism" Gregory R
Reason Papers The Non-Sequitur of Value-Relativism : A Critique of John Gray's "Post-Liberalism" Gregory R. Johnson,' Morehouse College In recent years, John Gray has transformed himself from a liberal theorist to a critic of liberal theory. Unlike most critics of liberal theory, however, Gray criticizes it not because it is liberal, but because it is theory. In fact, Gray is a strong defender of liberal society and practices, but his defense is self-consciously historicist rather than theoretical. The main statement of Gray's critique of liberal theory and defense of liberal practices is his essay "What is Dead and What is Living in ~iberalism."~What follows is primarily an exposition and critique of this article's argument. Gray's essay has two purposes. First, he wishes to argue that "liberalism, as a political philosophy, is . dead" (284). What Gray calls "liberalism as a political philosophy," he also calls "doctrinal" liberalism, "fundamentalist" liberalism, and "foundationalist"liber- alism. This phenomenon is characterized by the ideas of umive~salism,individualism, egalitarianism, and meliorism. Doctrinal liberalism is the view that individual rights and human equality are universally valid moral principles, which serve as the standard for legitimating all political regimes, regardless of time, place, or cultural differences. Doctrinal liberalism, in short, is the view that liberalism is a rationally defensible way of life for all human beings and the yardstick for historical progress. Gray's second purpose is to argue that what is living in liberalism is modern "civil society,~~a form of life characterized by individualism, egalitarianism, pluralism, toler- ance, meliorism, and even a form of universalism. -
The Constitution and the Other Constitution
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 10 (2001-2002) Issue 2 Article 3 February 2002 The Constitution and The Other Constitution Michael Kent Curtis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Repository Citation Michael Kent Curtis, The Constitution and The Other Constitution, 10 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 359 (2002), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol10/iss2/3 Copyright c 2002 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj THE CONSTITUTION AND THE OTHER CONSTITUTION Michael Kent Curtis* In this article,Professor Michael Kent Curtisexamines how laws thatshape the distributionof wealth intersect with and affectpopularsovereigntyandfree speech and press. He presents this discussion in the context of the effect of the Other Constitutionon The Constitution. ProfessorCurtis begins by taking a close-up look at the current campaignfinance system and the concentrationof media ownership in a few corporate bodies and argues that both affect the way in which various politicalissues arepresented to the public, ifat all. ProfessorCurtis continues by talking about the origins of our constitutional ideals ofpopular sovereignty and free speech andpressand how the centralizationof economic power has limited the full expression of these most basic of democratic values throughout American history. Next, he analyzes the Supreme Court's decision in Buckley v. Valeo, the controlling precedent with respect to the constitutionality of limitations on campaign contributions. Finally, ProfessorCurtis concludes that the effect of the Other Constitution on The Constitution requires a Television Tea Party and a government role in the financingofpolitical campaigns.